THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

NEW   YORK    •   BOSTON  •   CHICAGO    •  DALLAI 
ATLANTA    •    SAN   FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LIMITED 

LONDON   •  BOMBAY    •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  LTD. 

TORONTO 


A 

HISTORY   OF   EDUCATION 

IN   MODERN   TIMES 


BY 
FRANK  PIERREPONT  GRAVES,  PH.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF 

PENNSYLVANIA.      FORMERLY  PROFESSOR  OF  THE  HISTORY 

OF  EDUCATION   IN   THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  MISSOURI 

AND    IN    OHIO    STATE    UNIVERSITY 


Nrro  $nrk 
THE  MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

1917 

All  righ's  reserved 


COPYRIGHT,  1913, 
BY   THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  December,  1913.     Reprinted 
April,  December,  1914  ;  July,  1915;  April,  1917. 


Nottooofi  $rr«9: 
Berwick  &  Smith  Co.,  Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


Education 

/     '.-. 

"/  / 


TO 

JAMES  ROWLAND  ANGELL 

TEACHER   AND   FRIEND 


9SG759 


PREFACE 

The  present  work  is  a  continuation  of  A  History  of 
Education  before  the  Middle  Ages  and  A  History  of  Educa- 
tion during  the  Middle  Ages  and  the  Transition  to  Modern 
Times.  In  a  measure  it  covers  the  same  period  as  the 
Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries;  but,  as  indicated  in 
the  preface  to  that  book,  the  purpose  and  method  of 
approach  of  the  two  works  are  quite  different.  The 
biographical  material  has  here  been  reduced  to  a  mini- 
mum; more  attention  is  given  to  general  educational 
movements  than  to  individual  reformers ;  and  an  attempt 
has  been  made  to  select  and  interpret  the  facts  of  the 
successive  chapters  in  such  a  way  as  to  form  a  connected 
narrative,  and  to  furnish  a  suitable  historical  and  social 
perspective.  To  obtain  such  a  setting,  it  has  seemed  well 
to  interweave  a  certain  amount  of  political  history. 
Owing,  however,  to  the  extent  and  ramifications  of 
modern  historical  movements,  such  ancillary  matter  has 
proved  less  tractable  and  illuminating,  and  has  been  given 
less  prominence  than  in  the  preceding  volumes.  And 
while  I  have  continued  to  view  the  educational  process 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  development  of  individualism, 
the  greater  complexity  of  the  subject-matter  and  a  due 
respect  for  the  facts  have  saved  me  from  taking  this 
interpretation  too  seriously.  Save  for  the  brief  initial 
and  concluding  chapters,  there  is  little  express  reference 
to  it. 

vii 


Vlli  PREFACE 

More  striking  characteristics  of  the  book  will  probably 
be  found  in  the  emphasis  laid  upon  educational  institu- 
tions and  practices,  rather  than  upon  theoretical  develop- 
ment; and  in  the  larger  place  given  to  American  educa- 
tion. The  account  of  each  educational  movement  has 
included  at  least  an  attempt  to  trace  its  influence  upon 
the  content,  method,  and  organization  of  education  in 
this  country,  while  three  chapters  have  been  devoted 
exclusively  to  the  rise  of  our  educational  system.  For 
this  somewhat  special  point  of  view,  I  trust  that  no 
apology  is  needed,  as  the  book  is  intended  primarily 
for  use  in  the  United  States,  and  will  be  of  service  to  our 
teachers  largely  as  it  succeeds  in  focusing  the  educational 
progress  of  this  country.  It  will  be  quite  possible, 
however,  for  those  readers  in  England  and  other  coun- 
tries, who  have  been  so  hospitable  in  their  reception  of 
my  former  works,  to  neglect  or  curtail  these  parts  of  the 
book,  and  still  have  a  body  of  material  sufficient  to 
represent  satisfactorily  the  history  of  education  during 
the  past  two  centuries. 

While  this  book  has  been  written  to  complete  a  series 
of  three  volumes  and  render  them  available  for  use  as  a 
continuous  text  in  courses  upon  the  history  of  education, 
it  can  be  used  quite  independently  of  the  previous  pub- 
lications. By  itself  it  may  serve  as  a  reading  circle 
adoption,  a  text-book,  or  a  work  of  reference.  In 
institutions  where  only  a  term  or  a  semester  can  be 
afforded  the  history  of  education,  or  where  the  teacher 
holds  that  there  is  little  material  of  significance  to 
American  education  prior  to  the  eighteenth  century,  it  is 
hoped  that  it  may  fill  a  long-felt  want.  But  whatever 
the  particular  purpose  it  may  be  made  to  serve,  the 


PREFACE  ix 

liberal  citation  of  sources  and  the  selected  lists  of  supple- 
mentary reading  should  prove  of  considerable  value. 

In  preparing  this  volume  for  press,  1  have  received 
help  from  several  quarters.  For  rendering  more  accurate 
my  descriptions  of  educational  administration  in  Europe 
(Chapter  IX)  and  of  the  modern  scientific  movement 
(Chapter  X),  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  Professor  F.  E. 
Farrington  of  Columbia  University  and  to  Professor 
G.  R.  Twiss  of  the  Ohio  State  University  respectively. 
I  owe  a  more  extensive  debt  to  Professor  J.  H.  Coursault 
of  the  University  of  Missouri,  Professor  A.  J.  Jones  of  the 
University  of  Maine,  and  Professor  W.  H.  Kilpatrick  of 
Columbia  University,  who  have  read  through  practically 
my  entire  manuscript,  and  suggested  a  wide  variety  of 
changes.  Likewise  my  wife,  Helen  Wadsworth  Graves, 
has  been  ever  at  hand  to  advise  and  assist  me. 

F.  P.  G. 

PHILADELPHIA, 

November,  1913. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

THE  MISSION  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY      .         .         .         i 

The  Eighteenth  Century  as  a  Period  of  Individualism. 
The  Development  of  Socialization.  The  Two  Epochs 
in  the  Eighteenth  Century. 

CHAPTER  II 

NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION      ......        5 

The  Training  and  Times  of  Rousseau.  Rousseau's 
Earlier  Works.  Purpose  of  the  Emile.  The  Five  Books 
of  the  Emilc.  Merits  and  Defects  of  the  Emile.  The 
Break  with  Social  Traditions.  The  Social  Movements 
in  Modern  Education.  The  Scientific  Movement  in 
Modern  Education.  The  Psychological  Movements  in 
Modern  Education.  The  Spread  of  Rousseau's  Doc- 
trines. Development  of  Basedow's  Educational  Re- 
forms. Course  and  Methods  of  the  Philanthropinum. 
Influence  of  the  Philanthropinum. 

CHAPTER  III 

PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  .        .         .         .         .         -35 

English  Social  and  Educational  Conditions  in  the 
Eighteenth  Century.  The  Foundation  of  'Charity 
Schools.'  The  Schools  of  the  Society  for  the  Promotion 
of  Christian  Knowledge.  Other  British  Charity  Schools. 
The  Schools  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel.  Charity  Schools  among  the  Pennsylvania 
Germans.  The  'Sunday  School'  Movement  in  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States.  The  'Monitorial'  Sys- 
xi 


xii  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

tern  in  England  and  America.  'Infant  Schools'  in 
France,  Great  Britain,  and  the  United  States.  'Primary 
Schools'  in  Boston.  'Infant  Schools'  in  New  York  and 
Other  Cities.  The  Importance  of  Philanthropic  Educa- 
tion. 

CHAPTER  IV 

RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  IN  AMERICA         .         .         .78 

Gradual  Development  of  Public  Education  in  the 
United  States.  Conditions  in  Europe  from  which  Amer- 
ican Education  Developed.  Early  Education  in  the 
South.  Virginia  as  the  Type  of  Aristocratic  Education. 
Peculiarities  in  the  Other  Southern  Commonwealths. 
The  Parochial  Schools  and  Further  Development  in  the 
Colony  and  State  of  New  York.  New  York  City.  De- 
velopment in  Pennsylvania.  Early  Education  in  New 
Jersey  and  Delaware.  Decline  of  Education  in  Massa- 
chusetts. Similar  History  of  Other  New  England 
States.  Early  Organization  of  Education  in  Rhode 
Island.  Extension  of  Educational  Organization  to  the 
Northwest.  Common  Schools  Prior  to  the  Awakening. 

CHAPTER  V 

OBSERVATION  AND  INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION     .     1 20 

Pestalozzi  as  the  Successor  of  Rousseau.  Pcstalozzi's 
Industrial  School  at  Neuhof.  Leonard  and  Gertrude. 
His  School  at  Stanz  and  the  Observational  Methods. 
The  'Institute'  at  Burgdorf.  II ow  Gertrude  Teaches 
Her  Children.  The  'Institute'  at  Yverdon.  Pesta- 
lozzi's  Educational  Aim.  His  General  Method.  The 
Permanent  Influence  of  Pestalozzi.  The  Spread  of  Pes- 
talozzianism  through  Europe.  Pestalozzianism  in  the 
United  States.  Pestalozzi's  Industrial  Training  Con- 
tinued by  Fellcnberg.  The  Institutions  at  Hofwyl. 
Fellenberg's  Educational  Aim  and  Course.  Industrial 
Training  in  the  Schools  of  Europe.  Industrial  Institu- 
tions in  the  United  States. 


CONTENTS  xiii 

CHAPTER  VI 

PAGE 

THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      .         .165 

Location,  Time,  and  Scope  of  the  Revival.  Early 
Leaders  in  the  Awakening.  Work  of  James  G.  Carter. 
Horace  Mann  as  Secretary  of  the  Massachusetts  Board. 
Aids  and  Obstacles  to  Mann's  Reforms.  The  Educa- 
tional Suggestions  and  Achievements  of  Mann.  Henry 
Barnard's  Part  in  the  Educational  Awakening.  Barnard 
as  Secretary  of  the  Connecticut  Board.  Commissioner 
in  Rhode  Island.  State  Superintendent  in  Connecticut. 
Barnard's  American  Journal  of  Education.  First  United 
States  Commissioner  of  Education.  Value  of  Barnard's 
Educational  Collections. 

CHAPTER  VII 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE  .     191 

Froebel  and  Herbart  as  Disciples  of  Pestalozzi.  The 
Early  Career  and  Writings  of  Herbart.  Moral  Revela- 
tion of  the  World  and  Science  of  Education.  Seminary 
and  Practice  School  at  Konigsberg.  Outlines  of  Educa- 
tional Doctrine.  /Herbart's  Psychology.  Moral  and 
Religious  Aim  of  Education.  'Many-sided  Interest' 
and  'Historical'  and  'Scientific'  Studies.  'Correla- 
tion,' 'Concentration,'  'Culture  Epochs.'  The  'Formal 
Steps  of  Instruction.'  The  Value  and  Influence  of 
Herbart's  Principles.  Extension  of  His  Doctrines  in 
Germany  and  the  United  States.  Froebel's  Early 
Life.  His  Adoption  of  Teaching.  The  School  at 
Keilhau  and  the  Education  of  Man.  Development  of 
the  Kindergarten  and  Froebel's  Later  Works.  Froebel's 
Principle  of  'Unity.'  'Self-activity'  and  'Creative- 
ness.'  The  Social  Aspect  of  Education.  The  Kinder- 
garten, Mother-Play,  Gifts,  and  Occupations.  The 
Value  of  Froebel's  Principles.  Spread  of  Froebelianism 
through  Europe  and  the  United  States.  The  Influence 
of  Herbart  and  Froebel. 


xiv  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  VIII 

PAGE 

LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION  IN  THE  UNITED 

STATES 256 

Common  Schools  in  New  England  since  the  Revival. 
Influence  of  the  Awakening  upon  the  Middle  States. 
Public  Education  in  the  West.  Organization  of  State 
Systems  in  the  South. 

CHAPTER  IX 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS      .         -275 

National  Systems  in  Europe  and  Canada.  Early  His- 
tory of  German  Educational  Institutions.  The  Be- 
ginning of  Central  Control  in  Prussia.  Reforms  of 
Frederick  William  I  and  Frederick  the  Great.  Further 
Development  of  a  National  System.  External  Organiza- 
tion of  the  Prussian  System.  Volksschulen  and  Mittel- 
schulen.  Gymnasien  and  Other  Secondary  Schools. 
Universities.  Educational  Institutions  in  France  before 
the  Revolution.  Educational  Development  since  the 
Revolution.  The  Primary  System.  Lycees  and  Com- 
munal Colleges.  Universities  and  Other  Higher  Insti- 
tutions. Administration  of  the  French  System.  Eng- 
lish Education  before  the  Nineteenth  Century.  Move- 
ments Leading  to  the  Act  of  1870.  Development  of 
Board  Schools.  Education  Act  of  1902.  Types  of  Edu- 
cation in  Canada.  The  System  of  Ontario.  Systems  in 
Other  Provinces.  Comparison  of  Modern  School  Sys- 
tems. 

CHAPTER  X 

THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT       .         .         .         -320 

The  Development  of  the  Natural  Sciences  in  Modern 
Times.  Growth  of  Inventions  in  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury. Herbert  Spencer  and  What  Knowledge  Is  of  Most 
Worth.  Huxley's  Advocacy  of  the  Sciences.  Combe, 
Youmans,  and  Eliot.  The  Disciplinary  Argument  for 


CONTENTS  xv 

PAGE 

the  Sciences.  Introduction  of  the  Sciences  into  the  Edu- 
cational Institutions  of  Germany,  France,  England,  and 
the  United  States.  Interrelation  of  the  Scientific  with 
the  Psychological  and  Sociological  Movements. 

CHAPTER  XI 

PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        .         .         -356 

Recent  Attempts  at  a  Reconstruction  of  Educational 
Practice.  The  Growth  of  Industrial  Training.  Indus- 
trial Education  in  Germany,  France,  England,  and  the 
United  States.  Commercial  Education  in  Germany, 
England,  France,  and  the  United  States.  Recent  Em- 
phasis upon  Agricultural  Education.  Moral  Training  in 
Europe  and  the  United  States.  Education  for  Defec- 
tives. Recent  Development  of  Educational  Method. 
The  Experimental  School  of  Dewey.  The  Method 
of  Montessori.  The  Statistical  Method  and  Mental 
Measurements  in  Education.  Education  and  the 
Theory  of  Evolution. 

CHAPTER  XII 

THE  EDUCATIONAL  OUTLOOK  .         .         .         .         -397 

Progress  since  the  Eighteenth  Century.  The  Eight- 
eenth Century  as  the  Beginning  of  Modern  Times.  The 
Harmonization  of  the  Individual  and  Society. 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


A   HISTORY   OF   EDUCATION 
IN    MODERN   TIMES 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  MISSION   OF   THE   EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY 

The  Eighteenth  Century  as  a  Period  of  Individual- 
ism. —  In  a  work  by  that  most  brilliant  of  '  literary  '  his- 
torians, Thomas  Carlyle,  occurs  the  following  character- 
ization: — 

"This  epoch  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  properly  the  End. 
The  End  of  a  Social  System  which  for  above  a  thousand  years 
had  been  building  itself  together,  and,  after  that,  had  begun,  for 
some  centuries  (as  human  things  all  do),  to  moulder  down.  .  .  . 
At  length,  in  the  course  of  it,  there  comes  a  time  when  the  moulder- 
ing changes  into  a  rushing;  active  hands  drive  in  their  wedges, 
set  to  their  crowbars.  Instead  of  here  and  there  a  stone  falling 
out,  whole  masses  tumble  down,  torches  too  are  applied,  and  the 

rotten  easily  takes  fire."  l 

J  In  the  eight- 

eenth century 

And  to  one  inclined  to  philosophize  about  the  events  are  found  the 

....-„,  climax  of  the 

of  history,  the  eighteenth  century  is  indeed  filled  with  rebellion 

interest  and  significance.     In  this  imaginary  demarca-  ^^st  theau 

tion  of  time  appear  to  be  summed  up  all  the  institutions  thority  of 

and  developments  of  the  seventeen  preceding  centuries  state,  and  the 


of  Christianity,  and  here  may  be  found  the  climax  of  pe™^0*  e*- 

.  .  .  treme  individ- 

that  rebellion  against  authority  and  the  enslavement  of  uaiism. 


1  Carlyle,  Diderot,  in  the  Foreign  Quarterly  Review,  1833. 

I 


2  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

the  individual  which  had  periodically  been  manifesting 
itself  from  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Prior  to  this 
century  men  had  for  the  most  part  found  their  law  in  the 
realm  of  traditions  and  institutional  activity.  The  two 
chief  sources  of  authority  and  control  were  those  power- 
ful bodies,  the  church  and  the  state.  To  these  Europe 
was  accustomed  to  look  for  guidance,  and,  as  long  as 
the  reins  were  loosely  held,  there  was  but  little  complaint. 
It  was  generally  the  deprivation  of  rights  and  the  cur- 
tailment of  privileges  that  stirred  up  restless  souls  to 
wonder  whence  these  institutions  procured  their  author- 
ity and  by  what  right  they  exercised  their  arbitrary  rule. 
One  revival  after  another — the  Renaissance,  the  Refor- 
mation, realism,  Puritanism,  Pietism — had  burst  forth 
with  great  enthusiasm  and  promises  of  emancipation, 
only  to  fade  gradually  away  or  harden  into  a  new 
formalism  and  authoritative  standard.  Yet  with  each 
effort  something  was  really  accomplished  for  freedom  and 
progress,  and  the  way  was  paved  for  the  seemingly 
abrupt  break  from  tradition  that  appears  to  mark  the 
period  roughly  included  in  the  eighteenth  century.1  At 
this  point  it  is  evident  that  despotism  and  ecclesiasticism 
were  at  length  becoming  thoroughly  intolerable,  and  a 
series  of  effective  revolts  was  made  from  the  traditional, 
irrational,  and  formal  in  church  and  state.  The  in- 
dividual tended  to  assert  his  right  to  be  an  end  in  himself, 
and  at  times  all  institutional  barriers  were  swept  aside. 
This  destruction  went  to  an  extreme  in  the  French  Revo- 
lution, and  for  a  time  individualism  ran  wild. 

The  Development  of  Socialization. — But  society  could 
not  pause  here  long.     The  freed  individual  had  to  be 
1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  Chapter  XX. 


MISSION  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  3 

given  some  direction,  and  some  way  had  to  be  sought  But  the  nine- 

by  which  these  rights  he  had  secured  might  function,  twentieth01 

Without  guidance  or   socialization  of  any   sort,   pure  centuries  have 

individualism   must   have   resulted   in   anarchy.     The  date  this  " 

more  the  individualistic  movement  succeeds,  then,  the  movement 

'  m  [  and  produce 

more  necessary  it  is  to  ascertain  what  the  individual  an  era  of 
has  to  do  and  how  he  is  to  do  it.  The  main  tendencies  s 
of  the  eighteenth  century  would  logically  have  resulted 
in  disintegration,  had  not  the  nineteenth  century  made 
a  conscious  effort  to  justify  the  eighteenth,  and  bring 
out  the  positions  that  were  only  implied  in  the  negations 
of  the  latter.  It  is  not  alone  the  individual  as  such  that 
has  interested  the  nineteenth  century,  but  more  and 
more  the  individual  in  relation  to  the  social  whole  to 
which  he  belongs,  as  it  is  only  in  this  way  that  his  con- 
duct can  be  evaluated.  Thus,  while  the  mission  of  the 
eighteenth  century  may  be  interpreted  as  tending 
largely  toward  free  movement  and  getting  the  individual 
under  way,  the  mission  of  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth 
has  been  gradually  to  regulate  this  movement, — to  know 
the  law  and  help  the  individual  to  adjust  himself  to  it. 
If  the  one  period  seem  an  abrupt  revolution  from  the 
preceding  centuries  and  'the  End  of  a  Social  System/ 
the  other  may  be  considered  a  natural  evolution  from 
its  predecessor  and  the  rude  beginning  of  aeons  of 
possibilities  for  the  individual  and  society.  Thus  the 
main  movements  of  the  eighteenth  century  may  be  said 
to  have  but  cleared  the  deck  for  action  in  modern  times. 

The  Two  Epochs  in  the  Eighteenth  Century.— But  in  the  first 

.  ,  it.  half  of  the 

this  revolt  of  the  eighteenth  century  from  absolutism  eighteenth 
in  politics,  religion,  and  thought  falls  naturally  into  two  j^JJ*^6 
parts.    During  the  first  half  of  the  century  the  move-  against  cede- 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


siastical  re- 
pression; in 
the  second, 
against 
political. 
The  former 
movement  is 
typi6ed  by 
the  rational- 
ism of  Vol- 
taire; the 
latter  by  the 
naturalism  of 
P-cusseau. 


ment  was  directed  against  repression  in  theology  and 
intellect,  and  during  the  second  half  against  repression 
in  politics  and  the  rights  of  man.  The  former  tendency 
appears  in  the  onslaught  upon  the  church  made  by  the 
rationalism  and  skepticism  of  such  men  as  Locke, 
Voltaire,  and  the  encyclopedists,1  while  the  latter  be- 
comes evident  chiefly  in  the  emotionalism  and  'nat- 
uralism' of  Rousseau.  Although  these  aspects  of  the 
movement  somewhat  overlapped  each  other  and  had 
certain  features  in  common,  they  should  be  clearly 
distinguished.  The  one  prepared  the  way  for  the  other 
by  seeking  to  destroy  existing  abuses,  especially  of  the 
Church,  by  the  application  of  reason,  but  it  soon  de- 
generated into  skepticism  and  an  intellectual  despotism. 
It  undertook  an  absolute  break  from  the  old  system  of 
society  and  thought,  but  it  gave  no  ear  to  the  claims 
of  the  masses.  It  sought  merely  to  replace  the  tradi- 
tionalism and  despotism  of  the  clergy  and  monarch  with 
the  dogmatism  and  tyranny  of  an  intellectual  few  and 
with  irreligion  and  rationalistic  materialism.  In  dis- 
tinction to  this  rule  of  'reason/  'naturalism'  declared 
that  the  intellect  could  not  always  be  trusted  as  the 
proper  monitor,  but  that  conduct  could  better  be  guided 
by  the  emotions  as  the  true  expression  of  nature.  It 
opposed  the  control  of  intellectual  aristocracy  and 
demanded  rights  for  the  common  man.  But  to  grasp 
the  significance  of  this  later  phase  of  the  eighteenth 
century  revolt,  with  its  far-reaching  effect  upon  educa- 
tion and  society  in  general,  we  must  turn  to  another  chap- 
ter and  study  more  in  detail  the  positions  of  Rousseau, 
its  chief  exponent  and  popularizer. 

1  Op.  tit.,  Chapter  XIX. 


CHAPTER  II 

NATURALISM   IN  EDUCATION 

The  Training  and  Times  of  Rousseau.  —  The  exposi-  Rousseau; 
tion  and  advocacy  of  '  naturalism  '  by  Rousseau  find  a  and  early  sur- 
ready  explanation  in  his  antecedents  and  career.    The  foundings 

J         r  largely  ac- 

theories  of  no  man  are  more  clearly  a  product  of  his  count  for  his 


heredity,  experience,  and  times,  and  they  should  be  ^  ioveC°of 
viewed  in  this  setting.    Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  (1712-  nature>  sym- 

.    {  pathy  for  the 

1778)  was  born  in  the  simple  Protestant  city  of  poor,  and  un- 
Geneva,  but  his  father,  a  watchmaker,  was  descended 
from  a  Parisian  family.  The  latter  inherited  much  of 
the  romanticism,  mercurial  temperament,  and  love  of 
pleasure  of  his  forbears,  and  was  most  irresponsible  in 
his  attitude  toward  his  son.  The  mother  of  Rousseau, 
too,  although  the  daughter  of  a  clergyman,  was  of  a 
morbid  and  sentimental  disposition.  She  died  at  the 
birth  of  Jean  Jacques,  and  the  child  was  brought  up  by 
an  indulgent  aunt,  who  made  little  attempt  to  instil  in 
him  any  real  moral  principles.  Naturally  Rousseau  early 
showed  a  tendency  toward  emotionalism  and  a  want  of 
self-control.  His  early  years  from  eight  to  ten  were 
spent  in  the  village  of  Bossey,  just  outside  Geneva, 
where  he  had  been  sent  with  a  cousin  of  about  the  same 
age  to  be  educated.  Here  his  love  of  nature,  which  had 
already  been  cultivated  by  the  beauties  of  Genevan 
environment,  was  greatly  heightened.  He  found  a 
wonderful  enjoyment  in  the  rural  life,  until  a  severe 

5 


6  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

punishment  for  a  boyish  offense  turned  all  to  dross. 
After  this  the  boy  returned  to  Geneva  and  spent  a 
couple  of  years  in  idleness  and  sentimentality.  Then, 
during  trade  apprenticeships,  lasting  four  years,  he  was 
further  corrupted  by  low  companions.  Eventually  he 
ran  away  from  the  city,  and  spent  several  years  in 
vagrancy,  menial  service,  and  dissoluteness.  During 
this  time  the  beauties  of  nature  were  more  than  ever 
impressed  upon  the  youth  by  the  wonderful  scenery  of 
the  Savoy  country  through  which  he  passed.  His  educa- 
tion meanwhile  was  somewhat  improved  by  incidental 
instruction  from  a  relative  of  one  of  the  families  he  served 
and  through  Madame  de  Warens,  a  person  of  easy  morals 
and  considerable  beauty.  Through  occasional  wander- 
ings he  also  learned  to  sympathize  with  the  condition  of 
the  poor  and  oppressed.  At  length  he  gravitated  to 
Paris,  where  he  was  forced  to  earn  a  livelihood  for  him- 
self and  a  coarse  and  stupid  servant  girl,  with  whom  he 
lived  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  thus  began  to  develop 
some  sense  of  responsibility. 

These  per-  While  Rousseau's  days  of  vagabondage  were  now  over, 
teristics  were  they  had  left  an  ineffaceable  stamp  upon  him.  His 
in  keeping  sensitiveness,  impulsiveness,  love  of  nature,  and  sym- 

with  certain 

general  senti-  pathy  for  the  poor,  together  with  his  inaccurate  and 
times3  °  C  unsystematic  education,  were  ever  afterward  in  evidence. 
Further,  it  should  be  noted  that  these  characteristics 
of  Rousseau  blended  well  with  a  body  of  inchoate  senti- 
ments and  vague  longings  of  this  period  that  were 
striving  for  expression.  These  were  the  days  of  Louis 
XV  and  royal  absolutism,  when  the  administration  of 
all  affairs  in  the  kingdom  was  controlled  nominally  by 
the  monarch,  but  really  by  the  small  clique  of  idle  and 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  7 

extravagant  courtiers  about  him.  It  was  necessary  for 
those  who  had  any  desire  for  advancement  to  seek  to 
attach  themselves  to  the  court  and  adopt  its  elaborate 
rules  and  customs.  In  consequence,  a  most  artificial 
system  of  etiquette  and  conduct  had  grown  up  every- 
where in  the  upper  class  of  society.  Under  this  veneer 
and  extreme  conventionality  the  degraded  peasants 
were  ground  down  by  taxation,  deprived  of  their  rights, 
and  obliged  to  minister  to  the  pleasure  of  a  vicious  leisure 
class.  But  against  this  oppression  and  decadence  there 
had  gradually  arisen  an  undefined  spirit  of  protest  and 
a  tendency  to  hark  back  to  simpler  conditions.  There 
had  come  into  the  air  a  feeling  that  the  despotism  and 
artificiality  of  the  times  were  due  to  the  departure  of 
civilized  man  from  an  original  beneficent  state  of  nature, 
and  that  above  all  legislation  and  institutions  was  a 
natural  law  in  complete  harmony  with  the  divine  will. 
Hence  it  happened  that  Rousseau,  emotional,  uncon- 
trolled, and  half-trained,  was  destined  to  bring  to  con- 
sciousness and  give  voice  to  the  revolutionary  and 
'naturalistic  ideas  and  tendencies  of  the  century.  He  was 
overwhelmed  by  the  number  of  existing  abuses  and  bad 
institutions,  and  easily  came  to  hold  that  all  social 
regulation  was  wrong,  and,  having  turned  his  back  upon 
social  traditions,  he  found  his  guide  in  nature. 

Rousseau's  Earlier  Works.  —  It  was  some  time  before  TO  these  tend- 
Rousseau  crystallized  this  spirit  of  the  age  and  resultant 


of  his  own  experience  in  any  writing.    But  in  1750,  by  Prize  essays 

'  .  upon    T/ie 

a  curious  accident,  he  undertook  a  literary  work,  which  progress  of  the 

at  once  lifted  him  into  fame.     The  preceding  year  the  ^r(5.and,  7Tlie 

&   J  Origin  of  In- 

Academy  of  Dijon  !  had  proposed  as  a  theme  for  a  equality,   and 
1  A  few  of  the  larger  cities  of  France  had,  in  imitation  of  Paris,  founded 


8  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

prize  essay:  Has  the  progress  of  the  sciences  and  arts  con- 
tributed to  corrupt  or  to  purify  morals?  This  inquiry 
seems  to  have  suddenly  brought  to  a  focus  all  the  chaotic 
thought  that  had  been  surging  within  him,  and  with 
much  fervor  and  conviction,  though  rather  illogically,  he 
declared  that  the  existing  oppression  and  corruption  of 
society  were  due  to  the  advancement  of  civilization. 
Rousseau's  essay  was  successful  in  the  competition  and 
created  a  tremendous  stir.  Three  years  later  he  com- 
peted for  another  prize  offered  by  the  same  academy  on 
the  subject:  The  Origin  of  Inequality  among  Men.  In 
this  discourse  Rousseau  again  holds  that  the  physical 
and  intellectual  inequalities  of  nature  which  existed  in 
primitive  society  were  scarcely  noticeable,  but  that, 
with  the  growth  of  civilization,  most  oppressive  dis- 
tinctions arose,  especially  through  the  institution  of 
private  property. 

This  point  of  view  in  a  somewhat  modified  form  he 
continued  to  embody  in  writings  at  the  village  of  Mont- 
morency,  whither  he  soon  withdrew  from  the  hypocrit- 
ical and  cold-blooded  atmosphere  of  Paris.  Here  in  1759 
he  produced  his  remarkable  romance,  The  New  Heloise, 
and  three  years  later  he  published  his  influential  essay 
in  The  New  on  political  ethics,  known  as  the  Social  Contract,  and 
,  ^at  most  revolutionary  treatise  on  education,  the  Emile. 
The  New  Heloise  departs  somewhat  from  the  complete 
return  to  nature  sought  in  the  two  prize  discourses.  It 
commends  a  restoration  of  as  much  of  the  primitive 
simplicity  of  living  as  the  crystallized  traditions  and 

'academies'  for  the  discussion  of  scientific  and  philosophic  questions. 
Of  these  institutions  one  of  the  earliest  and  most  prominent  was  that  of 
Dijon. 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  9 

institutions  of  society  will  permit.  In  the  Social  Con- 
tract, Rousseau  also  finds  the  ideal  state,  not  in  that  of 
nature,  but  in  a  society  managed  by  the  people,  where 
simplicity  and  natural  wants  control,  and  aristocracy 
and  artificiality  do  not  exist. 

Purpose  of  the  Entile. — But  the  work  that  has  made  The 
the  name  of  Rousseau  famous  and  most  concerns  us  piace  the  for- 
here  is  his  Emile.    This  treatise  and  the  two  prize  dis-  ™i  education 

A  of     the     day 

courses  their  author  declared  to  be  "three  inseparable  with  a  natural 

works,  which  together  form  a  single  whole."    He  might  t 

well  have  included  also  the  New  Heloise  and  the  Social 

Contract,  especially  as  the  Emile  assumes  more  nearly 

the  modified  position  of  the  later  works,  and  undertakes 

to  show  how  education  might  minimize  the  drawbacks 

of  civilization  and  bring  man  as  near  to  nature  as  possible. 

As  the  Social  Contract  and  his  discourses  were  written  to 

counteract  the  oppressive  social  and  political  conditions, 

the  Emile  aims  to  replace  the  conventional  and  formal 

education  of  the  day  with  a  training  that  should  be 

natural  and  spontaneous.     We  learn   that  under  the 

current  ancien  regime  little  boys  had  their  hair  powdered, 

wore  a  sword,  "the  chapeau  under  the  arm,  a  frill,  and 

a  coat  with  gilded  cuffs,"  that  a  girl  was  dressed  in 

equally  ridiculous  imitation  of  a  fashionable  woman, 

and  that  education  was  largely  one  of  deportment  and 

the  dancing  master,  for  "this  is  to  be  the  great  thing 

for  them  when  they  become  men  and  women,  and  for 

this  reason  it  is  the  thing  of  chief  importance  for  them  as 

children."  J     On  the  intellectual  side,   education  was 

1  Taine,  The  Ancient  Regime,  p.  137.  Read  S.  C.  Parker's  clear  and 
interesting  presentation  of  this  'dancing-master  education'  in  his  History 
of  Modern  Elementary  Education,  Chap.  VII. 


10  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

largely  traditional  and  consisted  chiefly  of  a  training  in 
Latin  grammar,  words,  and  memoriter  work.  Rousseau 
scathingly  criticised  these  practices  and  pleaded  for 
reform.  In  the  Emile  he  applies  his  ' negative'  and 
naturalistic  principles  to  the  education  of  an  imaginary 
pupil  of  that  name  "from  the  moment  of  his  birth  up  to 
the  time  when,  having  become  a  mature  man,  he  will  no 
longer  need  any  other  guide  than  himself."  He  begins 
the  work  with  a  restatement  of  his  basal  principle  that 
"everything  is  good  as  it  comes  from  the  hands  of  the 
Author  of  Nature;  but  everything  degenerates  in  the 
hands  of  man."  After  elaborating  this,  he  shows  that 
we  are  educated  by  "three  kinds  of  teachers — nature, 
man,  and  things,  and  since  the  cooperation  of  the  three 
educations  is  necessary  for  their  perfection,  it  is  to  the 
one  over  which  we  have  no  control  (i.  e.  nature)  that  we 
must  direct  the  other  two."  Education  must,  therefore, 
conform  to  nature, 
in  the  first  pe-  The  Five  Books  of  the  Emile. — Now  the  natural 

riod,  Emile's         ..  ,  ,,.,_.,.  . 

education        objects,  through  which  Emile  is  to  be  educated,  remain 
consists  of      the  same  kut  Emile  himself  changes  from  time  to  time. 

physical  ac- 
tivities; In  so  far,  therefore,  as  he  is  to  be  the  guide  of  how  he  is 

to  be  educated  in  a  natural  environment,  his  impulses 
must  be  examined  at  different  times  in  his  life.  Hence 
the  work  is  divided  into  five  parts,  four  of  which  deal 
with  Emile's  education  in  the  stages  of  infancy,  child- 
hood, boyhood,  and  youth  respectively,  and  the  fifth 
with  the  training  of  the  girl  who  is  to  become  his  wife. 
The  characteristics  of  the  different  periods  in  the  life  of 
Emile  are  marked  by  the  different  things  he  desires. 
In  the  first  book,  which  takes  him  from  birth  to  five 
years  of  age,  his  main  desire  is  for  physical  activities,  and 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  n 

he  should,  therefore,  be  placed  under  simple,  free,  and 
healthful  conditions  which  will  enable  him  to  make  the 
most  of  these.  He  must  be  removed  to  the  country, 
where  he  will  be  close  to  nature,  and  farthest  from  the 
contaminating  influences  of  civilization.  His  growth 
and  training  must  be  as  spontaneous  as  possible.  He 
must  have  nothing  to  do  with  either  medicine  or  doctors, 
"unless  his  life  is  in  evident  danger;  for  then  they  can  do 
nothing  worse  than  kill  him."  His  natural  movements 
must  not  be  restrained  by  caps,  bands,  or  swaddling 
clothes,  and  he  should  be  nursed  by  his  own  mother. 
He  should  likewise  be  used  to  baths  of  all  sorts  of  tem- 
perature. In  fact,  the  child  should  not  be  forced  into 
any  fixed  ways  whatsoever,  since  with  Rousseau,  habit 
is  necessarily  something  contrary  to  impulse  and  so  un- 
natural and  a  thing  to  be  shunned.  "The  only  habit," 
says  he,  "which  the  child  should  be  allowed  to  form  is 
to  contract  no  habit  whatsoever."  His  playthings  should 
not  be  "gold  or  silver  bells,  coral,  elaborate  crystals, 
toys  of  all  kinds  and  prices,"  but  such  simple  products 
of  nature  as  "branches  with  their  fruits  and  flowers,  or 
a  poppy-head  in  which  the  seeds  are  heard  to  rattle." 
Language  that  is  simple,  plain,  and  hence  natural,  should 
be  used  with  him,  and  he  should  not  be  hurried  beyond 
nature  in  learning  to  talk.  He  should  be  restricted  to  a 
few  words  that  express  real  thoughts  for  him. 

The  education  of  Emile  during  infancy  is  thus  to  be  in  the  second, 
'negative'  and  purely  physical.     The  aim  is  simply  to  trailing,6 ai- 
keep  his  instincts  and  impulses,  which  Rousseau  holds  though    ind- 

.  .  „       .   .  .        dentally  he  is 

to  be  good  by  nature,  free  from  vice,  and  to  afford  him  given  some 
the  natural  activity  he  craves.    Next,  in  the  period  of  jjj  °fndcon 
childhood,  between  the  years  of  five  and  twelve,  which  property; 


12  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

is  treated  in  the  second  book,  Emile  desires  most  to 
touch,  to  see,  and  in  other  ways  to  sense  things.  This, 
therefore,  is  the  time  for  training  his  senses.  "As  all 
that  enters  the  human  understanding  comes  there 
through  the  senses,  the  first  reason  of  man  is  a  sensuous 
reason.  Our  first  teachers  of  philosophy  are  our  feet, 
our  hands,  and  our  eyes.  ...  In  order  to  learn  to 
think,  we  must  then  exercise  our  limbs,  our  senses,  and 
our  organs,  which  are  the  instruments  of  our  intel- 
ligence." To  obtain  this  training,  Emile  is  to  wear 
short,  loose,  and  scanty  clothing,  go  bareheaded,  and 
have  the  body  inured  to  cold  and  heat,  and  be  generally 
subjected  to  a  'hardening  process'  similar  to  that  rec- 
ommended by  Locke.1  He  is  to  learn  to  swim,  and 
practice  long  and  high  jumps,  leaping  walls,  and  scaling 
rocks.  But,  what  is  more  important,  his  eyes  and  ears 
are  also  to  be  exercised  through  natural  problems  in 
weighing,  measuring,  and  estimating  masses,  heights, 
and  distances.  Drawing  and  constructive  geometry 
are  to  be  taught  him,  to  render  him  more  capable  of 
observing  accurately.  His  ear  is  to  be  rendered  sensitive 
to  harmony  by  learning  to  sing.  This  body  and  sense 
training  should  be  the  nearest  approach  to  an  intellectual 
training  at  this  period.  Rousseau  condemns  the  usual 
unnatural  practice  of  requiring  pupils  to  learn  so  much 
before  they  have  reached  the  proper  years.  In  keeping 
with  his  'negative'  education,  he  asks  rhetorically: 
"Shall  I  venture  to  state  at  this  point  the  most  im- 
portant, the  most  useful,  rule  of  all  education?  It  is  not 
to  gain  time,  but  to  lose  it."  During  his  childhood 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  p.  308;  Great 
Educators,  p.  62. 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  13 

Emile  is  not  to  study  geography,  history,  or  languages, 
upon  which  pedagogues  ordinarily  depend  to  exhibit 
the  attainments  of  their  pupils,  although  these  under- 
stand nothing  of  what  they  have  memorized.  "At  the 
age  of  twelve,  Emile  will  hardly  know  what  a  book  is. 
But  I  shall  be  told  it  is  very  necessary  that  he  know  how 
to  read.  This  I  grant.  It  is  necessary  that  he  know  how 
to  read  when  reading  is  useful  to  him.  Until  then,  it 
serves  only  to  annoy  him." 

Incidentally,  however,  in  order  to  make  Emile  toler- 
able in  society,  for  he  cannot  entirely  escape  it,  he  must 
be  given  the  idea  of  property  and  some  idea  of  conduct. 
But  this  is  simply  because  of  practical  necessity,  and  no 
moral  education  is  to  be  given  as  such,  for,  "until  he 
reaches  the  age  of  reason,  he  can  form  no  idea  of  moral 
beings  or  social  relations."  He  is  to  learn  through 
'natural  consequences'  until  he  arrives  at  the  age  for 
understanding  moral  precepts.  If  he  breaks  the  furni- 
ture or  the  windows,  let  him  suffer  the  inconveniences 
that  arise  from  his  act.  Do  not  preach  to  him  or  punish 
him  for  lying,  but  afterward  affect  not  to  believe  him 
even  when  he  has  spoken  the  truth.  If  he  carelessly 
digs  up  the  sprouting  melons  of  the  gardener,  in  order 
to  plant  beans  for  himself,  let  the  gardener  in  turn  up- 
root the  beans,  and  thus  cause  him  to  learn  the  sacred- 
ness  of  property.  As  far  as  this  moral  training  is  given, 
then,  it  is  to  be  indirect  and  incidental. 

However,  between  twelve  and  fifteen,  after  the  jj  £^£ 
demands  of  the  boy's  physical  activities  and  of  his  in  the  na 
senses  have  somewhat  abated,  there  comes  "an  interval  throug^'cu-6 
when  his  faculties  and  powers  are  greater  than  his  de-  flosity  a.nd. 

1  p  °  m  interest  in 

sires,"   when   he   displays   an   insistent   curiosity   con-  vestigation; 


14  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

earning  natural  phenomena  and  a  constant  appetite 
for  rational  knowledge.  This  period,  which  is  dealt 
with  in  his  third  book,  Rousseau  declares  to  be  intended 
by  nature  itself  as  "the  time  of  labor,  instruction,  and 
study."  But  it  is  obvious  even  to  our  unpractical 
author  that  not  much  can  be  learned  within  three  years, 
and  he  accordingly  decides  to  limit  instruction  to 
"merely  that  which  is  useful."  And  even  of  useful 
studies  the  boy  should  not  be  expected  to  learn  those 
"truths  which  require,  for  being  comprehended,  an 
understanding  already  formed,  or  which  dispose  an  in- 
experienced mind  to  think  falsely  on  other  subjects." 
After  eliminating  all  useless,  incomprehensible,  and 
misleading  studies,  Rousseau  finds  that  natural  sciences 
alone  remain  as  mental  pabulum  for  the  boy.  Later  in 
this  third  book,  in  order  that  Emile  may  informally 
learn  the  interdependence  of  men  and  may  himself  be- 
come economically  independent,  Rousseau  adds  indus- 
trial experience  and  the  acquisition  of  the  trade  of 
cabinet-making  to  his  training.  But  at  this  point 
Rousseau  next  considers  the  natural  and  so  most  effec- 
tive method  for  acquiring  these  subjects.  "Ask  ques- 
tions that  are  within  his  comprehension,  and  leave  him 
to  resolve  them.  Let  him  know  nothing  because  you 
have  told  it  to  him,  but  because  he  has  comprehended 
it  himself;  he  is  not  to  learn  science,  but  to  discover  it. 
If  you  ever  substitute  in  his  mind  authority  for  reason, 
he  will  no  longer  reason." 

Rousseau  holds  that  this  may  best  be  accomplished 
by  appealing  to  the  curiosity  and  interest  in  investiga- 
tion, which  are  so  prominent  in  the  boy  at  this  time. 
He  illustrates  with  lesson  plans  this  solution  of  the  prob- 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  15 

lem  of  imparting  knowledge.  He  contrasts  the  current 
methods  of  teaching  astronomy  and  geography  by  means 
of  globes,  maps,  and  other  misleading  representations, 
with  the  more  natural  plan  of  stimulating  inquiry 
through  observing  the  sun  when  rising  and  setting  dur- 
ing the  different  seasons,  and  through  problems  con- 
cerning the  topography  of  the  neighborhood.  Emile  is 
taught  to  appreciate  the  value  of  these  subjects  by 
being  lost  in  the  forest,  and,  in  his  efforts  to  find  a  way 
out,  discovering  a  use  for  them.  He  learns  the  elements 
of  electricity  through  meeting  with  a  juggler,  who  at- 
tracts an  artificial  duck  by  means  of  a  concealed  magnet. 
He  similarly  discovers  through  experience  the  effect  of 
cold  and  heat  upon  solids  and  liquids,  and  so  comes  to 
understand  the  thermometer  and  other  instruments. 
Hence  Rousseau  feels  that  all  knowledge  of  real  value 
may  be  acquired  most  clearly  and  naturally  without 
the  use  of  rivalry  or  textbooks.  "I  hate  books,"  he  says; 
"they  merely  teach  us  to  talk  of  what  we  do  not  know." 
But  he  finds  an  exception  to  this  irrational  method  in 
one  book,  "where  all  the  natural  needs  of  man  are  ex- 
hibited in  a  manner  obvious  to  the  mind  of  a  child,  and 
where  the  means  of  providing  for  these  needs  are  suc- 
cessively developed  with  the  same  facility."  This  book, 
Defoe's  Robinson  Crusoe,1  he  felt,  should  be  carefully 
studied  by  Emile. 

The  fourth  book  takes  Emile  from  the  age  of  fifteen 
to  twenty.  At  this  period  the  sex  interests  appear  and 

1  Hence  Campe  of  the  '  Philanthropinum,'  which  attempted' to  put 
Rousseau's  doctrines  into  practice,  wrote  in  imitation  Robinson  Crusoe 
Junior,  and  numerous  similar  works  were  produced.  Of  these  the  only 
well-known  survivor  is  Swiss  Family  Robinson,  written  by  Johann  David 
VVyss  in  1813. 


16  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and    in    the  should  be  properly  guided  and  trained,  especially  as 

fourth,    of..  ,,.. 

moral    train-  they  are  the  basis  of  social  and  moral  relationships. 


ing  through     «  ^s  SOQn  ag  £mjie  nas  neecj  of  a  companion,  he  is  no 

contact    watn 

the  unfortu-  longer  an  isolated  being."  His  first  passion  calls  him 
criminal  eie-  mt°  relations  with  his  species,  and  he  must  now  learn 
ments  of  soci-  to  Kve  with  others.  "We  have  formed  his  body,  his 

ety.  ...  . 

senses,  and  his  intelligence;  it  remains  to  give  him  a 
heart."  He  is  to  become  moral,  affectionate,  and 
religious.  Here  again  Rousseau  insists  that  the  training 
is  not  to  be  accomplished  by  the  formal  method  of  pre- 
cepts, but  in  a  natural  way  by  bringing  the  youth  into 
contact  with  his  fellowmen  and  appealing  to  his  emotions. 
Emile  is  to  visit  infirmaries,  hospitals,  and  prisons,  and 
witness  concrete  examples  of  wretchedness  in  all  stages, 
although  not  so  frequently  as  to  become  hardened.  That 
this  training  may  not  render  him  cynical  or  hypercritical, 
it  should  be  corrected  by  the  study  of  history,  where  one 
sees  men  simply  as  a  spectator  without  feeling  or 
passion.  Further,  in  order  to  deliver  Emile  from  vanity, 
so  common  during  adolescence,  he  is  to  be  exposed  to 
flatterers,  spendthrifts,  and  sharpers,  and  allowed  to 
suffer  the  consequences.  He  may  at  this  time  also  be 
guided  in  his  conduct  by  the  use  of  fables,  for  "by 
censuring  the  wrongdoer  under  an  unknown  mask,  we 
instruct  without  offending  him." 
The  fifth  book  Emile  at  length  becomes  a  man,  and  a  life  companion 

describes    the  ° 

inconsistently  must  be  found  for  him.  A  search  should  be  made  for  a 
traTninK^of  sui  table  lady,  but  "in  order  to  find  her,  we  must  know 
Sophie,  whom  her."  Accordingly,  the  last  book  of  the  Emile  deals 

Emile     is    to        ...  .  . 

marry,  now  with  the  model  Sophie  and  the  education  oi  woman. 
that  he  has  jt  js  tne  weakest  part  of  Rousseau's  work.  He  entirely 

arrived   at 

manhood.        misinterprets  the  nature  of  women,  and  does  not  allow 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  17 

them  any  individuality  of  their  own,  but  considers  them 
as  simply  supplementary  to  the  nature  of  men.  Accord- 
ingly, he  completely  abandons  the  individualistic 
training  to  be  given  the  man.  He  insists: — 

"The  whole  education  of  women  ought  to  be  relative  to  men. 
To  please  them,  to  be  useful  to  them,  to  make  themselves  loved 
and  honored  by  them,  to  educate  them  when  young,  to  care  for 
them  when  grown,  to  counsel  them,  to  console  them,  to  make 
life  agreeable  and  sweet  to  them — these  are  the  duties  of  women 
at  all  times,  and  what  should  be  taught  them  from  infancy." 

Like  men,  women  should  be  given  adequate  bodily 
training,  but  rather  for  the  sake  of  physical  charms  and  of 
producing  vigorous  offspring  than  for  their  own  develop- 
ment. Their  instinctive  love  of  pleasing  through  dress 
should  be  made  of  service  by  teaching  them  sewing, 
embroidery,  lacework,  and  designing.  Further,  "girls 
ought  to  be  obedient  and  industrious,  and  they  ought 
early  to  be  brought  under  restraint.  Made  to  obey  a 
being  so  imperfect  as  man,  often  so  full  of  vices,  and 
always  so  full  of  faults,  they  ought  early  to  learn  to 
suffer  even  injustice,  and  endure  the  wrongs  of  a  husband 
without  complaint."  Girls  should  be  taught  singing, 
dancing,  and  other  accomplishments  that  will  make 
them  attractive  without  interfering  with  their  submis- 
siveness.  They  should  be  instructed  dogmatically  in 
religion  at  an  early  age.  "Every  daughter  should  have 
the  religion  of  her  mother,  and  every  wife  that  of  her 
husband."  In  ethical  matters  they  should  be  largely 
guided  by  public  opinion.  A  woman  may  not  learn 
philosophy,  art,  or  science,  but  she  should  study  men. 
"She  must  learn  to  penetrate  their  feelings  through 
their  conversation,  their  actions,  their  looks,  and  their 


1 8  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

gestures,  and  know  how  to  give  them  the  feelings  which 
are  pleasing  to  her,  without  even  seeming  to  think  of 
them." 
TO   make   a/     Merits  and  Defects  of  the  Emile. — Such  was  Rous- 

fair    estimate  .  ......... 

of  the  Emie,  seau  s  notion  of  a  natural  individualistic  education  for 
°et  thToffen*  a  man  anc^  ^he  Passive  and  repressive  training  suitable 
sive  personal-  for  a  woman,  and  of  the  happiness  and  prosperity  that 
author,  and/  were  bound  to  ensue.  To  make  a  fair  estimate  of  the 
the  mcon/  ^mne  ancj  j^s  influence  is  not  easy.  It  is  necessary  to 

sistencies  an* 

contradic-       put  aside  all  of  one's  prejudices  against  the  weak  and 
work  itself1  ^  offensive  personality  of  the  author  and  to  view  the  con- 
tradictions of  his  life  and  work  in  the  proper  perspective. 
It  must  also  be  admitted  at  the  start  that  the  Emile  is 
often    illogical,    erratic,    and    inconsistent.      Rousseau 
constantly  sways  from  optimism  to  pessimism,   from 
spontaneity  to  authority,  from  liberalism  to  intolerance. 
While  he  holds  that  society  is  thoroughly  corrupt,  he  has 
great  confidence  in  the  goodness  of  all  individuals  of 
which  it  is  composed.    In  the  face  of  history  and  psychol- 
ogy, he  opposes  nature  to  culture,  and  creates  a  dualism 
between  emotion  and  reason.     Although  the  instincts 
and  reactions  of  Emile  are  apparently  given  free  play, 
/they   are  really  under   the   constant   guidance   of   his 
/  tutor.    Emile  is  to  have  his  individuality  developed  to 
/    its  utmost,  but  Sophie's  is  to  be  trained  out  of  her. 
ixHHowever,  in  spite  of  such  glaring  inconsistencies,  the 
Emile  has  at  all  times  been  accounted  a  work  of  great 
richness  and  power.    The  brilliant  thought,  the  under- 
lying wisdom  of  many  of  its  suggestions,  the  sentimental 
appeal,  and  the  clear,  enthusiastic,  and  ardent  presenta- 
tion have  completely  overbalanced  its  contradictions 
and  logical  deficiencies.    Its  errors  and  illusions  are  iully 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  19 

outweighed    by    great     truths,    lofty    sentiments,    and 
definite  contributions  to  educational  theory  and  practice. 

The  Break  with  Social  Traditions.  —  The  most  marked  The  anti- 

u 


nf  thr  FimrripHqn  education  and  the_orie_jTTost  tion    of    the 

subject  to  rritirism  has  been  its  extreme  revolt  against  Emile  ,ls  ab~ 

.  —  —  --  I  —  .  '  -  a—  «•  ^  surd,    but 

civilization  and  all  social  control.    ^  state  of  naturejs  tradition  had 


held  to  be  the  ideal  condition^  and  all  social  relations  and 

are  regarded  as  degenerated    The  child  is  to  be  brought  trfme  doc- 

•   '     '-  —  ~  —  -  -  •  --  -=  --  T—  .  trine    was 

up  in  isolation  by  the  laws  of  brute  necessity  and  to  necessary. 
have  no^social  or  political  education  UP  HI  Vi^  is  fiffmx, 
when  an  impossible  set  of  expedients  for  bringing  him 
into  touch  with  his  fellows  is  devised.    The  absurdity  of 
this  4jni?-sonfl)  ^duration  has  ajway^  h^n  Vnnnly  iWf 

Children  cannot  he  reared  in  a  snrial   va^nim,  nnr  rp.n 

they  be  trained  merely  as  world  citizen^  to  the  complete  k" 
exclusion  ofspecific  governmental  authority.  And 
although  society  may  become  stereotyped  and  corrupt, 
it  furnishes  the  means  of  carrying  the  accumulated  race 
experience  and  attainments.  One  should  remember, 
however,  that  the  times  and  the  cause  had  need  of  just 
so  extreme  a  doctrine.  The  reformer  is  often  forced  to 
assume  the  position  of  a  fanatic,  in  order  to  secure  atten- 
tion for  his  propaganda.  Had  Rousseau's  cry  been 
uttered  a  generation  later,  when  society  had  become  less 
artificial  and  more  responsive  to  popular  rights,  it  might 
have  contained  less  exaggeration.  But  at  the  time  such 
individualism  alone  could  enable  him  to  break  the 
bondage  to  the  past.  By  means  of  paradoxes  and 
exaggerations  he  was  able  to  emphasize  the  crying  need 
of  a  natural  development  of  man,  and  to  tear  down  the 
effete  traditions  in  educational  organization,  content, 
and  methods. 


20 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


By    this    de- 
struction  of 
traditionalism 
Rousseau 
brought    edu- 
cation   into 
closer    rela- 
tions   with 
human    wel- 
fare   and 
opened    the 
way  to  nu- 
merous social 
movements 
in    modern 
education. 


The    Social    Movements 

although 


in    Modern    Education.— 

migQiVm     was     largely   _ip 


destroy  traditionalism,  and  most  of  the  specific  features 
of  his  naturalism  hayeinjjrne  been  modified  or  rejected, 
many  important  advances  in  modern  education^would 
seernto  go  back_to  him.  His  criticism  caused  men  to 
rush  to  the  defence  of  existing  systems,  and  when  they 
failed  in  their  attempts  to  reinstate  them,  they  undertook 
the  construction  of  something  better.  In  the  first  place, 
his  attitude  toward  the  artificial,  superficial,  and  in- 
human society  of  the  times  led  him  to  oppose  its  arbitrary 
authority  and  guidance  of  education  according  to  an 
unnatural  and  traditional  organization.  H^jadvocated 
the  virtuga^oJLthe  primitive  man  and  a  simplej 
^QdaLorga-nization,  and  heldjjiatji.11  members  of  society 
sliQuld  be  tmmg£L-iB duo triall V-^SQ  as  to  contribute 
their  own  simport  and 


j  tVipir  f^llows^  Through  him  ^oTucatlon  has  been" 
more  closely  related  to  human  welfare.  The  industrial 
work  of  Pestalozzi  and  Fellenberg,  the  moral  aim  of 
education  held  by  Herbart,  the  social  participation  in 
the  practice  of  Froebel,  and  the  present-day  emphasis 
upon  vocational  education,  moral  instruction,  and  train- 
ing of  defectives  and  of  other  extreme  variations,  alike 
find  some  of  their  roots  in  the  Emile.  In  fact,  the 
fallacy  involved  in  Rousseau's  isolated  education  is  too 
palpable  to  mislead  any  one,  and  those  who  have  best 
caught  his  spirit  and  endeavored  to  develop  his  practice 
have  all  most  insistently  stressed  social  activities  in  the 
training  of  children  and  striven  to  make  education  lead 
to  a  closer  and  more  sympathetic  cooperation  in  society. 
Hence  in  Rousseau's  negative  and  apparently  anti- 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  21 

social  training  are  clearly  implied  many  of  the  social 
movements  in  modern  education. 

The   Scientific   Movement  in   Modern  Education. —  %  his 
Moreover,  since  Rousseau  repudiated  all  social  traditions  and  the  expe- 
and  accepted  nature  as  his  only  guide,  he  was  absolutely  nence.  of  the 

J   °  J     past,  in  favor 

opposed  to  all  book  learning  and  exaggerated  the  value  of    nature 
of  personal  observation  and  influence.    He  consequently  Observational 
neglected  the  past,  and  wished  to  rob  the  pupil  of  all  the  work>    Rous- 
experience  of  his  fellows  and  of  those  who  had  gone  develop  the 
before.    But  he  stressed  the  use  of  natural  objects  in  the  yse°f  scien.ces 

m  the  curnc- 

curriculum  and  developed  the  details  of  nature  study  ulum. 
and  observational  work  to  an  extent  never  previously 
undertaken.  Partly  as  a  result  of  this  influence,  schools 
and  colleges  have  come  to  include  in  their  course  the 
study  of  physical  forces,  natural  environment,  plants, 
and  animals.  Therein  Rousseau  not  only  anticipates 
somewhat  the  nature  study  and  geography  of  Pestalozzi, 
Basedow,  Salzmann,  and  Ritter,  but,  in  a  way,  fore- 
shadows the  arguments  of  Spencer,  Huxley,  and  the 
modern  scientific  movement  in  education. 

The   Psychological   Movements   in   Modern   Educa-  Although 

...  .  .  .     -T.  ,      Rousseau's 

tion.— A  matter  of  even  greater  importance  is  Rousseau  s  knowledge  of 
belief  that  education  should  be  in  accordance  with  the  chlldri;n   was 

defective,     he 

natural  interests  of  the  child.    Although  his  knowledge  started  the 
of  children  was  defective,1  and  his  recommendations  devdopmtmT 
were  marred  by  unnatural  breaks  and  filled  with  senti-  and  whi'c  Ws 
mentality,  he  saw  the  need  of  studying  the  child  as  the  'delayed  ma- 
only  basis  for  education.     In  the  Preface  to  the  Emilc  tuVn,K'   ^'" 

J  video      the 

he   declares: —  pupil's   devel- 

opment    into 

"We  do  not  know  childhood.     Acting  on  the  false  ideas  we   too  definite 

1  His  Confessions  tell  us  how  he  declined  to  rear  his  own  children,  but 
consigned  all  five  to  the  public  foundling  asylum. 


22  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

stages,    it         have  of  it,  the  farther  we  go  the  farther  we  wander  from  the  right 

outlined     the  path_    The  wisest  among  us  are  engrossed  in  what  the  adult  needs 

characters-  , 

tics  at  dif-      to  know  and  fail  to  consider  what  children  are  able  to  apprehend. 

ferent  periods.  We  are  always  looking  for  the  man  in  the  child,  without  thinking 
of  what  he  is  before  he  becomes  a  man.  This  is  the  study  to  which 
I  have  devoted  myself,  to  the  end  that,  even  though  my  whole 
method  may  be  chimerical  and  false,  the  reader  may  still  profit 
by  my  observations.  I  may  have  a  very  poor  conception  of  what 
ought  to  be  done,  but  I  think  I  have  the  correct  view  of  the  sub- 
ject on  which  we  are  to  work.  Begin,  then,  by  studying  your 
pupils  more  thoroughly,  for  assuredly  you  know  nothing  about 
them.  Now  if  you  read  this  book  of  mine  with  this  purpose  in 
view,  I  do  not  believe  it  will  be  without  profit  to  you." 

As  a  result  of  such  appeals,  the  child  has  become  the 
center  of  discussion  in  modern  training,  and  we  may 
thank  Rousseau  for  introducing  a  new  principle  into 
education.  And,  despite  his  limitations  and  prejudices, 
this  unnatural  and  neglectful  parent  stated  many  de- 
tails of  child  development  with  much  force  and  clearness 
and  gave  an  impetus  to  later  reformers,  who  were  able 
to  correct  his  observations  and  make  them  more  prac- 
ticable in  education.  In  this  connection  should  especially 
be  considered  Rousseau's  theory  of  ' delayed  maturing,' 
which  is  later  restated  by  Froebel.  He  makes  a  sharp 
division  of  the  pupil's  development  into  definite  stages 
that  seem  but  little  connected  with  one  another,  and 
prescribes  a  distinct  education  for  each  period.  This  is 
often  cited  as  a  ruinous  breach  in  the  evolution  of  the 
individual,  and  the  rcductio  ad  absurdum  of  such  an 
atomic  training  would  seem  to  be  reached  in  his  hope  of 
rendering  Emile  warm-hearted  and  pious,  after  keeping 
him  in  the  meshes  of  self-interest  and  doubt  until  he 
is  fifteen.  But  such  a  criticism  loses  sight  of  the  remark- 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  23 

able  contribution  to  educational  theory  and  practice 
made  thereby.  Rousseau  has  shown  that  there  are 
characteristic  differences  at  different  stages  in  the  child's 
life,  but  each  "has  a  perfection  or  maturity  of  its  own," 
and  that  only  as  the  proper  activities  are  provided  for 
each  stage  will  it  reach  that  maturity  or  perfection.  It 
can  be  seen  how  these  principles  fulfill  his  contention 
that  the  child  must  be  studied,  and  mark  Rousseau  as  a 
progenitor  of  the  child  study  movement. 

In  keeping  with  this,  Rousseau  also  held  that  education  A°d  through 

1-111  T  i  -I'll        this  sympa- 

should  be  conducted  according  to  the  way  in  which  the  thetic  under- 
mind  of  the  child  works  under  the  stimulation  of  the  ^f!?1,?8  ,of 

child  develop- 

interests  that  are  characteristic  of  the  various  periods,  mem,   rather 
This  is  the  fundamental  consideration  with  him  in  deter-  scientific"  * 
mining  the  course  of  study  and  methods  of  teaching,  principles,  he 
He  may,  therefore,  be  credited  to  a  great  degree  with  the  marked  im- 
increasing  tendency  to  cease  from  forcing  upon  children  chiid^tud3  m 
a  fixed  method  of  thinking,  feeling,  and  acting,  and  for  and  in  meth- 
the  gradual  disappearance  of  the  old  ideas  that  a  task  °ng;  and  gave 
is  of  educational  value  according  as  it  is  distasteful,  and  a  sreat  im- 

.  pulse  to  the 

that  real  education  consists  in  overcoming  meaningless  modem    psy- 


difticulties.  Curiosity  and  interest  are  rather  to  be  used 
as  motives  for  study,  and  Rousseau  therein  points  the  education. 
way  for  the  Herbartians.  It  is  likewise  due  to  him 
primarily  that  we  have  recognized  the  need  of  physical 
activities  and  sense  training  in  the  earlier  development 
of  the  child  as  a  foundation  for  its  later  growth  and 
learning.  To  these  recommendations  may  be  traced 
much  of  the  object  teaching  of  Pestalozzianism  and 
the  motor  expression  of  Froebelianism.  Thus  Rousseau 
made  a  large  contribution  to  educational  method  by 
showing  the  value  of  motivation,  of  creating  problems, 


24  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and  of  utilizing  the  senses  and  activities  of  the  child 
and  may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  the  psycholog- 
ical movements  in  modern  education.  He  could  not, 
however,  have  based  his  study  of  children  and  his  ad- 
vanced methods  upon  any  real  scientific  knowledge,  for 
in  his  day  the  'faculty'  psychology  absolutely  prevailed. 
Instead  of  working  out  his  methods  from  scientific 
principles,  he  obtained  them,  as  did  Pestalozzi  after- 
wards, through  his  sympathetic  understanding  of  the 
child  and  his  ability  to  place  himself  in  the  child's 
situation  and  see  the  world  through  the  eyes  of  the  child. 
It  is  not  until  the  time  of  Herbart  that  a  scientific 
formulation  of  method  and  a  scientific  system  of  psychol- 
ogy first  appear. 

Hence  ROUS-  The  Spread  of  Rousseau's  Doctrines.  —  Thus  the  influ- 
a  remarkable  Guce  of  Rousseau  upon  education  in  all  its  aspects  has 
influence  been  most  weighty  and  far-reaching.  It  is  shown  by 

upon    most  t  J 

modem  move-  the  library  of  books  since  written  to  contradict,  correct, 
*  '"  or  disseminate  his  doctrines.    During  the  quarter  of  a 


organization,    century  following  the  publication  of  the  Emilc,  prob- 

method,    and      .  .         J 

content  in  ably  more  than  twice  as  many  books  upon  education 
America  a"be  were  published  as  in  the  preceding  three-quarters  of  a 
ginning  with  century.  This  epoch-making  work  created  and  forced 


a  ricn  harvest  of  educational  thinking  for  a  century 
Basedow.  after  its  appearance,  and  it  has  affected  our  ideas  upon 
education  from  that  day  to  this.  As  indicated,  then, 
most  modern  movements  in  educational  organization, 
method,  and  content,  find  their  roots  in  Rousseau,  and 
he  is  seen  to  be  the  intellectual  progenitor  of  Pestalozzi, 
Herbart,  Froebel,  Spencer,  and  many  other  modern  re- 
formers. But  his  principles  did  not  take  immediate 
hold  on  the  schools  themselves,  although  their  influence 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  25 

is  manifest  there  as  the  nineteenth  century  advanced. 
In  France  they  were  apparent  in  the  complaints  and 
recommendations  concerning  schools  in  many  of  the 
cahiers  l  that  were  issued  just  prior  to  the  revolution, 
and  afterward  clearly  formed  a  basis  for  much  of  the 
legislation  concerning  the  universal,  free,  and  secular 
organization  of  educational  institutions.  In  England, 
since  there  was  no  national  system  of  schools,  little 
direct  impression  was  made  upon  educational  practice. 
But  in  America  this  revolutionary  thought  would  seem 
to  have  had  much  to  do  with  causing  the  unrest  that 
gradually  resulted  in  upsetting  the  aristocratic  and 
formal  training  of  the  young  and  in  secularizing  and 
universalizing  the  public  school  system.  The  first 
definite  attempt,  however,  to  put  into  actual  practice 
the  naturalistic  education  of  Rousseau  occurred  in 
Germany  through  the  writings  of  Basedow  and  the 
foundation  of  the  'Philanthropinum/  and  is  of  sufficient 
importance  to  demand  separate  discussion. 

Development  of  Basedow's  Educational  Reforms. —  The  erratlc 

,  .  Basedow  was, 

Johann  Bernhard  Basedow  (1723-1790)  was  by  nature  through  the 
the  very  sort  of  person  to  be  captivated  by  Rousseau's  ^^  ^"^ 
doctrines.     He  was  talented,  but  erratic,  unorthodox,  form  the 
tactless,  and  irregular  in  life.    He  had  been  prepared  at  education    of 
the  University  of  Leipzig  for  the  Lutheran  ministry,  but  the  day- 
proved  too  heretical,  and  giving  up  this  vocation,  became 
a  tutor  in  Holstein  to  a  Herr  von  Quaalen's  children. 
With  these  aristocratic  pupils  he  first  developed  methods 
of  teaching  through  conversation  and  play  connected 

1  These  were  lists  of  grievances  and  desired  reforms  prepared  by  the 
various  towns  and  villages  throughout  France  at  the  request  of  the 
king  (Louis  XVI),  in  accordance  with  an  old  custom. 


26  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

with  surrounding  objects.  A  few  years  after  this,  in  1  763, 
Basedow  fell  under  the  spell  of  Rousseau's  Emile,  which 
was  most  congenial  to  his  methods  of  thinking  and 
teaching,  and  turned  all  his  energy  toward  educational 
reform.  As  in  the  case  of  Rousseau  with  education  in 
France,  he  realized  that  the  German  education  of  the 
day  was  sadly  in  need  of  just  such  an  antidote  as  'nat- 
uralism' was  calculated  to  furnish.  The  school-rooms 
were  dismal  and  the  work  was  unpleasant,  physical  train- 
ing was  neglected,  and  the  discipline  was  severe.  Chil- 
dren were  regarded  as  adults  in  miniature,  and  were  so 
treated  both  in  their  dress  and  their  education.  The 
current  schooling  consisted  largely  of  instruction  in 
artificial  deportment.  The  study  of  classics  composed 
the  entire  intellectual  curriculum,  and  the  methods  were 
purely  grammatical.  As  a  result,  suggestions  made  by 
Basedow  for  educational  improvement  attained  as 
great  popularity  as  his  advanced  theological  propositions 
had  received  abuse. 

Through  his  In  1768  by  his  Address  on  Schools  and  Studies,  and 
Schools  he  their  Influence  on  the  Public  Weal,  he  called  generally 
r?cnt.d  subsid*  "  uPon  princes,  governments,  ecclesiastics,  and  others  in 
to  publish  his  power,  to  assist  him  financially  in  certain  definite 
w&rk^^A  educational  reforms.  In  addition  to  suggesting  that 
Methoden-  ^e  schools  be  made  nonsectarian  and  that  public  in- 

buch,  which  .11  .  M 

contain  prin-  struction  be  placed  under  a  National  Council  of  Educa- 
Comcnlusand  ^on'  ^e  ProPosed  that,  in  contrast  to  the  formal  and 
other  sources,  unattractive  training  of  the  day,  education  should  be 
from  ROUS-  rendered  practical  in  content  and  playful  in  method. 


seau.  TO  assist  this  reform,  he  planned  to  bring  out  a  work  on 

elementary  education,   which  he  described  in  outline. 
Great  interest  in  his  proposals  was  shown  throughout 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  27 

Europe  by  sovereigns,  nobles,  prominent  men,  and  rich 
and  poor  alike  that  were  interested  in  a  nonsectarian 
and  more  effective  education.  A  subsidy  to  the  sum  of 
ten  thousand  dollars  was  speedily  raised.  Six  years 
later,  Basedow  completed  his  promised  text-book,  Ele- 
mentarwerk,  and  the  companion  work  for  teachers  and 
parents  known  as  Methodenbuch.  The  Elementarwerk 
was  accompanied  by  a  volume  containing  one  hundred 
plates,  which  illustrated  the  subject  matter  of  the  text, 
but  were  too  large  to  be  bound  in  with  it.  In  his  manuals 
Basedow  does  not  seem  to  see  the  problem  exactly  as 
Rousseau  did,  but  accepts  some  of  the  old  traditions. 
For  instance  he  retains  Latin  in  his  suggested  training. 
Nevertheless,  he  did  get  many  naturalistic  ideas  from 
Rousseau,  and  through  them  saw  that  further  study  was 
necessary  to  answer  more  fully  the  problems  with  which 
these  things  were  connected. 

The  Elementarwerk  clearly  combines  ideas  taken  from 
many  sources,  including  many  of  the  principles  of  Come- 
nius  as  well  as  of  Rousseau.  It  has,  in  fact,  been  often 
referred  to  as  '  the  Orbis  Pictus  l  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury,' and  gives  a  knowledge  of  things  and  words  in  the 
form  of  a  dialogue.  The  Methodenbuch,  while  not  fol- 
lowing Rousseau  completely,  contains  many  ideas 
concerning  natural  training  that  are  suggestive  of  him. 
In  this  study  of  the  nature  of  children,  the  book  makes 
some  advance  upon  the  Rousselian  doctrine  by  finding 
that  they  are  especially  interested  in  motion  and  noise, 
although  Basedow  would  have  shocked  Rousseau  by 
being  so  much  under  the  control  of  tradition  as  to  sug- 

1  For  the  Orbis  Sensualium  Pictus  and  its  method,  see  Graves,  History 
of  Education  during  the  Transition,  p.  274;  Great  Educators,  p.  31. 


28  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

He  and  his  gest  using  these  interests  in  the  teaching  of  Latin.  Later, 
produced  a]S0  Basedow,  together  with  Campe,  Salzmann,  and  others 
children's  of  his  followers,  also  produced  a  series  of  popular  story 
tation  of1™  books  especially  adapted  to  the  character,  interests,  and 
Robinson  needs  of  children.  These  works  are  all  largely  filled 

Crusoe,  recom-  °     J 

mended  by    with   didactics,   moralizing,   religiosity,   and   scraps   of 

;au'      scientific  information.     The   best   known   of   them   is 

Robinson  der  Jungere  (Robinson  Crusoe  Junior},  which 

was  published  by  Campe  in  1779.    It  seems  to  have  been 

suggested  by  Rousseau's  recommendation  of  Robinson. 

Crusoe  as  a  text-book,  and  in  turn  a  generation  later  it 

became  the  model  for  Der  Schweizerische  Robinson  (The 

Swiss  Family  Robinson)  of  Wyss,  which  has  been  so 

popular  with  children  in  America  and  elsewhere. 

Through  Course    and    Methods    of    the    Philanthropinum. — 

pouT6  Base-'    Eight  years  before  this,   however,  Prince  Leopold  of 

dow  founded  Dessau  had  been  induced  to  allow  Basedow  to  found 

the     'Philan-  .         . 

thropinum' at  there   a   model    school    called    the     Philanthropinum, 
Dessau,   to    Wj1icj1  should  embody  that  reformer's  ideas.     Leopold 

embody   his  •' 

naturalistic  granted  him  a  salary  of  eleven  hundred  thalers,1  and 
three  years  later  gave  him  an  equipment  of  buildings, 
grounds,  and  endowment.  At  first  Basedow  had  but 
three  assistants,  but  later  the  number  was  considerably 
increased.  The  staff  then  included  several  very  able 
men, — such  as  WOlke,  who  had  taught  at  Leipzig; 
Campe,  formerly  chaplain  at  Potsdam;  Salzmann,  who 
had  been  a  professor  at  Erfurt;  and  Matthison,  the  poet. 
The  underlying  principle  of  the  Philanthropinum  was 
" everything  according  to  nature."  The  natural  in- 
stincts and  interests  of  the  children  were  only  to  be 

1  A  thaler  was  equivalent  to  about  three  shillings,  or  seventy-three 
cents. 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  29 

directed  and  not  altogether  suppressed.  They  were  to  be 
trained  as  children  and  not  as  adults,  and  the  methods  of 
learning  were  to  be  adapted  to  their  stage  of  mentality. 
That  all  of  the  customary  unnaturalness,  discomfort, 
and  want  of  freedom  might  be  eliminated,  the  boys  were 
plainly  dressed  in  sailor  jackets  and  loose  trousers,  their 
collars  were  turned  down  and  were  open  at  the  neck, 
and  their  hair  was  cut  short  and  was  free  from  powder, 
pomade,  and  hair-bags. 

While  universal  education  was  believed  in,  and  rich  Universal 

.  ,..,.,         education  was 

and  poor  alike  were  to  be  trained,  the  traditional  idea  advocated, 
still  obtained  that  the  natural  education  of  the  one  class  Jj^j^re 
was  for  social  activity  and  leadership,  and  of  the  other  recognized. 
for  teaching.    Consequently,  the  wealthy  boys  were  to  was  given  in- 
spend  six  hours  in  school  and  two  in  manual  labor,  while  dustnai    and 

physical 

those  from  families  of  small  means  labored  six  hours  and  training,  and 


studied  two.  Every  one,  however,  was  taught  handi-  ti 
crafts,  —  carpentry,  turning,  planing,  and  threshing,  as  was  planned 
suggested  in  the  third  book  of  the  Emile,  and  there  were 
also  physical  exercises  and  games  for  all.  On  the  in- 
tellectual side,  while  Latin  was  not  neglected,  consider- 
able attention  was  paid  to  the  vernacular  and  French. 
According  to  the  Elementanverk,  Basedow  planned 
especially  to  create  a  wide  objective  and  practical  course 
very  similar  to  that  suggested  by  Comenius.  It  was  to 
give  some  account  of  man,  including  bits  of  anthropology, 
anatomy,  and  physiology;  of  brute  creation,  especially 
the  uses  of  domestic  animals  and  their  relation  to  in- 
dustry; of  trees  and  plants  with  their  growth,  culture, 
and  products;  of  minerals  and  chemicals;  of  mathemat- 
ical and  physical  instruments;  and  of  trades,  history,  and 
commerce.  He  afterward  admitted  that  he  had  over- 


30  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

estimated  the  amount  of  content  that  was  possible  for  a 
child,  and  greatly  abridged  the  material.1 
Languages  'pjjg  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  school,  however, 

were     taught  .  ..,..,,. 

by  omversa-  was  its  recognition  of  child  interests  and  the  consequent 
'          8'  improved  methods.    Languages  were  taught  by  speaking 


and 

arithmetic  by  and  then  by  reading,  and  grammar  was  not  brought  in 

mental  meth-  .,  ,  .        ,  _,      .,.        .      T       .  .       . 

ods;  geome-  until  late  in  the  course.  Facility  in  Latin  was  acquired 
r^and^  tnroilgh  conversation,  games,  pictures,  drawing,  acting 
geography  by  plays,  and  reading  on  practical  and  interesting  subjects. 
thf  home.  mt  Similar  linguistic  methods  had  been  recommended  by 
Montaigne,  Ratich,  and  Locke,  and  largely  worked  out 
by  Comenius,  but  were  never  before  made  as  practical 
as  by  Basedow  and  his  assistants.  His  instruction  in 
arithmetic,  geometry,  geography,  physics,  nature  study, 
and  history  was  fully  as  progressive  as  that  in  languages, 
and,  while  continuing  Rousseau's  suggestions,  seems  to 
anticipate  much  of  the  'object  teaching'  of  Pestalozzi. 
Arithmetic  was  taught  by  mental  methods,  geometry 
by  drawing  figures  accurately  and  neatly,  and  geography 
by  beginning  with  one's  home,  and  extending  out  into 
the  neighborhood,  the  town,  the  country,  and  the  con- 
tinent. In  a  similarly  direct  way  the  pupils  were  in- 
structed in  matters  of  actual  life.  For  example,  they  cast 
lots  in  the  classroom  to  see  who  should  have  the  privilege 
of  describing  the  tools  and  processes  of  a  trade  depicted 
in  an  engraving. 
Great  expec-  Influence  of  the  Philanthropinum.—  The  attend- 

tations     were  . 

had  for  the  ance  at  the  Philanthropinum  was  very  small  in  the 
pro^d  ^  ]t  beginning,  since  the  institution  was  regarded  as  an 
stimulus  for  experiment,  but  eventually  the  number  of  pupils  rose 

younger 

children.  i  The  actual  program  of  each  day  is  given  in  full  in  Barnard,  German 

Teachers  and  Educators,  pp.  5191. 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION          31 

to  more  than  fifty.  Most  visitors  were  greatly  pleased 
with  the  school,  especially  on  account  of  the  interested 
and  alert  appearance  of  the  pupils.  Kant  had  such  high 
expectations  of  its  results  as  to  declare  in  1777  that  it 
meant  "not  a  slow  reform,  but  a  quick  revolution,"  and 
felt  that  "by  the  plan  of  organization  it  must  of  itself 
throw  off  all  the  faults  which  belong  to  its  beginning." 
He  afterward  admitted  that  he  had  been  too  optimistic, 
but  he  still  felt  that  the  experiment  had  been  well  worth 
while,  and  had  paved  the  way  for  better  things.  Al- 
though it  may  not  have  served  well  for  older  pupils,  it 
was  certainly  excellent  in  its  stimulus  to  children  under 
ten  or  twelve,  who  too  often  are  naturally  averse  to 
books,  and  can  be  captured  only  by  such  appeals  to 
the  physical  activities,  the  senses,  and  other  primary 
interests. 

Basedow.  however,  proved  temperamentally  unfit  to  ^ 

/       .  thropmum 

direct  the  institution.    He  soon  left,  and  began  to  teach  was  soon 
privately  in  Dessau  and  write  educational  works  along  l£^r  ^ 
the   lines   he   had   started.     Joachim  Heinrich   Campe  stitutions 
(1746-1818),  who  first  superseded  him,  withdrew  within  throughout 

a  year  to  found  a  similar  school  at  Hamburg.    Institu-  Germany,  in- 
cluding the 
tions  of  the  same  type  sprang  up  elsewhere,  and  some  famous  school 

of  them  had  a  large  influence  upon  education.    The  most  °t  sch^epfe™ 
striking  and  enduring  of  these  schools  was  that  estab-  thai  and  those 
lished  in  1784  by  Christian  Gotthilf Salzmann  (1744-181 1)  Rechahn  and 
at   Schnepfenthal   under   the   patronage   of   the   royal  e 
family   of   Saxe-Gotha.      The   natural    surroundings — 
mountains,  valleys,  lakes — were  most  favorable  for  the 
purpose  of  the  institution,  and  much  attention  was  given 
to  nature  study,  'lessons  on  things,'  organized  excursions, 
gardening,    agricultural    work,    and    care    of    domestic 


32 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


And,  while 

the    philan- 

thropinic 


and    came 


of 
banks,  it 

mtroduced 

many  new 

ceming°meth- 
ods  and  in- 

training. 


animals.  Manual  training,  gymnastics,  sports,  informal 
moral  and  religious  culture,  and  other  features  that 
anticipated  later  developments  in  education  also  formed 
part  of  the  course.  During  the  decade  before  the  estab- 
lishment of  Salzmann's  school,  institutions  embodying 
many  of  Basedow's  ideas  were  opened  at  Rechahn  and 
his  other  Brandenburg  estates  by  Baron  Eberhard  von 
Rochow  (1734-1805).  His  schools  were  simply  intended 
to  improve  the  peasantry  in  their  methods  of  farming 
and  living,  but,  when  this  step  toward  universal  educa- 
tion proved  extraordinarily  successful,  Rochow  ad- 
vocated the  adoption  of  a  complete  national  system  of 
schools  on  a  nonsectarian  basis. 

jn  IJQT.  the  Philanthropinum  at  Dessau  was  closed 
permanently.  Its  teachers  were  scattered  through 
Europe,  and  gave  a  great  impulse  to  the  new  education. 
An  unfortunate  result  of  this  popularity  was  that  the 
Philanthropinum  became  a  fad,  and  schools  with  this 
name  were  opened  everywhere  in  Germany  by  educa- 

.  J        J 

tional  mountebanks.  These  teachers  prostituted  the 
svstem  to  their  own  ends,  degraded  the  profession  into 
a  mere  trade,  and  became  the  subject  of  much  satire 
and  ridicule.  Nevertheless,  the  philanthropinic  move- 
ment seems  not  to  have  been  without  good  results, 
especially  when  we  consider  the  educational  conditions 
and  the  pedagogy  of  the  times.  It  introduced  many 
new  ideas  concerning  methods  and  industrial  training 
into  all  parts  of  France  and  Switzerland,  as  well  as 
Germany,  and  these  were  carefully  worked  out  by  such 
reformers  as  Pestalozzi,  Froebel,  and  Herbart.  In  this 
way  there  were  embodied  in  education  the  first  positive 
results  of  the  destructive  'naturalism'  of  Rousseau,  and 


NATURALISM  IN  EDUCATION  33 

there  appeared  further  progress  in  the  social,  scientific, 
and  psychological  movements  of  modern  education. 
The  significance  of  the  naturalistic  movement  will  be 
patent  when  we  come  to  the  work  of  the  later  reformers, 
but  we  must  now  turn  for  a  time  to  a  different  phase 
of  educational  development. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  SOURCES 

BASEDOW,  J.  B.    Elementarwerk  and  Methodenbuch. 
CAMPE,  J.  H.    Robinson  der  Jungere  and  Theorophon. 
ROUSSEAU,  J.  J.    Confessions,  Letters,  and  Reveries;  Discourse  on 

the  Sciences  and  Arts  and  Discourse  on  Inequality;  The  New 

Heloise,  Social  Contract,  and  Emile. 
SALZMANN,  C.  G.    Conrad  Kiefer. 

II.  AUTHORITIES 

BARNARD,  H.    American  Journal  of  Education.    Vol.  V,  pp.  459- 

520;  XX,  349-350;  and  XXVII,  497~5o8. 
BARNARD,  H.    German  Teachers  and  Educators.    Pp.  459-520. 
BOYD,  W.    The  Educational  Theory  of  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau. 
BROUGHAM,  H.    Rousseau  (Lives  of  Men  of  Letters). 
BROWNING,  O.     An  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Educational 

Theories.    Chap.  IX. 
BRUNETIERE,   F.     Manual  of  the  History  of  French  Literature. 

(Translated  by  Derechif.)     Pp.  333-414. 
CAIRO,  C.    Literature  and  Philosophy.    Vol.  I,  pp.  105-146. 
COMPAYRE,   G.     History  of  Pedagogy.     (Translated  by  Payne.) 

Chap.  XIII. 
COMPAYRE,  G.    Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  and  Education  from  Nature. 

(Translated  by  Jago.) 

DAVIDSON,  T.    Rousseau  and  Education  according  to  Nature. 
FRANCKE,  K.    Social  Forces  in  German  Literature.     Chaps.  VII- 

VIII. 


34  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

GARBOVICIANU,   P.     Die  Didaktik  Basedows  in   Vergleiche  zut 

Didaklik  des  Comenius. 

GIRALDIN,  ST.  M.    J.  J.  Rousseau,  sa  me  et  ses  ouvrages. 
GORING,  H.    Ausgewahlte  Schriften  mil  Basedows  Biographic. 
GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.    Chaps.  VI] 

and  VIII. 

HUDSON,  W.  H.    Rousseau  and  Naturalism  in  Life  and  Thought. 
LANG,  O.  H.    Rousseau  and  his  Emile. 

LANG,  O.  H.    Basedow:  His  Educational  Work  and  Principles. 
LINCOLN,  C.  H.    Rousseau  and  the  French  Revolution  (Annals  oj 

the  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  X, 

pp.  54-72). 
MACDONALD,  F.    Studies  in  the  France  of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau. 

Chaps.  II  and  VII. 

MONROE,  P.    Textbook  in  the  History  of  Education.    Chap.  X. 
MORIN,  S.  H.    Life  and  Character  of  Rousseau  (LittelVs  Living  Age, 

XXXVIII,  pp.  259-264). 
MORLEY,  J.    Rousseau. 

MUNROE,  J.  P.    The  Educational  Ideal.    Chap.  VII. 
PARKER,  S.  C.     The  History  of  Modern  Elementary  Education. 

Chaps.  VIII-X. 

PAYNE,  J.    Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education.    Pp.  91-96. 
PINLOCHE,  J.  A.    Basedow  et  le  Philanthropinisme. 
QUICK,  R.  H.    Educational  Reformers.    Chaps.  XIV  and  XV. 
SCHLOSSER,  F.  C.    History  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.    Vols.  I  and 

II. 
TEXTE,  J.    Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  and  the  Cosmopolitan  Spirit  in 

Literature.    (Translated  by  Matthews.)    Bk.  I. 
WEIR,  S.     The  Key  to  Rousseau's  Emile  (Educational  Review,  V, 

pp.  278-290). 


CHAPTER  III 

PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION 

English   Social   and   Educational   Conditions  in  the  in  the  eight- 
Eighteenth  Century.  —  The   eighteenth  century  cannot  tury  there 


be  regarded  altogether  as  a  period  of  revolution  and  were  ^e 

.  .  .  .  structive  as 

destruction.  While  such  a  characterization  describes  well  as  de« 
some  of  the  prevailing  tendencies,  there  were  also  social  {o™eglv^n 
and  educational  forces  that  looked  to  evolution  and  society  and 
reform  rather  than  to  a  complete  disintegration  of 
society  and  a  return  to  animal  or  to  primitive  living. 
There  was  still  some  attempt  to  build  upon  the  past, 
and,  while  modifying  traditions  and  conditions,  to 
alleviate  and  improve,  and  not  entirely  ignore  or  reject 
society  as  it  existed.  Moreover,  even  in  Rousseau,  the 
arch-destroyer  of  traditions,  we  found  many  evidences 
of  a  reconstruction  along  higher  lines,  and  beginnings  of 
the  development  of  social,  psychological,  and  scientific 
movements  in  modern  education.  And  such  a  positive 
movement  was  decidedly  obvious  in  Basedow,  Salzmann, 
and  other  philanthropinists.  But  reforms  were  even 
more  apparent  in  England.  In  the  land  of  the  Briton, 
progress  is  proverbially  gradual,  and  sweeping  victories 
and  Waterloo  defeats  in  affairs  of  society  and  education 
are  alike  unwonted.  The  French  tendency  to  cut  short 
the  social  and  educational  process  and  to  substitute 
revolution  for  evolution  is  out  of  accord  with  the  spirit 
across  the  English  Channel.  Hence  in  England  educa- 

35 


36  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

tional  movements  took  place  in  the  eighteenth  century 
largely  as  a  continuation  of  those  characterizing  the 
seventeenth,  and  were  the  outgrowth  of  philanthropy 
on  the  part  of  the  upper  classes  rather  than  the  result 
of  a  general  uprising  of  the  unfortunate  masses. 
Philanthropy  And  yet  conditions  could  scarcely  have  been  worse 

and  educa-  . 

tional  reform  even  in  France.  The  terrible  poverty  of  England  in 
n^ded^eT-117  tne  ear^y  Part  °f  tne  eighteenth  century  can  now  be 
peciaiiy  in  imagined  with  difficulty.  The  great  industrial  and 
relieve1  the°  mining  development  had  not  yet  begun.  Wages  were 


poverty  and  jow^  employment  was  irregular,  and  the  laboring  classes, 
mentary  who  numbered  fully  one-sixth  of  the  total  population, 
the^iower*  were  c^ac^  m  ra&s?  u'ved  in  hovels,  and  often  went  hungry. 
classes.  The  opportunities  for  elementary  education  had  become 

greatly  reduced.  The  few  elementary  schools  that  re- 
mained after  the  acts  of  dissolution  under  Henry  VIII 
and  Edward  VI  had  largely  lost  their  endowments 
through  embezzlement  or  had  been  perverted  into 
secondary  schools,  and  had  suffered  through  a  type  of 
patronage  whereby  the  master  secured  a  vested  interest 
in  his  emoluments,  regardless  of  his  ability  or  attention 
to  duty.  Education  was  further  injured  by  the  politi- 
cal and  religious  upheaval  of  the  times.  During  the  ar- 
bitrary reign  of  the  first  two  Stuarts,  and  the  civic 
changes  and  theological  controversies  of  the  Common- 
wealth and  Restoration,  schools  were  alternately  abused 
and  neglected.  Both  sides  in  turn  had  the  schoolmasters 
of  opposing  opinions  ejected  and  forbidden  to  teach. 
Hence  it  gradually  came  to  be  almost  impossible  for 
the  lower  classes  to  educate  their  children  at  all,  and 
they  generally  failed  themselves  to  appreciate  the  value 
of  an  education. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  37 

The   Foundation   of   '  Charity   Schools  '   by   Endow-  Charity 

,      _    ,         .      .  TT  .   schools     were 

ment  and  Subscription. — However,  some  people  of  started  even 
wealth  must  have  realized  the  seriousness  of  the  problem  m  th,e  seven~ 

A  teenth    cen- 

and  their  own  responsibility  in  the  premises,  and  before  tury,  and  by 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  had  put  forth  [^  "j^t-  °f 
vigorous  efforts  at  a  solution.  During  the  early  part  of  eenth  a  larse 

number     had 

the  century  there  sprang  up  a  succession  of  charity  been  opened 
schools,'  in  which  children  of  the  poor  were  not  only  £ 
taught,  but  boarded  and  sometimes  provided  with  subscriptions. 
clothes,  and  the  boys  were  prepared  for  apprenticeship 
and  the  girls  for  domestic  service.  The  movement  for 
the  establishment  of  these  schools  for  the  lower  classes 
by  endowment  or  subscriptions  reached  its  height  during 
the  comparative  peace  and  toleration  that  followed  the 
'bloodless  revolution '  of  1688.  The  first  few  endowments 
were  even  made  a  generation  before  this  change  of 
government,  and  for  about  sixty  years  they  steadily 
continued.  Through  such  bequests  the  opportunities 
for  elementary  education  were  much  increased,  and  it 
was  estimated  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century 
that  anywhere  from  one-third  to  one-half  of  all  the 
schools  then  in  existence  were  the  product  of  endowment 
in  this  period.  According  to  an  investigation  of  the 
Charity  Commissioners  at  that  time,  some  eight  or 
nine  hundred  elementary  schools  had  come  down  from 
these  days,  and,  if  the  diversion  of  numerous  endow- 
ments is  taken  into  account,  there  must  have  been  at 
least  one  thousand  schools  founded  during  the  period.  sub™r[ptkm 
Of  these  'charity  schools,'  however,  a  great  many  were  schools  were 

i  i          a'so    estab- 

not  founded  through  endowment.    In  fact,  the  term  has  i;shed   before 
always  included  and  has  more  generally  been  applied  to  j^xhomas* 
the  institutions  established  and  maintained  by  private  Gouge. 


38  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

subscriptions.  These  arose  in  England  for  the  most 
part  after  the  movement  toward  endowed  schools  was 
well  under  way,  but  similar  institutions  had  also  been 
established  in  Wales  in  the  latter  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  especially  through  the  efforts  of  Thomas  Gouge. 
Gouge  was  among  the  English  clergy  ejected  from 
their  charges  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity  in  1662.  By 
means  of  contributions  from  wealthy  Londoners,  he 
set  up  schools  in  eighty-six  of  the  chief  towns  and 
parishes,  and  was  soon  having  about  twelve  hundred 
poor  children  taught  to  read  and  write  English  and  cast 
accounts.  In  1674,  to  receive  and  manage  the  necessary 
funds  for  his  work,  he  organized  a  corporation  composed 
of  churchmen  and  nonconformists,  and  at  his  death 
seven  years  later  there  were  by  this  means  over  three 
hundred  free  schools  maintained  in  Wales. 

But  most  The  Charity  Schools  of  the  Society  for  the  Promo- 

schoois    were  ^on  °f  Christian   Knowledge.  —  In   England  itself  the 


established      great  majority   of   'charity  schools'   were  established 

through  the  . 

s.  P.  c.  K.,  through  the  'Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Christian 
Knowledge'  (often  abbreviated  to  S.  P.  C.  K.).  In 
order  to  counteract  the  low  ebb  in  religion,  morals,  and 
education  that  still  prevailed  toward  the  close  of  the 
century,  this  society  was  founded  in  1698  by  Rev. 
Thomas  Bray,  D.D.  (1656-1730)  and  four  other  clergy- 
men and  philanthropists.  Its  chief  project  and  that 
which  is  especially  pertinent  here,  was  "to  set  up  cat- 
echetical schools  for  the  education  of  poor  children." 
As  a  rule,  these  S.  P.  C.  K.  charity  schools  were  estab- 
lished, supported,  and  managed  by  local  people,  but  the 
society  guaranteed  their  maintenance,  assisting  them 
from  its  own  treasury  whenever  a  temporary  stringency 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  39 

in  local  funds  occurred.  Before  long  the  local  sub- 
scriptions were  often  supplemented  by  endowments  and 
by  systematic  church  collections,  for  which  sermons 
were  preached  at  stated  periods.  The  S.  P.  C.  K.  also 
inspected  the  schools,  advised  and  encouraged  the  local 
managers,  and  furnished  bibles,  prayer  books,  and 
catechisms  at  the  cheapest  rates  possible.  It  made 
stringent  regulations  of  eligibility  for  its  schoolmasters. 
Every  one  of  them  had  not  only  to  stand  all  the  usual 
tests  of  religious,  moral,  and  pedagogical  efficiency,  but 
to  be  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  at  least 
twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  to  be  approved  by  the 
minister  of  his  parish.  Each  master  was  required  to 
teach  the  children  the  catechism  of  the  church  twice  a 
week  and  "more  largely  inform  them  of  their  duty  by  These  schools 
the  help  of  the  Whole  Duty  of  Man."  He  was  also  to  train  their 
"take  particular  Care  of  the  Manners  and  Behaviour  P"P!S  m 

religion, 

of  the  Poor  Children,"  and  purge  them  of  lying,  swear-  morals,  and 
ing,  Sabbath  breaking,  and  other  vices.  This  religious  wen"  as'  'm 
training  was  given  them  in  addition  to  the  regular  work  reading,  writ- 

,         r    *    •  i  .   ,       ing.  and  suffi- 

m  reading,  writing,  and  the  Grounds  of  Arithmetick,  dent  arith- 
to  fit  them  for  Service  or  Apprentices."  Parents  were 
also  required,  under  penalty  of  their  children's  being 
dismissed  from  the  school,  to  see  that  the  children  did 
not  absent  themselves,  save  for  sickness,  and  that  they 
came  to  school  cleanly  and  neat.  Besides  being  edu- 
cated, the  pupils  were  clothed,  boarded,  and  at  times 
even  lodged. 

As  a  result  of  the  efforts  of  the  S.  P.  C.  K.,  the  charity  s.  P.  C.  K. 

i  11       i        i          i   TIT   i         schools      con- 

Schools  in  London  and  throughout  England  and  Wales  tinued  to  in- 


increased  by  leaps  and  bounds.    During  the  first  three 

years  at  least  a  dozen  of  these  institutions  sprang  up  in  middle  of  the 


40  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

eighteenth  London,  and  by  the  close  of  the  first  decade  there  were 
number'  in  within  a  radius  of  ten  miles  of  London  eighty-eight 
England  and  scnoo}s  with  an  attendance  of  2.181  boys  and  1.221  girls. 

Wales  reached  '  J 

nearly  two  The  subscriptions  had  grown  to  nearly  £4,200,  and  the 
witrTabout  special  collections  to  almost  half  as  much  again,  while 
fifty  thou-  the  gifts  from  the  beginning  had  amounted  to  £9,517. 

sand      pupils.    __        ,  .  ,,  ,  , 

Nearly  one  thousand  boys  and  over  four  hundred  girls 
had  been  sent  out  as  apprentices.  Moreover,  there  were 
two  hundred  and  fifty  schools  elsewhere  in  England  and 
twenty-five  in  Wales.  After  another  decade  the  charity 
schools  increased  to  over  twelve  hundred  and  had  an 
attendance  of  nearly  twenty-seven  thousand  pupils, 
while  before  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the 
total  number  of  charity  schools  in  England  and  Wales 
reached  nearly  two  thousand,  with  about  fifty  thousand 
boys  and  girls  in  attendance.  This  increase  in  facilities 
for  the  education  of  the  poor  was  not  kindly  received 
by  many  in  the  upper  classes,  who  would  often  have 
agreed  with  Mandeville  in  his  Essay  on  Charily  Schools 
that  "there  is  no  Need  for  any  Learning  at  all  for  the 
meanest  Ranks  of  Mankind:  Their  Business  is  to  Labour, 
not  to  Think:  Their  Duty  is  to  do  what  they  are  com- 
manded, to  fill  up  the  most  servile  Posts,  and  to  perform 
the  lowest  Offices  and  Drudgeries  of  Life  for  the  Con- 
veniency  of  their  Superiors,  and  common  Nature  gives 
them  Knowledge  enough  for  this  Purpose."  On  the 
other  hand,  the  charity  schools  had  the  warm  support 
of  the  numerous  advocates  of  religious  and  social  re- 
form. Many  of  these  philanthropists,  indeed,  were  over- 
sanguine  in  their  estimate  of  what  these  schools  were  des- 
tined to  accomplish.  Joseph  Addison  even  went  so  far 
as  to  say:  "I  have  always  looked  on  this  institution  of 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  41 

Charity  Schools,  which  of  late  years  has  so  universally 
prevailed  through  the  whole  nation,  as  the  glory  of  the 
age  we  live  in.  ...  It  seems  to  promise  us  an  honest 
and  virtuous  posterity.  There  will  be  few  in  the  next 
generation  who  will  not  at  least  be  able  to  write  and  read, 
and  have  not  an  early  tincture  of  religion."  But  while  while  later 

.  '  ...  .  the  work   be- 

the    benefactions   for   these   institutions   continued    to  came  less  ef- 
increase  for  nearly  half  a  century,  until  in  many  cases  ^p^r  K 
they  virtually  became  endowments,  by  the  middle  of  had  impressed 


the   eighteenth   century  popular   interest   had   waned. 

The  subscriptions  began  to  fall  off,  the  system  of  in-  bility  f?r  the 

J  .  establishment 

spection  became  less  effective,  teachers  again  came  to  of  national 
be  regarded  as  having  a  vested  interest,  and  the  schools  Sl 
ceased  to  expand.  Nevertheless,  the  Society  for  the 
Promotion  of  Christian  Knowledge  had  succeeded  in 
impressing  the  Church  of  England  with  a  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility for  the  establishment  of  a  national  school 
system  upon  a  religious  basis.  The  S.  P.  C.  K.  schools 
were  largely  continued  throughout  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, and  were  in  most  instances  absorbed  after  1811 
by  the  'National  Society  for  Promoting  the  Education 
of  the  Poor  in  the  Principles  of  the  Established  Church.'  l 
Some  of  the  best  of  these  foundations  have  even  existed 
until  the  present  day  upon  an  independent  basis.  The  'Gravel 

Other    British   Charity   Schools.—  These    institutions  L^e  School' 

•*  ...         an"  about 

of  the  S.  P.  C.  K.  may  be  taken  as  typical  of  British  sixty  other 
charity  schools  in  general.  While  under  the  control  of  school  were 
the  Church  of  England,  they  were  at  first  assisted  by  founded  by 

.  nonconform- 

wealthy   nonconformists    and    often    attended    by    the  ists  before  the 
children  of  poor  dissenters.    But  as  a  result  of  increasing  C0tl: 


sectarian  hostility  the  nonconformists  soon  set  up  schools  century, 

1  See  pp.  55ff. 


42  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

of  their  own.  The  first  of  these  foundations  was  the 
'Gravel  Lane  School,'  founded  in  Southwark,  London, 
in  1687,  "for  the  instruction  of  children  in  reading, 
writing,  and  arithmetick,  and  the  girls  in  sewing  and 
knitting,  and  furnishing  them  with  books  for  their 
instruction  in  these  arts,  and  with  Testaments,  Cate- 
chisms, and  Bibles."  This  school  was  maintained  by 
voluntary  subscriptions,  annual  collections,  and  lega- 
cies, and  the  number  of  pupils  soon  rose  from  forty 
at  the  beginning  to  over  two  hundred.  Half  a  dozen 
other  such  nonconformist  institutions  seem  to  have  been 
established  in  London  during  the  early  part  of  the  eight- 
eenth century.  By  the  middle  of  the  century  there  were 
in  the  metropolis  at  least  five  charity  schools  belonging 
to  the  Presbyterians,  three  to  the  Independents,  two  to 
the  French  Protestants,  and  one  to  the  Quakers,  and 
before  the  close  of  the  century  there  must  have  been 
sixty  charity  schools  founded  in  various  parts  of  England 
and  Wales  by  different  nonconforming  denominations, 
and  'drcuiat-  Later  there  was  also  founded  in  Wales  an  interesting 

ing  schools'  r      i  »i         i  ....,  ,.,. 

were  also        type  of  philanthropic  institution  known  as    circulating 
wU?ded  m       schools.'     These   institutions   simply   aimed    to   teach 

Wales.  *   J 

pupils  to  read  the  Bible  in  Welsh,  and  when  this  had 
been  accomplished  in  one  neighborhood,  the  school  was 
transferred  to  another.  Their  organization  was  begun  in 
1 73 7  by  the  Reverend  Griffith  Jones,  but  in  their  support 
they  were  largely  assisted  by  the  S.  P.  C.  K.  Under  the 
management  of  Jones  over  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand children  and  adults  were  taught  to  read  through 
some  three  thousand  of  these  schools,  and  under  his 
successor,  who  continued  the  organization  until  1779, 
there  was  an  even  larger  number  of  schools  and  pupils. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  43 

The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in 
Foreign  Parts,  and  Its  Charity  Schools  in  America. — 

The  charity  school  movement  of  the  mother  country 
also  had  a  counterpart  in  the  American  colonies.  A 
number  of  earlier  charity  schools  were  started  in  America 
by  various  organizations,  but  most  of  the  institutions  of 
this  sort  developed  during  the  eighteenth  century 
through  an  offshoot  of  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of 
Christian  Knowledge.  This  association  had  from  the 
first  contemplated  religious  education  in  the  colonies  as 
well  as  in  England.  Dr.  Bray  undertook  the  commissary- 
ship  of  Maryland  for  the  Bishop  of  London  with  the 
understanding  that  he  should  be  assisted  in  providing 
libraries  and  schools  in  America.  Before  starting  for  the 
colony  himself,  he  sent  over  many  missionaries,  and 
furnished  libraries  and  money  to  be  used  in  education. 
While  schools  never  came  to  be  organized  in  America  by 
the  society,  it  was  evidently  intended  that  they  should 
be  encouraged  in  time,  but  before  any  definite  action 
could  be  taken,  the  other  work  in  the  colonies  had  grown 
to  such  proportions  that  Bray  deemed  it  wise  to  organize  a 
separate  society  to  manage  education.  Thus,  three  years 
after  its  own  creation,  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of 
Christian  Knowledge  gave  birth  to  the  'Society  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts '  (commonly 
known  as  the  'S.  P.  G.'),  and  after  1701  the  parent  as-  The  s.  P.  G. 
sociation  was  enabled  to  limit  its  efforts  largely  to  the  ^  I7°"n  fot 
home  field.  Through  liberal  subscriptions  and  wise  invest-  missionary 

10  11  i  •       and  educa- 

ments  the  S.  P.  G.  eventually  came  to  have  a  fund  of  its  tionai  work  in 
own  amounting  to  over  £400,000.   Missionaries  were  sent 
to  America  in  1702,  and  soon  spread  through  all  the 
colonies,  but  no  schools  were  founded  for  several  years. 


44  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

The  first  The  first  school  of  the  society  was  opened  in  New  York 

was  opened°    City.    William  Huddleston,  who  had  been  conducting  a 


m  New  York  g^ooi  of  his  own  there,  was  in  1700  placed  upon  the 

City  in    1709 

upon  a  simi-  society's  payroll,  "upon  condition  that  he  should  teach 

that  PofQ  the  f°rty  poor  children  gratis."     It  was  intended  that  the 

s.  P.  c.  K.  new  school  should  follow  the  plan  of  the  charity  schools 

England.         in  England,  but  while  free  tuition  and  free  books  were 

guaranteed  from  the  beginning,  it  was  not  until  many 

years  later  that  the  expense  of  clothing  the  children  was 

provided.     Under  different  masters  and  with  varying 

fortunes,  the  school  was  supported  by  the  society  until 

1783,  when  the  United  States  had  finally  cut  loose  from 

the  mother  country  and  started  upon  a  career  of  its  own. 

Meanwhile  Trinity  Church  had  come  more  and  more  to 

take  the  initiative  in  the  support  of  the  school,  and 

finally   accumulated   an   endowment   of   £5000.      The 

institution  came  to  be  known  as  'Trinity  Church  School/ 

and   ever   since   the   withdrawal   of   the   society   from 

America,    it    has    been    continued    under    that    name. 

Schools  of  the  same  type  were  soon  established  by  the 

The  same       S.  P.  G.  missionaries  throughout  the  colonies.    For  the 

was  supported  colony  of  New  York,  we  possess  more  or  less  complete 

m  ail  the  col-  accounts  of  schools  established  in  Westchester  County 

onies,    except 

Virginia.  at  Rye,  West  Chester,  White  Plains,  Yonkers,  and  East 
Chester;  in  two  or  three  centers  on  Staten  Island;  at 
Hempstead,  Oyster  Bay,  North  Castle,  Huntington, 
Jamaica,  Southampton,  and  Brookhaven,  on  Long 
Island;  among  the  German  Palatinates  on  the  Hudson 
at  New  Windsor  and  Newburgh;  and  at  Albany  and 
Johnstown.  In  Pennsylvania  there  were  well-known 
schools  in  Philadelphia,  Lancaster,  and  Chester;  while 
similar  institutions  were  supported  at  Burlington, 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  45 

Shrewsbury,  and  Second  River  in  New  Jersey.  The 
S.  P.  G.  schoolmasters  seem  to  have  been  likewise 
active  in  all  the  other  colonies,  except  Virginia. 

All  these  schools,  except  for  size  and  local  peculiarities, 
closely  resembled  that  in  New  York  City.  The  attend- 
ance ranged  from  eighteen  or  twenty  pupils  to  nearly 
four  times  that  number.  From  one-quarter  to  one-half 
of  them  were  taught  gratuitously.  Girls  were  generally 
admitted,  and  occasionally  equalled  or  exceeded  the 
boys  in  number.  As  a  rule,  children  of  other  denomina- 
tions were  received  on  the  same  terms  as  those  of  Church 
of  England  members,  and  at  times  nearly  one-half  the 
attendance  was  composed  of  dissenters,  but  often  those 
outside  the  Church  were  given  secondary  consideration, 
or  the  catechism  was  so  stressed  by  the  school  that  the 
dissenting  children  were  withdrawn  and  rival  schools  set 
up.  The  character  of  the  course  of  study  in  these  charity  The  instruc- 
schools  is  further  indicated  by  the  books  furnished  by  eraiiy  eie- 
the  society.  In  packets  of  various  sizes  it  sent  over  me.nfary  and 

J  f  religious. 

hornbooks,  primers,  spellers,  writing-paper  and  ink- 
horns,  catechisms,  psalters,  prayer  books,  testaments, 
and  bibles.  There  is  also  some  evidence  that  secondary 
instruction  was  carried  on  intermittently  in  the  various 
centers  by  the  missionaries  or  by  the  schoolmasters  in 
conjunction  with  their  elementary  work.  The  character 
of  the  work  done  by  the  society's  schools  varied  some- 
what. Some  masters  were  notoriously  inefficient,  but 
as  a  whole  they  ranked  above  the  average  of  the  times. 

Throughout  its  work  in  the  American  colonies  the  The  s-  r-  G 

.  .  r  .    .  rrM        schools  met 

S.  P.  G.  met  with  various  forms  of  opposition.      Ihe  with  much 


dissenters,  Quakers,  and  others  were  often  openly  hostile 
through  fear  of  the  foundation  of  an  established  national  the  society 


46  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

was  sectarian,  church  similar  to  that  of  England,  and  both  sides  dis* 

it   exerted 

a  great  in-  played  considerable  sectarianism  and  bigotry.  After 
ward^un'iver-  I75°  the  opposition  to  the  society  increased  in  bitterness 
sal  education,  and  became  more  general,  owing  to  the  feeling  that  its 
agents  were  supporting  the  king  against  the  colonists. 
It  was  gradually  forced  to  give  up  its  schools,  and  by 
1783  had  entirely  left  the  country.  Yet  its  patronage  of 
schools  was  most  philanthropic  and  important  for 
American  education  in  the  eighteenth  century.  While 
it  insisted  upon  the  interpretation  of  Christianity 
adopted  by  the  Church  of  England,  it  stood  first  and 
foremost  for  the  extension  of  religion  and  education  to 
the  virgin  soil  of  America.  It  carried  on  its  labors  with 
devoted  interest  and  showed  great  generosity  in  the 
maintenance  of  schools.  Where  it  refused  to  establish  a 
school  or  made  any  retrenchment,  the  action  can  gen- 
erally be  explained  through  an  actual  lack  of  funds  or  a 
want  of  cooperation  on  the  part  of  the  colonists.  The 
hope  was  frequently  expressed  that  the  people  of  the 
colonies  would  soon  be  able  to  assist  in  the  support  of 
these  charity  schools,  or  to  assume  the  entire  charge 
themselves,  but,  except  for  the  aid  given  in  New  York 
by  Trinity  Church,  the  time  never  came.  Nevertheless, 
the  support  of  schools  in  the  colonies  by  the  S.  P.  G. 
exerted  some  influence  toward  universal  education,  and 
among  the  colonists  where  the  Church  of  England  pre- 
vailed it  afforded  the  nearest  approach  to  a  public 
school  system.  It  can  hardly  be  claimed  that  the  so- 
ciety would  have  encouraged  a  genuine  state  support 
and  control  of  schools,  but  it  certainly  furnished  a 
generous  example  and  paved  the  way  for  such  an  edu- 
cational policy. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  47 

Charity  Schools  among  the  Pennsylvania  Germans. —  Through  con- 
During  the  eighteenth  century  the  efforts  of  the  S.  P.  G.  from  the 
were  supplemented  by  the  formation  of  minor  associa-  s\  p-  G-  and 

.  _  .       other  sources, 

tions  and  the  establishment  of  other  charity  schools  in  a  number  of 
various  colonies.  The  most  noteworthy  instance  was  schools  were 
the  charity  school  movement  among  the  German  sects  started  among 

•          rrvi       /^  IT  i  tne      German 

of  Pennsylvania.  I  he  Germans  had  come  to  the  colony  settlers  of 
in  the  early  part  of  the  century  at  the  invitation  of  Penn.  ^bo^the1"1 
They  had  there  found  peace  and  content,  and  by  the  middle  of  the 
middle  of  the  century  they  numbered  not  far  from  one- 
half  of  the  entire  population.  But  the  educational 
facilities,  on  account  of  their  poverty,  the  sparseness  of 
population,  and  the  dearth  of  efficient  schoolmasters, 
soon  proved  inadequate,  both  in  quantity  and  quality. 
An  attempt  to  improve  these  conditions  was  made  in 
1751  by  raising  funds  among  the  Calvinists  in  Holland 
and  Scotland,  and  through  an  appeal  to  the  S.  P.  G. 
in  1753  by  Provost  Smith  of  the  new  College  at  Phil- 
adelphia (afterward  the  University  of  Pennsylvania). 
In  addition  to  the  arguments  of  religion  and  education, 
Dr.  Smith  urged  the  political  reason  that  "by  a  common 
Education  of  English  and  German  Youth  at  the  same 
Schools,  acquaintances  and  connexions  will  be  formed, 
and  the  English  language  and  a  conformity  of  manners 
will  be  acquired."  In  response  to  his  petition,  an  addi- 
tional fund  of  £20,000  was  raised  through  contributions 
by  the  S.  P.  G.,  the  royal  family,  and  the  proprietaries 
of  the  colony.  This  fund,  "from  the  interests  of  which 
free  schools  were  here  to  be  established  and  sustained, 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  certain  trustees,  constituting 
A  Society  for  Propagating  the  Knowledge  of  God  among 
the  Germans."  In  accordance  with  a  plan  of  Smith's, 


48  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

there  was  appointed  a  general  colonial  board  of  six 
trustees.  One  or  more  of  the  trustees  were  to  visit  each 
of  the  schools  annually  and  award  one  prize  for  the  best 
oration  in  English  by  a  boy  of  German  parentage,  and 
one  for  the  best  oral  examination  passed  by  any  boy  in 
civil  and  religious  duties.  The  course  of  study  included 
instruction  in  "both  the  English  and  German  languages; 
likewise  in  Writing,  keeping  of  common  accounts, 
Singing  of  Psalms,  and  the  true  Principles  of  the  holy 
Protestant  Religion." 
while  the  aid  it  had  been  planned  to  establish  twenty-five  such 

Was   with-  111  •  1        i  r      r  i  •  rr>     • 

drawn  after  schools,  but  owing  to  lack  of  funds,  insufficiency  of 
or^nfzation16  teacners>  and  quarrels  as  to  location,  there  were  prob- 
of  these  in-  ably  always  less  than  half  that  number.  In  the  va- 
rious  schools  and  at  different  seasons  of  the  year,  the 


way  for  a     attendance  ranged  from  twenty-five  to  sixty-six,  and  at 

system   of  J  J 

public  schools  most  the  number  of  pupils  accommodated  at  any  one 
for  the  state.  tjme  jn  ajj  ^e  charity  schools  must  have  been  well  under 
one  thousand.  The  schools  lasted  only  about  a  decade. 
From  the  beginning  the  minor  sects  —  Bunkers,  Men- 
nonites,  Schwenkfelders,  Moravians,  Siebentagers  —  eyed 
them  with  suspicion,  and  later  the  Lutherans  and  Cal- 
vinists  were  likewise  persuaded  that  this  English  school- 
ing threatened  their  language,  nationality,  and  institu- 
tions. The  resulting  opposition  ultimately  led  to  their 
abandonment  by  the  S.  P.  G.  and  the  king.  Yet  the 
organization  of  these  institutions  left  some  good  results. 
They  stimulated  the  Germans  to  provide  schools  to 
maintain  their  own  language  and  religion,  they  helped 
unify  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  and  paved  the  way  for 
the  establishment  of  a  system  of  public  schools  in  1834.  l 
1  See  pp.  loaf. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  49 

Robert  Raikes  and  the  '  Sunday  School  '  Movement  Sunday 

•       *-»         i    T-.   «i    •  A  •    i          f      i       •  M  i        -i  '.  schools    for 

in  Great  Britain.  —  A  variety  of  chanty  school,  quite  instruction 

different  from  those  already  mentioned,  sprang  up  in  ^   religion 

J  and  the  rudi- 

England  toward  the  close  of  the  century  under  the  name  ments  were 
of  'Sunday  schools.'     The  reputed  originator  of  these 


institutions  was  Robert  Raikes  (1735-1811)  of  Gloucester,  England,  in 
England.  This  city  was  a  manufacturing  center,  and  Robert 
child  labor,  with  all  the  attendant  ignorance,  vice,  and  Raikes' 
squalor,  was  everywhere  in  vogue.  Several  clergymen 
and  philanthropists  of  the  vicinity  had  sought  with 
more  or  less  success  to  improve  conditions  by  gathering 
children  and  adults  together  on  Sunday  for  instruction 
in  religion  and  the  rudiments,  but  until  the  time  of 
Raikes  no  general  system  arose,  and  the  Sunday  schools 
scarcely  spread  to  the  neighboring  parishes.  The  success 
of  Raikes  came  largely  through  the  publicity  he  was  able 
to  give  the  institutions  in  the  columns  of  his  Gloucester 
Journal,  the  proprietorship  of  which  he  had  inherited 
from  his  father.  He  opened  his  first  Sunday  school  in 
'Sooty  Alley'  in  1780  under  the  direction  of  a  Mrs. 
Meredith,  whom  he  paid  a  shilling  each  Sunday  to  train 
the  children.  After  six  months  he  started  a  new  school 
in  Southgate  street  under  Mrs.  Mary  Critchley,  and 
further  schools  were  soon  established.  The  formal 
instruction  in  these  Sunday  schools  was  very  rudimen- 
tary. It  consisted  at  the  best  in  teaching  the  pupils  to 
read  in  the  Bible,  spell,  write,  and  absorb  the  elements  of 
religion.  The  religious  training  did  not  emphasize  any 
particular  creed,  and  was  not  obscured  by  sectarian 
bitterness.  But  even  so  mild  an  attempt  at  reform 
could  not  pass  unchallenged  by  the  conservatives.  The 
upper  classes  held  that  "the  lower  orders  of  mankind 


50  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

are  incapable  of  improvement,"  and  feared  that,  unless 
the  masses  were  kept  in  their  place,  there  would  be  a 
social  upheaval  in  England  like  that  going  on  at  the 
time  in  France.  The  poor,  on  their  side,  were  suspicious 
of  "people  taking  pains  to  bestow  benefits  without 
having  some  selfish  object,"  and  declared  that  "reading 
only  serves  to  make  poor  folk  proud  and  idle."  Yet 
the  new  movement  was  not  without  warm  and  influen- 
tial friends  among  the  nobility  and  others  interested 
in  reform,  and  Wesley  even  incorporated  Sunday  schools 
as  one  of  the  features  of  his  religious  'societies.' 

In  fact,  despite  opposition,  the  Sunday  schools  were  a 
success  from  the  start,  and  soon  spread  from  the  county 
of  Gloucester  to  all  corners  of  the  United  Kingdom.    As 
early  as  1784,  schools  of  this  type  were  opened  in  London, 
and  the  year  following  a  general  Sunday  School  Society 
and  soon        was  founded.    In  the  course  of  a  decade  this  organiza- 
through  Eng-  ^on  distributed  nearly  one  hundred  thousand  spellers, 
land,    Wales,  twenty-five  thousand  testaments,  and  over  five  thousand 
land,  and  the  bibles,  and  trained  approximately  sixty-five  thousand 
Channel  is-     pupijs  m  a  thousand  schools.    The  Sunday  schools  that 
appeared  in  Wales  were  probably  independent  in  their 
origin,  although  they  may  have  been  stimulated  by  the 
Raikes  movement.    They  were  largely  developed  through 
a  clergyman  of  Bala,  named  Charles,  who  started  them 
in  1785  as  the  best  substitute  within  his  means  for  the 
former  'circulating  schools'  of  Jones,1  and  instructed 
adults  as  well  as  children.     Even  in  Scotland,  where 
religious  instruction  in  the  family  was  excellently  or- 
ganized, there  was  a  '  Sabbath  Evening  School '  founded 
in    1797.     Eight   years    before,    Sunday    schools    were 

1  See  p.  42. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  51 

formally  organized  in  Down  County,  Ireland,  and  were 
thence  extended  to  Dublin  and  other  centers.  The 
Channel  Islands,  Jersey  and  Guernsey,  also  opened 
similar  institutions  during  the  early  part  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Hence  before  the  death  of  Raikes 
there  were  nearly  half  a  million  pupils  in  the  Sunday 
schools  of  the  British  Isles,  and  by  the  middle  of  the 
century  the  attendance  had  grown  to  two  and  one-half 
millions.  Meanwhile  the  teachers  had  gradually  come 
to  serve  without  pay  and  to  instruct  less  efficiently,  and 
the  schools  had  largely  given  up  all  training  save  the  re- 
ligious. An  investigation  of  the  London  Sunday  schools 
in  1858  revealed  the  fact  that  the  teaching  was  "cer- 
tainly not  secular,  but  as  purely  as  possible  religious." 
In  no  instance  were  pupils  instructed  in  writing,  "and 
reading  was  taught  only  incidentally  and  by  means  of 
Bible  lessons."  Nevertheless,  the  Sunday  schools  were 
continued  as  a  nominal  part  of  secular  education  until 
the  public  system  was  started  in  1870,  when  they  came 
to  occupy  the  distinctly  religious  field  of  the  present  day. 

The    '  Sunday    School '    Movement    in    the    United  Sunday 
States. — The  Raikes  system  of  Sunday  instruction  was  Raikes    type 
also  soon  introduced  in  America.     Sunday  schools  had  were  j^wise 

organized     in 

not  been  uncommon  in  the  colonies  even  more  than  a  various  cities 
century  before  this,  but  they  had  been  exclusively  for  gtot^  a™dca 
religious  teaching.  The  first  school  on  the  new  basis  liu!e  kter  as- 

socititions 

was  organized  in  1786  by  Bishop  Asbury  at  the  house  of  were  formed 
Thomas  Crenshaw  in  Hanover  County,  Virginia,  in  ^promoting 

J  '  this    kind    of 

the  hope  of  combating  the  ignorance,  infidelity,  and  Sunday  in- 
sectarianism   that   were   rampant   after   the  American 
revolution.    Within  a  quarter  of  a  century  a  number  of 
other  schools  arose  at  Charleston,  Pittsburg,  Pawtucket 


52  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

(R.  I.),  Boston,  New  York,  Paterson  (N.  J.),  Stockbridge 
(N.  Y.),  Albany,  and  elsewhere.  In  these  communities 
schools  were  provided  for  the  laboring  classes,  whose 
children  were  generally  very  ignorant  and  vicious,  and, 
as  in  the  British  movement,  the  teachers  were  at  first 
usually  paid.  The  chief  texts  used  were  the  speller  and 
hymn-book.  But  the  organization  of  the  system  in  the 
United  States  soon  became  more  extensive  than  these 
isolated  cases  of  Sunday  schools.  In  1791  the  first  per- 
manent association  for  promoting  Sunday  instruction, 
'The  First  Day  or  Sunday  School  Society,'  was  organized 
at  Philadelphia.  It  arose  from  the  lack  of  free  schools 
in  the  city  and  the  need  of  improving  material  and 
intellectual  conditions.  It  was  formed  by  prominent 
men  of  several  creeds,  and  was  purely  nonsectarian. 
By  the  close  of  the  century  it  was  training  over  two 
thousand  children.  During  the  first  two  decades  of  the 
nineteenth  century  a  number  of  similar  societies  for 
secular  instruction  on  Sunday  were  founded  in  New  York, 
Boston,  Philadelphia,  and  elsewhere.  In  1823  these 
associations  were  all  absorbed  into  a  new  and  broader 
organization,  called  the  'American  Sunday  School 
Union.'  For  a  time  this  society  continued  secular 
instruction.  It  published  suitable  reading-books,  and 
furnished  primers,  spellers,  testaments,  and  hymn-books 
to  needy  Sunday  schools  at  a  reasonable  rate,  but  it  has 

But  the  tend-  .  ' 

ency  soon  gradually  come  to  confine  itself  to  the  publication  of 
stituting  voi-  reu'gi°us  literature  and  the  encouragement  of  religious 
untary  teach-  instruction.  In  fact,  after  the  first  quarter  of  the  nine- 

ers  and  purely  ,  .  ...  -.101 

religious  tecnth  century  the  prevailing  tendency  in  the  Sunday 
training  for  schools  of  the  United  States  was  to  substitute  voluntary 

the  system  of 

Raikes.  teachers  and  purely  religious  training  for  the  system  of 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  53 

Raikes.  The  growth  of  free  education  everywhere  in 
America  has  gradually  rendered  secular  instruction  on 
Sunday  unnecessary. 

Value    of    the    Instruction    in    '  Sunday    Schools.'  —  while  the 
In  fact,  the  value  of  secular  instruction  in  both  British 


and  American  Sunday  schools  was  not  large  at  its  best.  ?•  ™akeshjft 

?  .  ln  both  Eng- 

These  institutions  were  not  unimportant  in  their  effect  land  and 
upon  the  extension  of  education,  but  their  work  was 


necessarily  limited  to  a  few  hours  once  a  week,  and  their  the   way   to 

,  .    .  ,  T         i  •  i  i  .    •  universal  pub- 

secular  training  was  always  subordinate  to  the  religious.  i;c  instruc- 
And  finally,  when  the  teachers  became  voluntary,  the  tion- 
instruction  was  rendered  with  more  zeal  than  ability, 
and  the  secular  element  in  the  content  gradually  dis- 
appeared altogether.     Both  Raikes  and  all  others  in- 
terested in   these  institutions  recognized   their  inade- 
quacy as  a  means  of  securing  universal  education,  and 
regarded  them  merely  as  auxiliary  to  a  more  complete 
system  of  instruction.    But  while  a  makeshift  and  by 
no  means  a  final  solution  for  national  education,  they 
performed  a  notable  service  for  the  times,  and,  like  all 
philanthropic  schools,  helped  point  the  way  to  a  system 
of  universal  instruction  at  public  expense.1 
Lancaster's    School    in    Southwark.  —  It    has    been  Joseph  Lan- 

,  .  .  ,  .  caster  started 

evident    that    while    most    varieties    of    philanthropic  'monitorial' 
education  came  into  existence  in  the  eighteenth  century,  schools  fo^  the 

J  '    poor  of  Eng- 

some  of  the  schools  continued  into  the  nineteenth.    This  land  in  1798, 
was  even  more  the  case  with  the  schools  of  the  'monito- 
rial' system,  which  became  prominent  entirely  within 
the  first  half  of  the  latter  century.    This  system  may  be 
said  to  have  started  in  1798  with  a  school  for  the  children 

1  For  their  influence  in  starting  primary  schools  in  the  city  of  Boston, 
see  p.  69. 


54  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

of  the  poor,  opened  in  Southwark,  London.  The  teachei 
was  Joseph  Lancaster  (1778-1838),  an  English  Quaker 
only  twenty  years  of  age.  The  youthful  philanthropist 
had  come  to  feel  that  "the  want  of  system  and  order  is 
almost  uniform  in  every  class  of  schools  within  the  reach 
of  the  poor."  To  overcome  the  lack  of  organization  and 
the  resulting  illiteracy,  he  undertook  to  educate  as 
many  of  the  bare-foot  and  unkempt  children  of  the  dis- 
trict as  he  could.  His  school-room  was  soon  crowded  with 
a  hundred  or  more  pupils,  and,  in  order  to  beach  them  all, 
he  used  the  older  scholars  as  assistants.  He  taught  the 
lesson  first  to  these  'monitors,'  and  they  in  turn  imparted 
it  to  the  others,  who  were  divided  into  equal  groups. 
Each  monitor  cared  for  a  single  group.  The  work  was 
very  successful  from  the  first,  and  Lancaster  called 
further  attention  to  it  in  1803  by  an  account  he  pub- 
lished under  the  title  of  Improvements  in  Education  as 
it  respects  the  Industrious  Classes  of  the  Community.  He 
also  lectured  on  his  methods  throughout  England  and 
established  'monitorial'  schools  everywhere,  and  it  was 
generally  believed  that  an  effective  means  had  at  length 
been  found  for  educating  everyone  with  little  cost. 
Lancaster,  however,  proved  most  reckless,  and  his  ven- 
ture had  by  1808  plunged  him  deeply  in  debt.  Having 
rescued  him  from  the  debtors'  prison,  certain  philan- 
thropic men  of  means  in  that  year  founded  'The  Royal 
Lancasterian  Institution/  to  continue  the  work  on  a 
practical  basis.  But  within  half  a  dozen  years,  Lancaster 
withdrew  from  the  association  and  started  a  school  of 
his  own.  A  few  years  later  he  left  England  for  foreign 
lands,  where  he  again  met  with  failure  and  poverty,  and 
finally  died  in  the  city  of  New  York,  a  disappointed  man. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  55 

The  *  British  and  Foreign  '  and  the  '  National  >  So- 

cieties. —  Yet  the  organization  for  perpetuating  his  work, 

which  after  the  withdrawal  of  Lancaster  became  known  and  the  Brit- 

as    'The   British   and   Foreign   Society/   continued   to  d 


flourish  and  perform  a  splendid  service  for  education.  was  founded 

.  i          i        r  to  Perpetuate 

So  successful  was  it  that  the  Church  of  England  began  his  work. 
to  fear  its  liberalistic  influence  upon  education.    Follow- 
ing the  nonconformist  attitude  of  its  Quaker  founder,  the 
education  of  the  society  included  religion  and  reading  the 
Bible,  but  permitted  no  catechism  or  denominational  To  combat 

.  the  liberalistic 

instruction  of  any  sort.    To  most  Anglican  churchmen  influence  of 
such  religious  teaching  seemed  loose  and  colorless,  and  j 


in  1811  'The  National  Society  for  Promoting  the  Educa-  education, 
tion  of  the  Poor  in  the  Principles  of  the  Established  churchmen 
Church'  was  founded  by  them.  This  long-named  funded  the 

J  .        .  National 

association  was  to  use  the  'monitorial'  system,  and  to  Society,  un- 
have  a  Doctor  Bell  as  its  manager.  Andrew  Bell  (1753-  ^i™r 
1832)  had  been  an  army  chaplain  and  the  superintendent  Andrew  Bell. 
of  an  orphanage  in  India,  and  had  the  idea  of  monitorial 
instruction  suggested  to  him  by  the  Hindu  education. 
A  year  before  Lancaster  opened  his  school,  Bell  had 
published  his  treatise  known  as  An  Experiment  in 
Education  Made  at  the  Male  Asylum  of  Madras;  and 
while  the  Quaker  philanthropist  began  his  system  inde- 
pendently, it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  received  help  later 
from  Bell.  Although  they  formed  no  part  of  Bell's  origi- 
nal methods  in  Madras,  the  catechism  and  the  prayer 
book  were  now  taught  dogmatically  in  the  schools  founded 
by  the  National  Society,  and  as  Bell  proved  an  admirable 
director,  the  affairs  of  the  organization  prospered  mar- 
velously.  In  consequence,  a  healthy  rivalry  with  the 
older  association  of  the  Lancasterians  rapidly  grew  up. 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


National 
Society,    and 
was    more 
elaborate. 


The  Systems  of  Lancaster  and  Bell. — 'Monitorial' 
or  'mutual'  instruction,  however,  was  not  original  with 
either  Lancaster  or  Bell.  Besides  being  used  by  the 
Hindus,1  it  has  formed  part  of  the  Jesuit  system  of 
education,2  was  practiced  by  Trotzendorf  in  his  school,3 
and  was  confidently  recommended  by  Comenius  in  his 
Didactica  Magna.*  Nevertheless,  it  was  the  work  of 
The  system  of  Lancaster  and  Bell  that  greatly  developed  the  method 

Lancaster  was  .     .  . 

broader  than  and  brought  it  into  prominence.  I  he  plans  of  the  two 
men,  while  analogous,  differed  somewhat  in  spirit  and 
details.  Without  considering  the  methods  of  religious 
instruction,  the  system  of  Lancaster  was  generally 
animated  by  broader  motives.  While  he  failed  to  teach 
certain  subjects,  it  was  simply  because  his  resources 
were  limited;  but  the  National  Society  purposely  cur- 
tailed the  range  of  its  instruction  on  the  ground  that 
"there  is  a  risk  of  elevating  those  who  are  doomed  to  the 
drudgery  of  daily  labour  above  their  station,  and  ren- 
dering them  unhappy  and  discontented  with  their  lot." 
In  the  matter  of  details,  both  men  worked  out  systemat- 
ically the  idea  of  instructing  through  monitors,  and 
both  used  a  desk  covered  with  sand  as  a  means  of  teach- 
ing writing;  but  in  other  respects  Lancaster  elaborated 
the  method  more  than  Bell.  By  having  the  speller  or 
other  text  printed  in  large  type  and  suspending  it  from 
the  wall,  he  made  one  book  serve  for  a  whole  class,  or 
even  for  the  entire  school.  Through  the  use  of  slates  and 
dictation  he  had  five  hundred  boys  spell  and  write  the 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  before  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  8ji. 

2  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  p.  218. 

3  Op.  cit.,  pp.  i88f. 

4  Op.  cit.,  pp.  274f. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  57 

same  word  at  the  same  time.  He  arranged  a  new  method 
in  arithmetic  whereby  any  child  who  could  read  might 
teach  the  subject  with  accuracy.  Moreover,  he  in- 
stituted company  organization,  drill,  regimental  control, 
precision,  and  a  prompt  observance  of  the  word  of 
command.  He  also  developed  a  system  of  badges, 
tickets,  offices,  and  other  rewards,  and,  in  order  to  avoid 
flogging,  a  set  of  punishments  by  which  the  offender  was 
made  an  object  of  ridicule  rather  than  physical  pain. 
There  were  likewise  a  number  of  unessential  differences 
between  the  two  systems. 

Value  of  the  Monitorial  System  in  England.— Neither  ™e 

.  ial    system, 

Bell  nor  Lancaster  deserves  much  praise  as  an  educa-  while   it   ac- 
tional    reformer.      Each    was    vain    and    pedagogically  mudf'when 
ignorant,  and  saw  but  one  side  of  education.    While  both  little  atten- 

..  i«   i       i  i  •  ii'i       tion  was  given 

societies  accomplished  much  good  at  a  time  when  little  to  education, 
attention  was  given  to  instruction  and  less  to  the  prob-  was;  forl"al . 

and  mecham- 

lems  of  education,  the  monitorial  systems  overemphasized  cai. 
repetition  in  the  teaching  process  and  treated  education 
purely  from  the  standpoint  of  routine.  The  monitorial 
method  was  not  real  instruction,  but  a  formal  drill.  It 
had  no  principles  and  little  of  the  elasticity  that  was 
apparent  in  the  more  psychological  methods  of  the  re- 
formers on  the  Continent.  The  mechanical  basis  of  such 
a  system  is  exposed  by  the  arithmetical  boast  of  Lan- 
caster. He  calculated:  "Each  boy  can  spell  one  hundred 
words  in  a  morning.  If  one  hundred  scholars  can  do 
that  two  hundred  mornings  yearly,  the  following  will 
be  the  total  of  their  efforts  at  improvement."  He  then 
shows  that  there  will  be  an  annual  achievement  of  two 
million  words  spelt.  Similarly,  in  arithmetic  he  seems 
to  hold  that  it  is  simply  a  question  of  the  number  of 


58  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

sums  done  in  a  given  time,  and  not  at  all  a  matter  oi 

principles. 

But  it  afford-       Yet  the  Lancaster-Bell  schools  were  productive  of 
education0'^  some  achievements.    Most  of  them  afforded  a  fair  educa- 


Engiand  be-    ^ion  in  the  elementary  school  subjects  and  added  some 

/ore   it   could    .  t  .  •" 

be  otherwise  industrial  and  vocational  training.  They  also  did  much 
to  awaken  the  conscience  of  the  English  nation  to  the 
need  of  general  education  for  the  poor,  and  the  system 
emphasized  the  school  as  an  organized  community  for 
mutual  aid.  The  British  and  Foreign  and  the  National 
Societies  afforded  a  substitute,  though  a  poor  one,  for 
national  education  in  the  days  before  the  government 
was  willing  to  pay  for  general  education  or  the  denom- 
inations were  able  to  furnish  it,  and  they  became  the 
avenues  through  which  such  appropriations  as  the 
government  did  make  were  distributed.  In  1833  the 
£20,000,  constituting  the  first  aid  to  elementary  educa- 
tion, was  equally  divided  between  the  two  societies,1 
and  this  method  of  administration  was  continued  as  the 
annual  grant  was  gradually  increased,  until  universal 
public  education  was  enacted.  Likewise,  in  1839, 
£10,000  for  normal  instruction  was  voted  to  the  societies, 
and  was  used  by  the  British  and  Foreign  for  its  Borough 
Road  Training  College,  and  by  the  National  for  St. 
Mark's  Training  College.  These  were  followed  by  several 
other  training  institutions  established  by  each  society 
through  government  aid.  In  1870,  when  the  'board,' 
or  public  elementary,  schools  were  at  length  founded,2 
the  schools  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Society,  with  their 
nonsectarian  instruction,  fused  naturally  with  them; 
but  the  institutions  of  the  National  Society,  though 

1  See  pp.  3<D3f.  z  See  pp. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  59 

transferred  to  school  boards  in  a  few  cases,  have  generally 
come  to  constitute  by  themselves  a  national  system  on  a 
voluntary  basis. 

Results  of  Lancasterianism  in  the  United  States. —  Th?   Lancas- 

tenan  system 

In  the  United  States,  where  complete  freedom  in  religion  was  intro- 
obtained,  the  system  of  Dr.  Bell  and  the  National 
Society  found  little  footing.  The  monitorial  system  in  its  ican 
Lancasterian  form,  however,  was  introduced  into  New 
York  City  in  1806.  The  'Society  for  the  Establishment 
of  a  Free  School/  after  investigating  the  best  methods 
in  other  cities  and  countries,  decided  to  try  the  system 
of  Lancaster.1  The  method  was  likewise  introduced 
into  the  charity  schools  of  Philadelphia.  The  monitorial 
system  then  spread  rapidly  through  New  York,  Penn- 
sylvania, Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  other  states. 
It  is  almost  impossible  to  trace  the  exact  extent  of  this 
organization  in  the  United  States,  but  before  long  it 
seems  to  have  affected  nearly  all  cities  of  any  size  as  far 
south  as  Augusta  (Georgia),  and  west  as  far  as  Cincinnati. 
There  are  still  traces  of  its  influence  everywhere  through- 
out this  region, — in  Hartford,  New  Haven,  Washington, 
Baltimore,  and  Albany,  as  well  as  in  the  cities  already 
mentioned.  In  1818  Lancaster  himself  was  invited  to 
America,  and  assisted  in  the  monitorial  schools  of  New 
York,  Brooklyn,  and  Philadelphia.  A  dozen  years 
later  the  system  began  to  be  introduced  generally  into 
the  high  schools  and  academies.  Through  the  efforts  of 
Dr.  John  Griscom,  who  had  been  greatly  pleased  with 
the  monitorial  high  school  of  Dr.  Pillans  in  Edinburgh, 
a  similar  institution  was  established  in  New  York  City 
in  1825,  and  the  plan  was  soon  adopted  by  a  number 

1  See  pp.  Q7f. 


60  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

of  high  schools  in  New  York  and  neighboring  states. 
Likewise,  the  state  system  of  academies  in  Maryland 
and  in  Indiana,  which  became  high  schools  after  the 
Civil  War,  was  organized  on  this  basis.  For  two  decades 
the  monitorial  remained  the  prevailing  method  in  second- 
ary education.  Training  schools  for  teachers  on  the 
Lancasterian  basis  also  became  common, 
and  did  a  j  £  t  t^  monitorial  system  was  destined  to  per- 

great    service  J 

where  free  form  a  great  service  for  American  education.  At  the 
been°Sfewa  time  of  its  introduction,  public  and  free  schools  were 
generally  lacking,  outside  of  New  England.  Even  in 
that  section  the  early  Puritan  provision  for  schools  had 
largely  become  a  dead  letter,  and  the  facilities  that 
existed  were  meager,  and  available  during  but  a  small 
portion  of  the  year.  In  all  parts  of  the  country  illiteracy 
was  almost  universal  among  children  of  the  poor.  This 
want  of  school  opportunities  was  rendered  more  serious 
by  the  rapid  growth  of  American  cities,  which  was  evi- 
dent even  in  the  earliest  part  of  the  century,  and  by  the 
consequent  increase  and  concentration  of  ignorance, 
poverty,  and  crime.  'Free  school  societies,'  like  that  in 
New  York  City,  formed  to  study  and  relieve  the  situa- 
tion, were  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  gratuitous 
education  must  be  instituted,  if  the  poorer  classes  were 
to  be  trained  to  habits  of  thrift  and  virtue.  Because  of 
its  comparative  inexpensiveness,  these  philanthropic 
associations  came  to  regard  the  system  of  Lancaster  as 
a  very  godsend  for  their  purpose.  And  when,  before 
long,  the  people  awoke  to  the  crying  need  of  public 
education,  legislators  found  the  monitorial  schools  the 
cheapest  way  out  of  the  difficulty,  and  the  provision 
they  made  for  these  schools  gradually  opened  the  road 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  6 1 

to  the  ever  increasing  expenditures  and  taxation  that 
had  to  be  made  before  satisfactory  schools  could  be 
established.  Hence  the  introduction  of  Lancasterianism 
may  well  be  considered  to  have  provided  a  basis  for 
the  substantial  public  support  of  education  now  universal 
in  the  United  States. 

Moreover,  the  Lancasterian  schools  were  not  only  and  the  work 
economical,  but  most  effective,  when  the  educational 
conditions  of  the  times  are  taken  into  consideration. 
Even  in  the  cities,  the  one-room  and  one-teacher  school 
was  the  prevailing  type,  and  grading  was  practically 
unknown.  The  whole  organization  and  administration 
was  shiftless  and  uneconomical,  and  a  great  improvement 
was  brought  about  by  the  carefully  planned  and  detailed 
methods  of  Lancaster.  The  schools  were  made  over 
through  his  definite  mechanics  of  instruction,  centralized 
management,  well-trained  teachers,  improved  apparatus, 
discipline,  hygiene,  and  other  features.  We  can,  then, 
well  understand  the  enthusiasm  for  these  new  schools 
that  is  apparent  in  the  utterances  and  writings  of 
statesmen,  educators,  and  other  persons  of  the  times  that 
felt  responsible  for  the  training  of  the  people.  One  of 
the  earliest  and  best  known  estimates  is  that  of  De  Witt 
Clinton,  afterward  (1817-23  and  1825-28)  governor  of 
New  York,  who  in  1809  declared  in  his  address  at  the 
dedication  of  the  new  building  of  the  Free  School  Society: 

"When  I  perceive  that  many  boys  in  our  school  have  been 
taught  to  read  and  write  in  two  months,  who  did  not  before  know 
the  alphabet,  and  that  even  one  has  accomplished  it  in  three 
weeks — when  I  view  all  the  bearings  and  tendencies  of  this  sys- 
tem— when  I  contemplate  the  habits  of  order  which  it  forms,  the 
spirit  of  emulation  which  it  excites,  the  rapid  improvement  which 


62  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

it  produces,  the  purity  of  morals  which  it  inculcates — when  I 
behold  the  extraordinary  union  of  celerity  in  instruction  and 
economy  of  expense — and  when  I  perceive  one  great  assembly  of 
a  thousand  children,  under  the  eye  of  a  single  teacher,  marching 
with  unexampled  rapidity  and  with  perfect  discipline  to  the  goal 
of  knowledge,  I  confess  that  I  recognize  in  Lancaster  the  bene- 
factor of  the  human  race.  I  consider  his  system  as  creating  a 
new  era  in  education,  as  a  blessing  sent  down  from  heaven  to  re- 
deem the  poor  and  distressed  of  this  world  from  the  power  and 
dominion  of  ignorance."  1 

but  disap-          ~But  while  the  monitorial  methods  met  a  great  educa- 

peared    when      .  .,__.,„ 

educational  tional  emergency  in  the  United  States,  they  were  clearly 
mechanical,  inelastic,  and  without  psychological  founda- 
tion. Naturally  their  sway  could  not  last  long,  and  as 
public  sentiment  for  education  increased,  and  enlarged 
material  resources  enabled  the  people  to  make  greater 
appropriations  for  education,  the  obvious  defects  of  the 
monitorial  system  became  more  fully  appreciated  and 
brought  about  its  abandonment.  Before  the  middle  of 
the  century  its  work  in  America  was  ended,  and  it  gave 
way  to  the  more  psychological  conceptions  of  Pestalozzi 
and  to  those  afterward  formulated  by  Froebel  and 
Herbart. 

oberiin  <  Infant  Schools  '  in  France.— Another  form  of  phil- 

opened  infant 

schools  in  anthropic  education  that  came  to  be  very  influential 
cHiis  parish!  during  the  nineteenth  century  and  has  eventually  been 
and,  besides  merged  in  several  national  systems  is  that  of  the  so-called 
reading,  writ-  'infant  schools.'  These  institutions  may  be  said  to  have 
ing  andarith-  startecj  wjth  Jcan  pr^ric  Oberiin  (1740-1826),  Lutheran 

metic,  afford- 
ed a  religious  pastor  in  Ban  de  la  Roche,  a  wild  district  in  the  Vosges 

and    indus- 
trial training.        !  For  Qjnton's  completc  eulogy  of  the  system  adopted  by  the  Free 
School  Society,  of  which  he  was  president,  see  Bourne,  History  of  l/te 
Public  School  Society  of  the  City  of  New  York,  pp.  18-20. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  63 

Mountains  of  Northeastern  France.  Among  the  institu- 
tions that  the  young  minister  opened  in  every  village 
were  'infant  schools'  for  very  young  children.  In  these 
schools  he  endeavored  to  inculcate  morality  and  religion, 
as  well  as  to  teach  the  elements  of  reading,  writing,  and 
arithmetic.  The  Scriptures,  natural  history,  and  geog- 
raphy were  taught  through  pictures,  maps,  and  drawing; 
and  excursions  to  search  for  flowers  and  other  products 
of  nature  were  taken.  The  older  children  also  learned 
to  knit  and  spin,  and  meanwhile  the  younger  were 
allowed  to  play.  These  infant  schools  did  much  to  dis- 
pel ignorance,  immorality,  and  shiftlessness,  and  soon 
spread  into  various  parts  of  France. 

Among    the   institutions   inspired    by    this   example,  Th!s  plan  was 

•     7-        SL  r  •  i\      imitated    at 

was  the  sa/fe  a    hospitahte  (room  of  entertainment),  paris 


which  was  opened  at  Paris  in  1801.     It  did  not  last  , 

that    devcl- 

long  at  the  time,  but  a  quarter  of  a  century  later  it  oped  into  the 
was  revived  through  a  study  of  the  infant  schools  that  ^"  S"  the 


had  meanwhile  grown  up  in  England.1  and  it  then  rap-  French  na- 

.    ±       tional     sys- 

idly  expanded  into  a  system.  In  1833  these  institutions  tcm  of  edu- 
were  adopted  as  part  of  the  French  national  system  of  catlon- 
education,  and  in  1847  a  normal  school  was  founded  to 
prepare  directresses  and  inspectors  for  them.  In  1881 
they  became  permanently  known  as  ecolcs  matcrndles 
('mother  schools'),  and  the  curriculum  was  given  its 
present  form.2  These  schools  have  striven  to  fulfill  a 
function  of  their  own,  and  not  imitate  the  formal  educa- 
tion given  older  children.  Besides  reading  and  writing, 
they  have  always  included  exercises  in  the  mother 
tongue,  drawing,  knowledge  of  common  things,  the 
elements  of  geography  and  natural  history,  manual 
1  See  pp.  652.  2  See  p.  297. 


64  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and  physical  exercises,  and  singing.     In  place  of  the 
elements  of  religion,  with  which  the  schools  started,  the 
secularized  curriculum  now  furnishes  the  first  principles 
of  moral  education. 
Robert  Owen      Robert  Owen  and   his   '  Infant  School.'—  Quite   in- 

opened    mde-  .  i         /-\i 

pendentiy  at    dependently,  though  over  a  generation  later  than  Ober- 


lm's  work,  an  'infant  school'  was  opened  in  1816  at 
infant  school,  New  Lanark,  Scotland.    The  founder  was  Robert  Owen 

and  furnished     ,  N  .  „         ,  .  , 

young  chil-  (1771-1858),  a  philanthropic  cotton-spinner,  who  en- 
dren  of  the  deavored  to  put  certain  theories  of  social  reform  into 

factory  popu- 

lation with  a  practice  near  his  factory.  Up  to  his  time  poor  children 
physical21110  fr°m  ^  to  eight  years  of  age  had  been  sent  to  the  fac- 
training,  tories,  and  were  required  to  labor  from  six  in  the  morning 

combined  .  .  .  . 

with  play  and  until  seven  in  the  evening.  After  these  hours  they 
nature  study,  attended  night  school,  but  they  were  generally  too 
fatigued  "to  acquire  much  proficiency  in  education,  and 
many  of  them  became  dwarfs  in  body  and  some  of  them 
deformed."  Instead  of  employing  children  so  early, 
Owen  wished  them  "to  acquire  health  and  education 
until  they  were  ten  years  old."  At  first  he  was  able  to 
have  only  the  older  children  trained,  but  seven  years 
later  he  bought  out  his  conservative  partners  and  put 
into  practice  his  scheme  for  the  education  of  very  young 
children.  For  this  an  'infant  school'  was  started  in  the 
lower  story  of  the  so-called  'New  Institution.'  Children 
were  received  at  the  age  of  three,  and  were  given  a  care- 
ful moral  and  physical  training.  They  were  taught  for 
two  or  three  years  whatever  was  useful  and  within  their 
understanding,  and  this  instruction  was  combined  with 
much  singing,  dancing,  amusement,  and  out-of-door  ex- 
ercise. They  were  not  'annoyed  with  books,'  but  were 
taught  about  nature  and  common  objects  through  maps, 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  65 

models,  paintings,  objects  from  nature,  and  familiar 
conversation,  and  their  "curiosity  was  excited  so  as  to 
ask  questions  respecting  them." 

For  this  almost  Pestalozzian  training  Owen  found  it 
difficult  to  get  the  right  teachers,  but  he  at  length  secured 
"a  poor  simple-hearted  weaver  named  James  Buchanan, 
who  at  first  could  scarcely  read,  write,  or  spell,"  but  who, 
by  following  the  instructions  of  Owen  literally,  made  a 
great  success  of  the  school.  Owen  published  his  methods 
in  his  New  View  of  Society,  and  the  work  at  New  Lanark  while  Owen 

i  P  .  .      -r^  s0011   left  the 

attracted  a  great  deal  of  attention  both  in  Europe  and  work  and 
America.  But  the  socialistic  and  free  thought  opinions 
held  by  Owen  soon  offended  many  of  his  supporters,  and 
the  management  of  the  school  was  at  length  taken  away 
from  its  founder.  In  1823  he  came  to  the  United  States 
and  started  a  communistic  society  at  New  Harmony, 
Indiana,  in  which  for  a  short  time  he  continued  his 
theories  of  education.  In  this  plan  he  cooperated  with 
William  McClure  and  Joseph  Neef,1  who  were  interested 
in  spreading  the  Pestalozzian  doctrines  and  practices, 
and  was  assisted  by  his  son,  who  had  been  educated  with 
Fellenberg  at  Hofwyl.2  B 

*  Infant  Schools  '  in  London  and  the  Work  of  Wilder-  whom  he  had 
spin.  —  Before  this,  however,  the  infant  school  at  New  teadf6  the° 


Lanark  had  been  copied  in    1818  at  Brewer's  Green,  sch°o1'  start- 

.....,,  ed    a    similar 

Westminster,  by  a  group  of  peers  and  distinguished  men.  institution  in 

Buchanan,  who  had  been  transferred  to  London  by  Owen  T^f°"c'hool 

at  their  request,  took  charge  of  the  school.    While  it  was  became  the 

intended  to  have  the  Westminster  school  based  upon  the  for^wiider- 

principles   in   use   at   New   Lanark,    Buchanan   seems,  spin>  the  ch'ef 

A  ,    ,  exponent  of 

when  placed  upon  his  own  responsibility,  to  have  been  infant  schools. 

1  See  p.  150.  2  See  p.  1536?. 


66  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

too  lacking  in  intelligence  and  force  to  accomplish  this. 
He  was  soon  obliged  to  withdraw,  and  the  school  was 
closed  within  a  decade,  but  it  proved  largely  the  source 
of  inspiration  for  Samuel  Wilderspin  (1792-1866),  who 
was  destined  to  become  the  leading  exponent  of  the 
'infant  schools'  for  Great  Britain  and  America.  Wilder- 
spin  started  a  school  in  Spitalfieids,  London,  on  the 
same  basis  as  that  at  Westminster,  but  he  soon  put  for- 
ward the  claim:  "Mr.  Owen's  institution  was  intended 
merely  for  an  asylum;  I  alone  had  the  merit  of  inventing 
what  is  now  known  in  this  country  by  the  name  of  the 
Infant  System."  The  school  at  Spitalfieids,  which  was 
opened  in  1820,  was  immensely  successful.  Through  the 
large  number  of  visitors  it  attracted,  and  half  a  dozen 
books  that  Wilderspin  produced  upon  infant  schools, 
some  weight  was  lent  to  his  claims. 
wilderspin's  The  infant  schools  of  Wilderspin  were  far  more  me- 

schools  were  t  . 

mechanical,      chanical  than  those  of  Owen,  but  they  had  some  similar 
principles  underlying  them.    For  example,  the  school  was 


physical,  and  organized  on  the  basis  of  a  family,  and  much  attention 
of  Owen,  they  was  given  to  developing  kindly  feelings,  morality,  and 
stressed  cooperation.  Recreation  and  physical  exercises  on  a 

books  and  ap- 

paratus, de-  playground  were  provided,  as  well  as  mental  and  moral 
[to  ememc!ry  training.  For  this,  various  apparatus,  amusements,  and 
rather  than  games  were  used,  especially  those  imitating  occupations. 

the    under-       ° 

standing,  and  A  peculiar  grouping  of  the  children  for  receiving  object 
gave  a  formal  iessons  was  invented  by  Wilderspin.  This  '  gallery,'  as  he 

religious  J 

training.  called  it,  was  effected  through  a  succession  of  steps,  the 
highest  of  which  was  occupied  by  the  oldest  child  and  the 
lowest  by  the  youngest.  For  teaching  the  children  to 
count,  he  also  employed  an  instrument  of  his  own,  called 
the  'arithmeticon,'  which  consisted  of  a  number  of  balls 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  67 

in  a  frame  of  wires.  The  defects  of  the  system  were  most 
apparent.  Wilderspin  thought  too  highly  of  'books, 
lessons,  and  apparatus/  and  confounded  instruction 
with  education.  He  overloaded  the  child  with  verbal 
information,  depending  upon  the  memory  rather  than 
the  understanding.  Before  the  child  was  six,  it  was 
expected  that  he  had  been  taught  reading,  the  funda- 
mental operations  in  arithmetic,  the  tables  of  money, 
weights,  and  measures,  a  knowledge  of  the  qualities  of 
common  objects,  the  habits  of  different  animals,  the 
elements  of  astronomy,  botany,  and  zoology,  and  the 
chief  facts  of  the  New  Testament.  Wilderspin  did  not 
himself  understand  object  teaching,  and  confused  words 
with  things.  His  method  was  catechetical  and  mechan- 
ical, and,  to  assist  the  memory  in  carrying  its  heavy 
burden,  the  lessons  were  often  made  rhythmical  or  put 
into  rhyme.  Even  the  games  were  stereotyped,  and 
the  religious  teaching  was  most  formal.  Despite  the 
attempt  to  train  the  feelings,  'natural  depravity'  was 
inculcated  as  a  prime  tenet. 

Development  and  Spread  of  the  *  Infant  Schools.' —  Through 
While  not  the  real  founder  of  infant  schools,  Wilderspin  ;nfant  schools 
certainly  gave  them  vogue.    He  lectured  upon  the  sub-  ™"e  spread 

J    l  throughout 

ject  throughout  the  United  Kingdom,  often  demon-  the  United 
strating  his  methods  with  classes  of  children  he  had  taken 
along,  and  organized  infant  schools  everywhere.  In  1824 
an  'Infant  School  Society'  was  founded  through  sub- 
scriptions, with  the  Marquis  of  Lansdowne  as  president, 
and  while  it  lasted  only  sixteen  years,  it  was  remarkably 
active  during  this  period.  It  was  reported  the  year 
following  the  society's  organization  that  thirty-four  new 
schools  were  opened  and  that  fourteen  more  were  nearly 


68  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ready,  and  this  increase  continued  throughout  the  sub- 
stow  estab-     sequent  years  of  the  society.     In  1829  Wilderspin  also 

lished  in  Scot-       .   .       ,   0        ,  ,..        .  e   r\      •  T   n  / 

land  a  modi-  visited  Scotland  at  the  invitation  of  David  Stow  (1793- 
of  1864)  of  Glasgow,1  who  had  three  years  before  established 
infant  schools  upon  a  modified  plan  of  his  own.  He 
adopted  the  playground  and  'gallery'  of  Wilderspin, 
but  was  much  less  mechanical  and  memoriter  in  his 
method,  and  broader  in  his  purpose. 

The  Home  An  important  organization  for  training  infant  school 
School  Sod-  teachers,  known  as  '  The  Home  and  Colonial  School  So- 
doD  °unde?-n  ciety/  z  was  established  at  London  in  1836.  The  founder 
took  to  com-  of  the  society  was  a  retired  civil  officer,  but  the  most  in- 
fant schools  fluential  members  were  James  Pierrepont  Greaves  (1777- 
with  Pesta-  l842)  and  Rev  Charles  Mayo,  D.  D.  (1792-1846),  who  had 

lozziamsm;  ^   '  ^    ' 

studied  with  Pestalozzi  at  Yverdon.  Through  them  it  was 
decided  to  extend  Pestalozzi's  principles  to  the  poor,  and 
the  society  undertook  to  graft  Pestalozzianism  upon  the 
infant  school  stock.  Object  teaching  and  the  training 
of  the  senses  were  emphasized  rather  than  verbal  training 
and  the  use  of  the  memory.  A  great  improvement  in 
observation  took  place  in  the  infant  schools,  but  even 
then  there  was  still  too  much  imitation  of  the  formal 
instruction  of  older  children,  and  memorizing  of  material 
not  fully  understood.  Moreover,  there  remained  a  tend- 
ency to  cultivate  infant  prodigies  by  an  appeal  to  emula- 
tion and  by  public  exhibitions,  which  puffed  up  the 
brilliant  pupils  and  quite  discouraged  the  mediocre.  A 

1  A  detailed  account  of  this  visit  is  found  in  Wilderspin's  Early  Disci- 
pline, Chaps.  VI-X. 

2  This  association  was  founded  as  'The  Home  and  Colonial  Infant 
School  Society,'  but  in  1845  the  words  'and  Juvenile'  were  inserted  in  the 
title,  to  show  a  widened  purpose,  and,  when  this  proved  too  cumbrous, 
the  name  was  reduced  to  the  form  given  in  the  text  above. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  69 

training  college  was  opened,  and  after  1843  the  course 
became  greatly  improved  through  Mayo's  sister,  Eliza- 
beth, who  arranged  to  give  all  her  time  to  the  institution. 

The  work  of  Wilderspin,  Stow,  and  the  Home  and  and,  when  the 
Colonial  School  Society  was  so  influential  that  infant  was   estab- 
schools    spread    rapidly    in    Great    Britain,    and    were  lls^ed;  infant 

c       J  schools  were 

adopted  as  a  regular  part  of  the  public  system,  when  it  eventually 
was  established  in  1870.     Schools  for  children  between  regukr  paTt.  * 
three  and  seven  were  organized  in  a  separate  department 
under  the  guidance  of  a  trained  teacher.    Improvements 
were  gradually  introduced  into  the  methods  of  these 
infant  schools.     By  1874  a  marked  change  was  made 
through  merging  in  them  some  of  the  methods  and  games 
of  the  kindergarten. 

Schools  open  to  all  younger  children  likewise  sprang 
up  generally  in  the  United  States.  They  first  arose  to- 
ward the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, but  for  many  years  were  not  regarded  as  an  essen- 
tial part  of  the  public  school  system,  and  were  managed 
separately.  The  establishment  of  these  schools  in  Amer- 
ican cities  and  their  gradual  fusion  with  the  public 
system  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand  separate 
consideration. 

1  Primary   Schools  »   in    Boston.—  In   Boston   one   of  sin?iiar  ins* 

•    n  «ic  •      i     •       •  i  i       tutions  were 

the  most  influential  factors  in  bringing  about  the  estab-  established 


lishment  of  these  schools  for  younger  children  was  the 
introduction  of  Sunday  schools.1  Through  these  institu-  states. 
tions  were  discovered  the  illiteracy  of  three-fourths  of 
the  poor  children  in  attendance,  and  the  need  of  their 
learning  to  read,  if  any  attention  were  to  be  given  to 
religion.  As  pupils  were  not  admitted  to  the  public 
1  See  p.  53. 


70  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

schools  until  they  could  read  and  write,  and  as  many  of 
the  parents  were  unable  to  teach  their  children  themselves 
and  could  not  afford  the  slight  expense  of  the  'dame' 
schools,  a  considerable  number  of  children  were  alto- 
gether debarred  from  even  an  elementary  education. 
Hence  those  citizens  actively  engaged  in  the  work  of  re- 
ligious and  philanthropic  associations  became  interested 
in  the  agitation  for  'primary  schools.'  After  two  peti- 
Primary  tions  and  much  discussion  in  town  meeting,  in  1818  the 

schools'  were  .      .          „  . 

started  in  first  modest  appropriation,  $5000,  was  made  for  primary 
Boston  under  spools,'  '  to  provide  instruction  for  children  between 

a  separate 

board  in  1818,  four  and  seven  years  of  age.'  While  the  '  Primary  School 
uniteTwitfa0  Committee'  was  nominally  a  sub-committee  of  the  city 
the  rest  of  board  of  management,  it  was  in  effect  a  separate  organiza- 

the  public  .  . 

system  until  tion.  By  1844  the  weakness  of  the  organization  and 
methods  in  this  dual  school  system  had  become  apparent, 
although  Horace  Mann  met  with  great  opposition  in 
his  endeavors  to  improve  the  situation.  The  Primary 
School  Committee  remained  a  separate  body  for  a 
decade  longer,  but  all  public  schools  were  in  1854  con- 
solidated and  the  existing  committees  merged  in  a  single 
organization.  These  primary  schools  were  divided  into 
four  grades,  beginning  with  the  study  of  the  alphabet 
and  closing  with  reading  in  the  New  Testament.  Besides 
reading,  writing,  and  spelling,  sewing  and  knitting  were 
taught  the  girls,  since  their  poverty  made  these  ac- 
complishments useful.  As  a  whole,  a  formal  course  of 
instruction  and  the  'monitorial'  system  l  were  employed 
until  about  1840,  when  the  primary  schools  became 
generally  permeated  with  the  subjects  and  methods 
started  by  Pestalozzi.2 

1  See  pp.  s6f.  2  See  pp.  139!!. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  71 

'  Infant  Schools  '  in  New  York  and  Other  Cities. — 

Schools  for  younger  pupils  were  first  opened  in  New  York 
almost  a  decade  later  than  in  Boston.  In  1827  an  'Infant 
School  Society'  was  organized  there  to  furnish  the  means 
of  instructing  poor  children  between  three  and  six  years  an  Infant 

.  .       .      .  School     Soci- 

of  age,  and  an  infant  school  was  opened  in  the  basement  ety  of  New 
of  the  Canal  Street  Presbyterian  Church.     A  'junior  Y°rk  City  in. 

J  1827     opened 

department'  was  also  established  in  the  basement  of  schools, which 
'School  No.  8,'  where  hitherto,  as  in  the  case  of  the  other  iatrecre  beoune 
institutions  belonging  to  the  'Public  School  Society,'1  the  'Primary 

.  departments 

the  pupils  of  all  grades  had  been  taught  on  the  'monitor-  of  the  Public 
ial '  2  basis  in  a  single  department.  Early  the  following  etcy,°°  ipst°t"" 
year  a  committee  of  the  Public  School  Society  visited  ^ns; 
these  two  infant  schools.  They  were  much  pleased  with 
the  Pestalozzian  principles  they  saw  embodied  there  and 
pronounced  them  "a  judicious  combination  of  instruction 
and  amusement,  .  .  .  calculated  to  form  and  elicit 
ideas,  rather  than  mere  literal  knowledge,  though  this 
was  by  no  means  neglected."  They  recommended  the 
continuance  of  the  'junior  department'  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  'infant  school'  in  the  basement  of  'School 
No.  io,'  and  this  was  shortly  done.  Hence,  while  the 
infant  schools  came  under  the  immediate  control  of  the 
Public  School  Society,  they  were  really  the  offspring  of 
the  Infant  School  Society,  and  after  some  discussion,  it 
was  decided  to  use  the  Pestalozzian  system  rather  than 
the  Lancasterian.  Although  both  societies  would  have 
been  glad  to  extend  the  number  of  infant  schools,  they 
were  for  a  time  prevented  by  financial  and  legal  con- 
siderations. In  1830,  however,  these  schools  became 
known  as  the  'primary  departments'  of  the  schools  in 
1  See  pp.  60  and  gyl.  2  See  pp.  53ff. 


72 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


after     1827 
Philadelphia 
and    other 
centers    of 
Pennsylvania 
organized    in- 
fant and  pri- 
mary schools; 
and  about  the 
same   time 
Hartford, 
Baltimore, 
and   other 
American 
cities   estab- 
lished them. 


which  they  were  located,  and  thereafter  formed  a  regular 
feature  of  all  the  Public  School  Society's  institutions.1 
A  committee  was  appointed  in  1832  to  examine  the 
Society's  schools  and  suggest  improvements.  Upon  the 
recommendation  of  two  of  this  committee,  who  had  in- 
spected education  in  Boston,  primary  schools  were 
established  in  rented  rooms  in  sufficient  numbers  to 
be  within  easy  reach  for  the  young  children.  The 
subject-matter  and  methods  were  likewise  made  less 
formal. 

In  the  same  year  that  the  first  infant  school  was 
opened  in  New  York,  three  similar  institutions  were 
founded  in  Philadelphia  and  other  centers  in  Pennsyl- 
vania through  Robert  Baux.  By  1830  the  number  of 
infant  schools  in  the  state  had  risen  to  ten,  with  two  to 
three  thousand  pupils.  As  the  numbers  would  indicate, 
the  schools  were  largely  organized  upon  the  Lancasterian 
plan.  Two  years  later  a  model  infant  school  was  started 
in  Philadelphia,  and  in  1834  six  others  were  organized. 
By  1837  there  were  thirty  primary  schools  in  Philadelphia 
alone.  Several  other  cities  started  infant  schools  early. 
Hartford  began  them  in  1827,  and  Baltimore  in  1829. 
These  institutions  were  in  most  cases  fostered  by  the 
leading  men  of  the  community,  and  the  ultimate  service 
performed  for  American  education  by  this  form  of 
philanthropy  was  considerable.  Among  other  improve- 
ments, the  infant  schools  developed  a  better  type  of 
school-room,  secured  separate  rooms  for  different  classes, 
introduced  better  methods  and  equipment,  encouraged 

1  Hence  the  arrangement  of  two  principals,  a  woman  in  the  primary 
and  a  man  in  the  grammar  department,  still  exists  in  many  of  the  New 
York  public  schools. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  73 

a  movement  toward  playgrounds,  and  brought  women 
into  the  city  schools  of  the  United  States. 

The  Importance  of  Philanthropic  Education.  —  Many  Thus  the 

r  •  i     vanous  types 

other  types  of  charity  school  arose  during  the  eighteenth  of  charity 
century  both  in  Great  Britain  and  America,  but  the  chief  aroS'durin^ 
movements  have  been  described,  and  sufficient  has  been  the  eighteenth 
said  to  indicate  the  important  part  in  education  played  spread 


by  philanthropy.     The  moral,  religious,  and  economic 
condition  of  the  lower  classes  had  been  sadly  neglected,  isles,    Amer- 
and  by  means  of  endowment,  subscription,  or  organized  France"  while 

societies,  a  series  of  attempts  was  made  to  relieve  and  much  opposed 

•  and  a  make- 

elevate  the  masses   through  education.     As   a   result,  shift,  paved 

charity  schools  of  many  varieties  and  more  or  less  per-  th{r.  wa.y  f0j 

J  J  national    and 

manent  in  character  arose  in  all  parts  of  the  British  Isles,  public  educa- 
the  United  States,  and  even  France.  In  many  instances 
the  pupils  were  furnished  with  lodging,  board,  and 
clothes.  The  course  in  these  institutions  was,  of  course, 
mostly  elementary.  It  generally  included  reading, 
spelling,  writing,  and  arithmetic,  while  a  moral  and 
religious  training  was  given  through  the  bible,  catechism, 
prayer  book,  and  psalms,  and  sometimes  through  attend- 
ance at  church  under  supervision  of  the  master.  Fre- 
quently industrial  or  vocational  subjects  were  taught,  or 
the  pupils  apprenticed  to  a  trade  or  domestic  service. 
The  course  was  usually  most  formal  both  in  matter  and 
method,  but  occasionally  in  the  later  types  drawing, 
geography,  nature  study,  physical  exercises,  and  games 
were  added,  and  the  more  informal  methods  of  Pestalozzi 
or  Froebel  were  partially  employed.  Sometimes  the 
training  was  especially  intended  for  and  adapted  to 
children  under  the  usual  school  age. 

These  efforts  to  improve  social  conditions  by  means  of 


74  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

philanthropic  education  encountered  various  sorts  of  op- 
position. Often  the  upper  classes  held  that  the  masses 
should  be  kept  in  their  place,  and  feared  that  any  educa- 
tion at  all  would  make  them  discontented  and  cause  an 
uprising.  The  poor  themselves,  in  turn,  were  often 
suspicious  of  any  schooling  that  tended  to  elevate  them, 
and  were  unwilling  to  stamp  themselves  as  paupers. 
Moreover,  the  sectarian  color  that  sometimes  appeared 
in  the  religious  training  not  infrequently  repelled  people 
of  other  creeds  or  kept  the  schools  from  receiving  their 
children.  However,  this  philanthropic  education  may, 
in  general,  be  considered  a  fortunate  movement,  although 
its  greatest  service  consisted  in  paving  the  way  for 
better  things.  In  contrast  to  the  negative  phase  of 
'naturalism,'  it  represented  a  positive  factor  in  the 
educational  activities  of  the  century.  Instead  of  at- 
tempting to  destroy  existing  society  utterly,  it  sought 
rather  to  reform  it,  and  when  the  work  of  destruction 
gave  opportunity  for  new  ideals,  it  suggested  and  even 
furnished  a  reconstruction  along  higher  lines.  Hence 
philanthropy  in  education  complemented  and  continued 
the  work  of  Rousseau,  and  led  to  universal,  national,  and 
public  training  for  citizenship.  It  was  in  many  of  its 
forms  merged  in  such  a  system  in  several  countries, 
and  in  succeeding  chapters  many  references  to  the 
charity,  S.  P.  C.  K.,  S.  P.  G.,  Sunday,  monitorial,  and 
infant  schools  will  naturally  appear.  But  while  phil- 
anthropic education  occasionally  utilized  some  of  the 
recent  tendencies  in  method  and  content,  its  contribu- 
tion to  the  modern  psychological  and  scientific  move- 
ments was  not  large.  But  in  providing  schooling  for  the 
poor  and  making  them  more  efficient  intellectually, 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  75 

morally,  and  economically,  it  represents  one  of  the 
most  prominent  of  the  social  movements  in  modern 
education. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  SOURCES 

BELL,  A.    An  Experiment  in  Education. 

HOME  AND  COLONIAL  SCHOOL  SOCIETY.    Annual  Reports. 

LANCASTER,  J.     British  System  of  Education  and  Improvements 

in  Education. 

MANDEVILLE,  B.  dc.  Essay  on  Charity  and  Charity  Schools. 
OWEN,  R.  Autobiography. 

OWEN,  R.  D.   An  Outline  oj  the  System  of  Education  at  New  Lanark. 
RAIKES,  R.    The  Gloucester  Journal. 
WILDERSPIN,  S.    Early  Discipline,  Education  of  the  Young,  Infant 

Education,  On  the  Importance  of  Educating  the  Children  of  the 

Poor,  The  Infant  System,  and  Reports. 

II.  AUTHORITIES 

ADAMS,  F.  History  of  the  Elementary  School  Contest  in  England. 
ALLEN,  W.  O.  B.  and  McCLURE,  E.  Two  Hundred,  Years:  The 

History  of  the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge, 

1698-1898. 
BARNARD,  H.    American  Journal  of  Education.    Vol.  IX,  229-293 

and  449-486;  X,  323-531;  XV,  489-490;  XVI,  403-416  and 

620-622;  and  XVII,  177-192. 
BARTLEY,  G.  C.  T.    The  Schools  for  the  People. 
BOURNE,  W.  O.    History  of  the  Public  School  Society  of  the  City  of 

New  York. 

BROWN,  J.  R.    Essay  on  the  Cultivation  of  the  Infant  Mind. 
BROWN,  MARIANNA  C.    Sunday  School  Movements  in  America. 
BUTLER,  JOSEPHINE  E.    The  Life  of  Jean  Frederic  Obcrlin. 
EVANS,  D.    The  Sunday  Schools  of  Wales. 
ERASER,  W.    Memoirs  of  the  Life  of  David  Stow. 
GILL,  J.    Systems  of  Education.    Pp.  162-202. 


76  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.    Chaps.  IX  and 

XII. 

GREARD,  O.   Education  et  Instruction. 
GREGORY,  A.    Robert  Raikes,  Journalist  and  Philanthropist. 
GREGORY,  R.   Elementary  Education. 
HARRIS,  J.   Robert  Raikes;  the  Man  and  his  Work. 
HOLMAN,  H.    English  National  Education.    Chap.  II. 
JONES,  L.    Life  of  Robert  Owen. 
KEMP,  W.  W.    The  Support  of  Schools  in  Colonial  New  York  by  the 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts. 
LEITCH,  J.    Practical  Educationalists  and  their  Systems.    Pp.  121- 

165. 
MEIKLEJOHN,  J.  M.  D.    An  Old  Educational  Reformer,  Dr.  Andrew 

Bell. 
MONTMORENCY,  J.  E.  G.    Stale  Intervention  in  English  Education. 

Chaps.  Ill  and  V-VII. 
MONTMORENCY,  J.  E.  G.    The  Progress  of  National  Education  in 

England. 
OLIVER,  N.  K.    Advantages  and  Defects  of  the  Monitorial  System  of 

Instruction. 

PALMER,  A.  E.     The  New  York  Public  School.    Chaps.  II-XVI. 
PASCOE,  C.  F.    Two  Hundred  Years  of  the  S.  P.  G. 
RANDALL,  S.  S.    History  of  the  Common  School  System  of  the  State 

of  New  York.    Pp.  28-32. 

ROBERTS,  R.  D.    Education  in  the  Nineteenth  Century.    Chap.  II. 
SADLER,  M.  E.    Great  Britain,  Department  of  Education,  Special 

Reports.    Vols.  II  and  VIII. 
SALMON,  D.    Joseph  Lancaster. 

SALMON,  D.    The  Education  of  the  Poor  in  the  Eighteenth  Century. 
SALMON,  D.  and  HINDSHAW,  W.    Infant  Schools,  their  History  and 

Theory. 

SECRETAN,  C.  F.    Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Times  of  Robert  Raikes. 
SOUTHEY,  R.  and  C.  C.    The  Life  of  the  Rev.  Andrew  Bell. 
SPALDING,  T.  A.    The  Work  of  the  London  School  Board.   Pp.  10-16. 
STEINER,  B.  C.    History  of  Education  in  Maryland.    Pp.  57-62. 
STOCK  WELL,  T.  B.    History  of  Public  Education  in  Rhode  Island. 

Pp.  254-294. 


PHILANTHROPY  IN  EDUCATION  77 

TRUMBULL,  H.  C.    Yale  Lectures  on  the  Sunday  School. 

WATSON,  W.  H.     The  History  of  the  Sunday  School  Union  and 

The  First  Fifty  Years  of  the  Sunday  School. 

WEBER,  S.  E.     The  Charity  School  Movement  in  Pennsylvania. 
WICK.ERSHAM,  J.  P.     A  History  of  Education  in  Pennsylvania. 

Chaps.  IV,  VII- VIII,  and  XIV. 
WIGHTMAN,  J.  M.    Annals  of  the  Boston  Primary  School  Committee. 


CHAPTER  IV 

RISE   OF   THE   COMMON   SCHOOL   IN   AMERICA 

Gradual  Development  of  Public  Education  in  the 
United  States. — Philanthropy  in  education  and  the 
institution  of  charity  schools  constituted  only  a  half-way 
house  in  the  progress  of  modern  educational  organization. 
As  a  reform  of  the  moral,  religious,  and  economic  condi- 
tions of  the  masses  in  the  eighteenth  century,  philan- 
thropic training  served  a  great  purpose,  but  its  real 
mission  would  now  seem  to  have  been  to  pave  the  way 
to  the  common  schools.  Through  the  charity  schools 
the  conception  of  the  importance  and  value  of  education 
to  society  was  greatly  enlarged,  and  the  need  of  a  gen- 
erous financial  support  was  gradually  recognized.  These 
institutions  were  a  makeshift  to  relieve  the  burdens  of 
the  poor  and  were  ofttimes  sectarian  and  narrow  in  their 
attitude,  but  they  became  the  foundation  for  a  com- 
pletely nonsectarian  and  universal  training  for  citizenship 
Universal  at  public  expense.  Out  of  them  were  largely  evolved 
der  public  con-  ^ne  conception  of  a  state  or  national  system  of  education 
troi  and  sup-  for  all  and  the  idea  of  the  common  school. 

port,  which  01  •  i 

grew  out  of       ouch   a   development   of   universal   education   under 
philanthropic    sf-af-e  COntrol  and  support  has  reached  its  most  consistent 

education, 

has  naturally  form  in  the  United  States.     And  this  is  not  surprising. 
Con!      America  has  long  stood,  in  theory  at  least,  for  equality 


sistcnt  form     of  opportunity,  and  this  conception  of  society  is  apparent 

in  the  United    .      . 1  l     . 

States.  in  its  views  of  education.    1  he  distinguishing  character- 

73 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  79 

istic  of  the  American  schools  has  throughout  been  the 
attempt  of  a  free  people  to  educate  themselves,  and, 
through  their  elected  representatives,  the  people  of  the 
various  states  have  now  come,  in  harmony  with  the 
genius  of  American  civilization,  to  initiate,  regulate, 
and  control  their  own  systems  of  education.  The  univer- 
sal, free,  and  secular  schools  of  the  United  States  are  a 
natural  accompaniment  of  its  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment. But,  like  the  new  democracy  itself,  this  develop- 
ment of  popular  education  was  not  reached  at  a  bound. 
The  American  schools  are  the  offspring  of  European 
institutions,  and  have  their  roots  deep  in  the  social  soil 
of  the  lands  from  which  the  colonists  came  to  America. 
At  first  they  resembled  the  schools  of  the  mother  coun- 
tries as  closely  as  the  frontier  life  in  the  new  world  would 
permit.  In  American  education  the  seventeenth  century 
was  distinctly  a  period  of  transplantation  of  schools,  with 
little  or  no  conscious  change,  and  it  is  only  toward  the 
middle  of  the  next  century,  as  new  social  and  political 
conditions  were  evolving  and  the  days  of  the  Revolution 
were  approaching,  that  there  are  evident  a  gradual 
modification  of  European  ideals  and  the  differentiation 
of  American  schools  toward  a  type  of  their  own.  This 
period  of  transition  from  inherited  ideals  is  not  marked 
off  until  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  first  half  of  the 
nineteenth,  and  the  purely  American  conception  of 
education  cannot  be  fully  discerned  before  the  middle  of 
the  latter  century. 

Conditions  in  Europe  from  Which  American  Educa- 
tion Developed. — We  have  hitherto  had  little  occasion 
to  speak  of  American  education,  except  by  way  of  antic- 
ipating certain  great  waves  of  influence  and  important 


8o  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

institutions  that  have  come  into  America  from  Europe. 
But  in  the  rest  of  our  study  of  educational  history  the 
practices  of  education  in  the  new  world  will  become 
increasingly  distinctive  and  influential,  and,  to  get  at 
their  origins,  we  must  now  turn  back  in  our  narrative  to 
the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  briefly 
consider  the  social  and  educational  situation  in  Europe, 
especially  England  and  Holland.  This  may  seem  like 
a  serious  breach  both  in  logic  and  chronology,  but  only 
in  the  light  of  the  conditions  out  of  which  they  sprang 
can  the  developed  ideals  and  practices  of  universal 
public  education  in  the  United  States  be  really  under- 
stood. 
Education  in  T;he  thirteen  American  colonies  were  started  while  the 

the  American 

colonies  was  fierce  agitations  of  the  Reformation  period  were  still  at 
the°rereiigious  their  height.  The  settlers,  for  the  most  part,  were 
interests  of  Protestants,  and  many  of  them  had  emigrated  in  order 

the  Reforma-  11-1.        •        •  ,.   .      ,  ,      .  ,         , 

tion  period,  to  establish  institutions — political,  ecclesiastical,  educa- 
dunng  which  tional — that  would  conform  to  their  own  ideals,  and  in 

the    colonists 

left  the  old  all  cases  education  in  the  new  world  was  given  a  peculiar 
importance  by  the  dominant  religious  interests  and  con- 
flicts of  the  old.  At  this  time  in  practically  all  the 
states  of  Europe,  educational  institutions  were  controlled 
and  supported  by  the  church  and  religious  orders,  with 
the  assistance  of  private  benevolence;  but  a  few  schools 
everywhere,  and  especially  in  Teutonic  countries,  were 
maintained  by  pre-Reformation  craft  gilds,  and  so  had  a 
close  connection  with  municipalities.  Thus  the  American 
schools  at  first  naturally  adopted  the  religious  conception 
of  education  and  ecclesiastical  domination,  but  had  some 
acquaintance  with  free  schools  and  municipal  manage- 
ment. In  addition  to  these  characteristics,  the  religious 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  8  1 

reformers,  like  Luther  and  Calvin,  generally  held  to  the 
idea  that  a  system  of  schools  should  be  supported,  or  at 
least  established,  by  the  state,  and  that  all  children 
should  have  an  opportunity  to  secure  an  education 
sufficient  to  make  them  familiar  with  the  Scriptures. 
If  people  were  to  be  guided  by  the  word  of  God,  they 
must  all  be  able  to  read  it.  But  this  view  of  education 
was  not  held  by  those  for  whom,  as  in  the  English  Church, 
the  Reformation  was  not  primarily  a  religious  and 
theological,  but  rather  an  ecclesiastical  and  political  Wherever  the 
revolt.  In  Holland  and  Scotland,  for  example,  where  Calvinism  or 
Calvinism  prevailed,  universal  education  wras  upheld  by  Lutheran'sm 

—I-  —  .  —  —  —'     appeared, 

the_mass_of  the  people,  but  in  France  and  England  only  there  was  a 


a  small  minority,  the  Hugu£n^ts_jji^Puritaris_jresrjec- 

tively,  adopted  this  attitude.     Hence  it  happens  that,  ^  education, 

J  '  ...        hut  where  the 

wherever  in  America  the  influence  of  Puritanism,  the  Anglican 
Dutch  Reformed  religion,   Scotch  Presbyterianism,   or 


other  forms  of  Calvinism  was  felt,  the  nucleus  of  public  the  aristocrat- 

education   appeared,  while  in   the   colonies  where   the  ucatjon    Pre- 

Anglican   communion   was   dominant,    the   aristocratic  vailed- 
idea  of  education  prevailed  and  training  of  the  masses 

was  neglected.     However,  even  among  the  Calvinists.  But  even 

0  among    the 

who  held  that  elementary  education  should  be  universal,  Caivinistic 
and  that  the  state  as  well  as  the  church  should  hold  ^na\stssoli;hc 
itself   responsible   for   its   being   furnished,    the   logical  tion  of  public 

.       .  .     ,  ,  .  •       j    r  r    education  did 

solution  oi  the  problem  was  not  perceived  lor  scores  01  not  appear  at 
years.     In  the  Caivinistic  colonies  it  was  not  at  first  first 
believed  that  education  should  be  the  same  in  character 
for  all  or  that  the  state  should  bear  the  expense  through 
taxation.      This   distinctively   American   interpretation 
of  public  education  did  develop  later,  but  in  the  begin- 
ning even  the  most  advanced  colonies  to  some  extent 


82 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


There   were 
three    chief 
types    of 
school  organi- 
zation in  the 
colonies: 

(1)  the  laissez 
faire,     in 
Virginia    and 
the    South; 

(2)  the  paro- 
chial, in  New 
Netherlands 
and    Pennsyl- 
vania;   and 

(3)  the   gov- 
ernmental 
activity,    in 
Massachu- 
setts   and 
Connecticut. 


In    Virginia 
we   find   the 
'selective' 
education, 
inherited 
from     Eng- 
land. 


placed  the  financial  responsibility  upon  the  parent  or 
guardian. 

Early  Education  in  the  South. — With  these  general 
traditions  and  characteristics  in  mind,  it  may  be  of 
interest  to  trace  the  development  of  educational  facilities, 
especially  of  the  common  schools,  in  America  during  the 
colonial  period  and  the  first  half  century  of  statehood. 
In  this  way  it  may  be  possible  to  understand  the  various 
obstacles  that  universal  education  had  to  meet,  and  its 
very  gradual  success  in  overcoming  them.  Briefly,  it 
may  be  stated  that  there  are  three  chief  types  of  school 
organization  in  the  colonies  to  be  discussed.  These  are 
(i)  the  laissez  faire  method,  current  in  Virginia  and  the 
South,  (2)  the  parochial  organization  of  New  Netherlands 
and  Pennsylvania,  and  (3)  the  governmental  activity  in 
Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  There  are  also  various 
modifications,  but  attention  will  be  mainly  confined  to 
these  typical  organizations.  As  each  colonial  type  is 
discussed,  an  account  will  be  given  of  its  further  develop- 
ment up  to  the  educational  awakening  in  the  first  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century. 

Virginia  as  the  Type  of  Aristocratic  Education.— 
We  may  then  turn  first  to  the  aristocratic  colonies  and 
states  of  the  South.  Here  the  prevailing  ideals  were 
inherited  directly  from  England  and  education  became 
'  selective '  in  character.  These  English  colonists  brought 
with  them  the  idea  of  a  classical  higher  and  secondary 
training  for  the  upper  classes  in  the  semi-monastic  type 
of  university  and  the  Latin  grammar  school,  and  but 
little  in  the  way  of  elementary  education,  except  the 
private  'dame'  schools  and  the  catechetical  training  by 
the  clergy.  There  was,  in  addition,  the  family  'tutorial' 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  83 

education,  both  secondary  and  elementary,  for  the 
children  of  the  wealthy,  and  some  provision  of  the  old 
English  industrial  training  through  apprenticeship  for 
orphans  and  children  of  the  poor,  but  no  such  institution 
as  a  public  elementary  school  was  at  first  known.  Vir- 
ginia, the  oldest  of  these  provinces,  may  serve  as  a 
type.  This  colony  constituted  the  first  attempt  of  Eng- 
land at  reproducing  herself  in  the  new  world,  and  here  are 
found  an  order  of  society,  form  of  government,  established 
church,  and  distinction  between  classes,  similar  to  those 
of  the  mother  country.  The  gentry  or  landowning  class 
perpetuated  the  methods  of  educating  their  families 
that  were  customary  in  England,  while  the  masses,  in- 
cluding the  landless,  the  indentured  servants,  and  other 
dependents,  were  without  any  means  of  formal  instruc- 
tion. 

Hence   we   find   that   the   educational   legislation   in  Hence  educa- 

,.,.....  .        ,.  .    ,  .   ,       /    N        ,         tional   legisla- 

colomal   Virginia   concerns  itself  mainly  with   (i)   the  tjon  was  con- 
organization  of  a  college  or  university,   (2)  individual  cerned  with 
schools    of    secondary    grade,    and    (3)    apprenticeship  tion  of  a  col- 
education  for  the  poor.     During  the  first  quarter  of  a  Sec0ndary° 
century  most  educational  efforts  were  in  behalf  of  the  schools,    and 

,.  ,.          ...  ri-ii  •  with    appren- 

foundation  of  an  institution  of  higher  learning,  and  were  ticeship  edu- 
aided  by  the  king,  the  Anglican  bishops,  and  the  London  ^°n  for  the 
Company.    By  1619  over  £2000  and  a  grant  of  ten  thou- 
sand acres  of  land  had  been  obtained  for  a  university  at 
Henrico,  but  this  rather  indefinite  plan  was  brought  to  a 
violent  end  by  the  Indian  massacre  of  1622,  and  the 
funds  were  diverted  to  a  school  in  the  Bahamas.     An 
even  more  fruitless  endeavor  to  found  a  college  was  made 
in  1624  by  Sir  Edwin  Palmer  upon  an  island  in  the  Sus- 
quehanna.     During  this  period  also  there  was  at  least 


84  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

one  abortive  attempt  to  establish  a  school  by  collections 
and  gifts,  and  during  the  second  quarter  century  of  the 
colony  there  were  chartered  a  number  of  secondary 
schools,  endowed  with  bequests  of  land,  money,  cows, 
horses,  slaves,  or  other  property.  These  schools,  however, 
were  local,  and  resembled  the  endowed  Latin  schools  of 
England,  except  that  they  may  sometimes  have  been 
obliged  by  circumstances  to  include  more  or  less  elemen- 
tary instruction.  By  1660  a  number  of  these  colonial 
secondary  schools  had  been  chartered,  and  in  that  year 
there  was  a  renewed  attempt  to  establish  by  subscriptions 
a  college  and  'free'  *  school  'for  the  advance  of  learning, 
education  of  youth,  supply  of  the  ministry  and  promotion 
of  piety.'  But  none  of  the  efforts  at  founding  schools 
could  have  been  very  successful,  for,  a  decade  later,  when 
interrogated  as  to  what  kind  of  education  existed  in  the 
colonies,  Governor  Berkeley  made  his  famous  reply: 

"The  same  course  that  is  taken  in  England  out  of  towns;  every 
man  according  to  his  ability  instructing  his  children.  ...  I  thank 
God  there  are  no  free  schools,  and  I  hope  we  shall  not  have  them 
these  hundred  years;  for  learning  has  brought  disobedience  and 
heresy  and  sects  into  the  world." 

However,  despite  these  biassed  remarks  of  the  testy 
governor,  by  1692  the  constant  efforts  to  obtain  an 
institution  of  learning  were  finally  rewarded.  Through 
the  management  of  the  Reverend  James  Blair,  D.  D., 
the  bishop's  commissary  in  Virginia,  a  charter  for  the 
College  of  William  and  Mary,  a  gift  of  £2000  and  of 

1  Probably  a  school  in  which  tuition  was  'free'  to  some  pupils  by  virtue 
of  an  endowment.  The  exact  significance  of  the  word,  however,  is  in 
dispute.  See  Jackson,  Sclwol  Support  in  Colonial  Massachusetts  (New 
York,  1909),  Chap.  VI. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  85 

twenty  thousand  acres  of  land,  and  the  right  to  certain 
colonial  taxes  were  obtained  from  the  king,  and  large 
donations  were  made  by  the  planters  and  additional 
support  provided  by  the  assembly.  In  fact,  the  college 
was  munificently  endowed  for  the  times,  and  it  did  a 
great  work  in  training  the  greatest  scholars,  statesmen, 
judges,  military  officers,  and  other  leaders  during  the 
struggle  for  independence.  Moreover,  '  free '  schools  now 
greatly  increased  in  number  and  their  courses  were  much 
improved,  and  sons  of  the  more  prominent  families  were 
often  sent  to  England  or  the  Continent  to  be  educated. 
But  education  was  throughout  this  early  period  regarded 
as  a  special  privilege,  and  the  masses  were  mostly  em- 
ployed in  making  tobacco,  and  other  manual  pursuits. 
For  the  sons  of  these  people  the  only  educational  legisla- 
tion was  that  provided  between  1643  and  1748  in  various 
acts  concerning  the  industrial  training  of  the  poor, 
apprentices,  wards,  and  orphans.  In  keeping  with 
English  precedents,  these  children  were  taught  a  trade 
by  the  masters  to  whom  they  were  indentured,  or  trained 
in  the  flax-house  established  by  public  funds  at  James 
City. 

Thus,  by  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  a  fair  provision  Thus  up  to 
of  secondary  and  higher  education  had  been  voluntarily  t;on  |ittje 
made  in  various  localities,  but  as  yet  no  real  interest  in  '"tcrcst   in 

*  elementary 

common  elementary  schools  had  been  shown  by  the  schools  was 
responsible  classes  in  Virginia.    The  nearest  approach  to  responsible1  ^ 
such  institutions  is  found  in  the  plantation  'field  school.'  classes. 
Organized  by  a  group  of  neighbors,  these  schools  were 
supported  by  tuition  fees  and  were  not  dependent  upon 
any  authority  other  than  the  good  sense  of  the  parents 
and  pupils.     But  by  the  close  of  the  war  a  desire  for 


86 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


But    in    1779 
Jefferson  in- 
troduced a 
proposal  for 
universal 
education, 


and,  although 
he     did     not 
live  to  see  it 
fulfilled,    he 
stimulated 
some   move- 
ments toward 
this   end,    in- 
cluding the 
foundation  of 
the    Univer- 
sity of   Vir- 
ginia and  the 
support    of 
'poor 
schools.' 


genuine  public  education  began  to  appear.  The  leader 
in  the  movement  was  the  great  statesman,  Thomas 
Jefferson.  As  early  as  1779,  he  first  introduced  into  the 
legislature  a  scheme  of  universal  education.  His  bill 
proposed  to  lay  off  all  the  counties  into  small  districts 
five  or  six  miles  square,  to  be  called  'hundreds.'  Each 
hundred  was  to  establish  at  its  own  expense  an  elemen- 
tary school,  to  which  every  citizen  should  be  entitled  to 
send  his  children  free  for  three  years,  and  for  as  much 
longer  as  he  would  pay.  The  leading  pupil  in  each  school 
was  to  be  annually  selected  by  a  school  visitor  and  sent 
to  one  of  the  twenty  'grammar  '  (i.  e.  secondary)  schools, 
which  were  to  be  erected  in  various  parts  of  the  state. 
After  a  trial  of  two  years  had  been  made  of  these  boys, 
the  leader  in  each  grammar  school  was  to  be  selected  and 
given  a  complete  secondary  course  of  six  years,  and  the 
rest  dismissed.  At  the  end  of  this  six-year  course,  the 
lower  half  of  the  geniuses  thus  determined  were  to  be 
retained  as  teachers  in  the  grammar  schools,  while  the 
upper  half  were  to  be  supported  from  the  public  treasury 
for  three  years  at  the  College  of  William  and  Mary, 
which  was  to  be  greatly  expanded  in  control  and  scope. 
This  comprehensive  plan  for  a  system  of  common 
schools  was,  in  the  face  of  most  discouraging  opposition, 
constantly  adhered  to  by  Jefferson,  although  he  did  not 
live  to  see  universal  education  an  accomplished  fact. 
He  did,  however,  stimulate  some  movements  toward 
this  end.  In  1796  the  legislature  passed  an  ineffective 
law  whereby  the  justices  of  each  county  were  permitted 
to  initiate  a  school  system  by  taxation,  and  in  1810 
a  'literary  fund'  was  established  for  public  educa- 
tion. When,  in  1816,  this  fund  had  been  increased  to  a 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  87 

million  dollars,  those  in  charge  of  it  recommended  to  the 
legislature  the  establishment  of  "a  system  of  public 
education,  including  a  university,  to  be  called  the 
University  of  Virginia,  and  such  additional  colleges, 
academies,  and  schools  as  should  diffuse  the  benefits 
of  education  through  the  Commonwealth."  This  revision 
of  Jefferson's  suggestion  did  not  immediately  result  in 
any  legal  steps  toward  universal  education,  except  the 
appropriation  in  1818  of  $45,000  from  the  income  of  the 
literary  fund  to  have  the  poor  children  of  each  county 
sent  to  a  proper  school,  but  it  did  bring  about  in  1820 
the  foundation  of  the  University  of  Virginia  and  a 
generous  grant  for  the  erection  of  a  set  of  buildings. 
In  the  same  year  the  effectiveness  of  the  'permissive' 
law  for  common  schools  of  1796  and  of  the  appropriation 
act  of  1818  was  somewhat  strengthened  by  the  division 
of  the  counties  into  districts,  among  which  the  appro- 
priation for  education  of  the  poor  was  distributed  and 
managed  by  special  commissioners. 

While  this  law  marked  one  more  step  in  advance, 
it  was  hampered  by  several  of  the  features  that  in  various 
states  continually  delayed  the  establishment  of  common 
schools  at  public  expense.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  based 
on  the  conception  of  public  education  as  poor  relief, 
rather  than  universal  training  for  citizenship.  It  was 
often  viewed  with  hostility  or  indifference  by  the  wealthy, 
who  felt  that  they  were  paying  for  that  from  which  they 
received  no  benefit,  and  with  pride  and  scorn  by  the  poor, 
who  refused  to  be  considered  objects  of  charity.  More- 
over, the  sum  distributed  ($45,000)  was  totally  inad- 
equate for  over  one  hundred  thousand  children,  and 
every  variety  of  school,  private  as  well  as  public,  was 


88  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

While  the  subsidized  without  distinction.  The  system  lacked  a 
'poor  schools'  strong  central  organization,  and  the  commissioners,  often 
was  much  appointed  by  the  county  judges  from  the  classes  most 
totally  inad-  opposed  to  the  arrangement,  were  notoriously  inefficient, 
gradually  1m-  The  teachers  also  were  generally  incompetent,  as  it  was 
proved  and  practically  impossible  to  persuade  college  or  academy 

prepared    the  111-  •  r      i 

way  for  pub-  graduates   to   undertake   the  instruction  of   the  poor. 

he  education.  Nevertheless,  under  this  apology  for  a  people's  common 
school,  the  state  went  on  for  a  score  of  years,  and  there 
was  a  steady  growth  in  the  literary  fund,  the  appropria- 
tions, the  length  of  the  school  term,  and  the  number  of 
pupils  who  were  willing  to  take  advantage  of  such  oppor- 
tunities as  it  afforded.  State  officials  of  wide  vision, 
moreover,  sought  in  every  way  to  improve  the  teaching 
corps  and  the  defective  administration.  While  the  great 
majority  of  the  school  children  still  attended  the  denom- 
inational, private,  and  '  field '  schools,  this  system  of  sub- 
sidies was  educating  public  opinion  for  something  better. 
By  the  close  of  the  first  half  century  of  statehood,  while 
Virginia  was  not  yet  ready  to  establish  a  complete  system 
of  public  education,  we  shall  later  *  see  that  the  ground 
had  been  prepared  for  the  development  of  common 
schools  that  was  spreading  throughout  the  country. 

Peculiarities  in  the  Other  Southern  Common- 
wealths.— In  general,  the  laisscz  faire  foundation  of 
schools  and  colleges  during  the  colonial  period,  and  the 
slow  development  of  an  approach  to  a  system  of  public  ed- 
ucation during  the  first  fifty  years  of  independence,  which 
was  evident  in  Virginia,  is  found  to  be  typical  of  the  four 
other  colonies  of  the  South.  Practically  all  of  them  seem  to 
have  begun  with  the  aristocratic  and  semi-feudal  society 

1  See  pp.  1652.  and  2<JfS. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  89 

and  education  inherited  from  England,  and  to  have  been 
handicapped  in  their  evolution  of  public  schools  by  the 
wide  separation  of  households,  Indian  wars,  poverty, 
and  the  subsidizing  of  private  schools.    But  the  problems 
were  in  every  case  a  little  different,  and  in  each  there 
were   variations   in   development    that   are   worthy   of 
special  attention.    Maryland,  for  example,  while  mainly  Maryland, 
following  the  same  random  foundation  of  schools  as  Vir-  following  the 
ginia,  also  made  a  determined  attempt  to  support  schools  lalssez.  •f°!re 

organization 

in  every  county  by  a  general  colonial  tax.     In   1696,  of  Virginia, 
through  encouragement  and  gifts  from   the  governor,  ™^pt  at^  ^ 
and  general  subscriptions  from  legislators  and  others,  tabiish  a 

county    sys- 

the  assembly  was  enabled  to  pass  an  act  to  establish  a  tem  of  schools, 
county  system  of  'free'  *  schools,  and  authorize  a  corpora- 
tion to  manage  them  and  receive  bequests  and  donations. 
Eight  years  later  the  fund  for  these  schools  was  increased 
by  a  duty  upon  various  imports  and  exports,  and  be- 
tween 1723  and  1776  several  acts  concerning  the  land 
endowment,  support,  and  administration  of  these  institu- 
tions were  passed.  Thus  Maryland  undertook  a  new 
movement  in  secondary  education,  and  while  the  plan 
met  with  little  success  before  the  Revolution,  it  even- 
tually resulted  in  a  county  academy  system  with  a 
permanent  annual  subsidy.  Unfortunately,  these  acad- 
emies, being  close  corporations,  somewhat  delayed  the 
establishment  of  common  schools,  but  during  the  first  There  was 
half  century  of  statehood,  Maryland,  like  Virginia,  ^veam^fto! 
began  to  move  slowly  toward  universal  education  by  sub-  ward  univer- 

.  .  ,  .  sal    education 

sidizing  the  education  of  the  poor  (1816)  and  by  the  through 'poor 


passage  of  a  '  permissive '  law  for  common  schools  in  the  n    .    ^^ 


schools'     and 
a     'permis 
COUntieS  (1825).  sive'  law. 

1  See  p.  84  and  footnote. 


90 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


South    Caro- 

took  to  found 
parish  schools 

(1712),    and 

later    county 

(172°)!  ai- 
though     nei- 

ther    attempt 

proved  much 
of  a  success; 

and  an  effort 

to  found    ^ 

(i8n),  was 
injured  by 

social    dis- 

crimination 

equitable  a^ 
portionment. 


South  Carolina  likewise  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
(1722)  at  establishing  a  county  system  of  secondary 
scnooiS-  But  a  decade  before  this  it  had  also  undertaken 
an  original  plan  of  its  own  by  agreeing  to  pay  to  the 
schoolmaster  approved  by  the  vestry  of  any  parish  £10 
per  annum  and  to  grant  £12  towards  a  parish  school 

,  °  . 

building.  The  parish  system,  however,  did  not  prove 
mucn  more  of  a  success  than  the  county  arrangement, 

J 

and  most  of  these  schools,  while  well  subsidized,  were 
first  organized  after  the  Southern  method  of  local  en- 
dowment  by  some  individual  or  of  support  by  some 

.  . 

philanthropic  society.  Early  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
however,  the  sentiment  for  universal  education  began 
to  develop.  While,  prior  to  the  Civil  War,  South  Car- 
olina never  established  a  'literary,'  or  permanent  school 
fund,  and  failed  to  provide  an  administrative  organiza- 
tion of  schools,  an  annual  appropriation  for  '  free  schools  ' 
was  started  in  1811.  A  law  was  passed  establishing  a 
number  of  schools  in  each  election  district  equal  to  that  of 
its  members  in  the  legislature  and  providing  $300  for 
each  school.  While  this  act  was  intended  to  produce 
universal  education,  its  terminology,  giving  preference 
to  poor  orphans  and  children  of  indigent  parents  where 
the  school  facilities  were  limited,  caused  a  social  dis- 
crimination against  the  free  schools  to  arise,  and  they 
came  to  be  regarded  largely  as  pauper  institutions. 
Moreover,  because  legislative  representation  was  based 
upon  property,  the  distribution  of  the  appropriation  was 
very  inequitable,  and  the  inland  parts  of  the  state,  which 
most  needed  assistance  in  providing  schools,  received 
the  least.  However,  despite  poor  organization  and 
management,  the  amount  of  the  appropriation  was 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  91 

gradually  increased,   and   the  sentiment  for  universal 
education  continued  to  develop. 

Georgia  also  presents  some  peculiar  educational  fea-  Georgia 
tures.    Both  as  a  proprietary  (1732)  and  a  royal  (1752)  Revolution 
province,  it  had  its  entire  budget,  including  the  items  for  had  lt/  budg: 

t    '  ,  et       financed 

education,  financed  by  the  English  parliament,  and  not  by    Pariia- 
until  the  Revolution  do  its  educational  history  and  its  "hUe  Nearly 
evolution  of  common  schools  begin.     Within  the  first  statehood    it 

....  -ii  provided     for 

half  dozen  years  of  statehood  it  had  provided  a  generous  a  school  sys- 
land  endowment  for  schools  in  every  county,  academies  [P™  unodfer  ^ 
in  three  counties,  and  the  University  of  Georgia,  and  had  'University  of 
caused  the  'university'  to  signify  an  organization  of  all 


the  schools  maintained  or  subsidized  by  the  state.1    But  values  and 
the  value  of  the  lands  was  exceedingly  small,  and  even  of  population 
the   comparatively   democratic   type  of  population   in  o*™1"^ 
Georgia  was  not  sufficiently  homogeneous  to  establish  a  foundation  of 
genuine  system  of  public  education  so  soon.     Franklin  college  and 

College,  representing  the  higher  education  of  the  'univer-  cou.nty  acad- 

emies for 

sity,'  was  soon  on  its  feet,  and  by  1840  some  two  or  three  the  dominant 

hundred  chartered  academies  had  arisen,  and  from  1825 

to  1838  the  state  appropriated  some  $25,000  annually 

to  secondary  schools,  mostly  county  academies.     But 

a  tuition  fee  was  charged  for  this  training,  and,  except 

for  subsidized  education  of  the  poor,  these  institutions 

were  largely  limited  to  the  dominant  classes.    Yet,  while 

little  was  done  toward  providing  elementary  education 

before    the    general    development    of    common    schools 

(1835-1860),  an  administrative  organization  had  been 

furnished,  a  permanent  school  fund  had  been  started, 

and  sentiment  for  public  education  had  begun  to  grow. 

1  A  similar  meaning  was  later  attached  by  Napoleon  to  his  state 
organization  of  schools  in  France.    See  p.  294. 


92 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


While  re- 
1 


tion   North 

Carolina, 

through  the 


'middle  class,' 

formulated    a 

system    of 


established 

scho™i°nfund 
(1825). 


North  Carolina,  as  the  result  of  a  more  influential  'mid- 
die  class,'  made  much  earlier  progress  toward  common 
spools  than  any  other  Southern  state.  The  colony  had 
been  originally  settled  in  the  seventeenth  century  under 
English  proprietors,  but  after  its  sale  to  the  crown  in 
1728.  a  large  number  of  Irish  and  Scotch  Presbyterians, 

'  J. 

German  Protestants,  and  other  immigrants,  mostly  from 
Pennsylvaniaj  came  in  and  formed  a  vigorous  opposition 
to  the  aristocratic  ecclesiastical  and  civic  policy  of  the 
colonial  government.  While  they  were  closely  repressed 
before  the  Revolution,  with  the  beginning  of  national 
life  they  started  the  agitation  for  public  education.  The 
constitution  of  1776  provided  for  the  establishment  of 
schools  and  a  state  university  by  the  legislature,  and  the 
state  soon  possessed  a  vigorous  institution  of  higher 
learning  and  a  large  number  of  academies.  By  1817,  at 
the  request  of  the  legislature,  Judge  Archibald  D. 
Murphy,  a  statesman  with  broad  educational  traditions, 
even  formulated  an  elaborate  plan  for  a  complete  system 
of  public  schools.  This  scheme  failed,  because  it  proposed 
to  'maintain,'  as  well  as  educate,  the  children  of  the  poor. 
But  the  suggestions  of  the  Murphy  committee  shortly 
brought  about  the  establishment  of  a  'literary,'  or  com- 
mon school  fund  (1825),  the  income  of  which  was  to  be 
used  for  the  support  of  public  schools.  Eventually  this 
fund  was  enlarged  by  most  of  North  Carolina's  share  of 
the  'surplus  revenue'  money,  which  was  distributed  by 
the  national  government  among  the  several  states  in 
1837,  and,  early  in  the  educational  development  of 
1835-60,  enabled  North  Carolina  to  maintain  by  far 
the  best  system  of  public  instruction  in  the  South. 
In  the  case  of  the  other  Southern  commonwealths, 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  93 

which  were  admitted  after  the  union  had  been  formed,  There  was  a 
there  was  similarly  a  very  gradual  growth  of  sentiment  uai  growth  of 
for  universal  education.  While  each  state  had  its  own  se"timent  f°r 

universal  edu- 

peculiar  obstacles,  the  educational  development  in  them  cation  in  the 
all  was  sufficiently  like  that  already  described  in  the 


five  original  states  to  make  further  details  unnecessary.  fore  the  sreat 

.  educational 

In  every  state  of  the  South  there  was  appearing  an  awakening. 

alliance  between   far-sighted  statesmen  and  educators 

and  the  great  middle  class  of  citizens  for  the  purpose  of 

establishing  common  schools  for  all  white  children,  and 

the  old  ecclesiastical  and  exclusive  idea  of  education 

was  beginning  to  fade.     By  the  close  of  the  first  half 

century   of   national   existence,    a   public    system    had 

not  actually  materialized  in  any  of  the  states,  but  most 

of   them   had   begun   to   create    'literary   funds/   sub- 

sidize schooling  for  the  poor,  and  enact  'permissive' 

laws  for  establishing  public  schools.    Except  in  Virginia 

and  South  Carolina,  provisions  had  been  made  for  a  gen- 

eral administrative  organization  in  state,  county,  and  dis- 

trict; and  in  North  Carolina  the  common  school  system 

awaited  only  a  first  hint  of  the  great  educational  awaken- 

ing (1835-60)  to  become  full-fledged.     Moreover,  most 

of  the  larger  cities  —  Baltimore,  Charleston,  Savannah, 

Louisville,  Nashville,  Memphis,  Mobile,  New  Orleans  — 

had  already  organized  a  regular  system  of  public  schools, 

and  all  of  the  older  commonwealths  had  made  some 

attempt   at   supporting   a   state   institution   of   higher 

learning,  which  was  virtually  the  head  of  a  public  school 

system.    The  various  denominations  had  begun  to  found 

colleges  in  some  numbers,  but  even  these  institutions 

were  not  so  strictly  ecclesiastical  as  William  and  Mary 

started  out  to  be,  and  assumed  a  wider  function  than 


94 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


In    colonial 
New    York 
during  Dutch 
days    (New 
Netherlands), 
the  organiza- 
tion of 
schools,  like 
that  in  Hol- 
land,   was 
parochial. 


merely  training  for  the  ministry,  while  the  aristocratic 
and  classical  'grammar'  schools  had  largely  given  way 
to  the  'academies,'  which  were  non-sectarian,  demo- 
cratic, and  more  comprehensive  in  their  curriculum. 

The  Parochial  Schools  and  Further  Development  in 
the  Colony  and  State  of  New  York. — A  second  main 
type  of  educational  organization  appears  in  colonial 
New  York,  or  New  Netherlands,  as  it  was  called  during 
Dutch  days  (1621-1674).  In  contrast  to  the  laissez  faire 
attitude  of  Virginia,  the  foundation  of  schools  was 
parochial.  Instead  of  the  chance  endowment  of  schools 
wherever  the  benefactors  happened  to  be  located,  a 
school  was  founded  in  connection  with  every  church. 
This  arrangement  grew  out  of  the  Calvinistic  conception 
of  universal  education,  which  formed  an  essential  part 
of  the  social  traditions  in  Holland  during  the  seventeenth 
century.  Long  before  the  Dutch  came  to  America,  the 
parochial  school,  as  a  means  of  preserving  the  Reformed 
faith,  had  become  an  indispensable  part  of  church 
organization.  But  the  Dutch  state  also  had  concerned 
itself  with  the  facilities  for  education.  The  Reformed 
Dutch  Church  was  granted  the  right  to  examine  teachers, 
enforce  subscription  to  the  creed,  and,  in  the  case  of 
the  elementary  schools  at  least,  largely  determine  the 
appointments,  but  the  legal  support  and  control  of 
education  were  vested  in  the  civil  authorities.1  Hence 
there  early  arose  in  New  Amsterdam  and  the  villages 
of  New  Netherlands  a  parochial  school  system  and  a 
distribution  of  control  between  church  and  state  very 

1  For  an  interesting  and  clear  account  of  Dutch  education  both  in 
the  Netherlands  and  the  colonies,  read  Kilpatrick,  The  Dutch  Schools  oj 
New  Nethcrland  (Washington,  1912). 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  95 

similar  to  that  in  Holland.    Besides  the  ordinary  elemen-  These  Dutch 

i        i  r       i         -KT          schools  taught 

tary    branches,    these    parochial    schools    of    the    New  the  catechism 

Netherlands   taught   the   'true  principles  of   Christian  ;™ed  5^  of 

religion/  and  the  catechism  and  prayers  of  the  Reformed  Reformed 

Church.    Thus  the  Dutch  schools  differed  from  those  in  unl^  'tha0™' 

the   Anglican    colonies   of    the    South,    which   stressed  of  the  AneH- 

can  South, 

secondary  education,  in  being  chiefly  elementary,   al-  were  chiefly 

though  some  attempt  at  conducting  a  Latin  school  was  elemen 

also  made  in  New  Amsterdam  from  1652  on.    However, 

after  the  English  took  permanent  possession  of  New  York 

(1674),  the  parochial  school  of  the  city  was  limited  to  the  ^ut,when  th,e 

r  J  .        English    took 

support  of  the  Reformed  Church,  and,  as  a  result  of  its  possession, 
long  refusal  to  adopt  the  English  language,  its  possible  j^jv^jj  ° 
influence  toward  the  realization  of  universal  education  education  was 
was  completely  lost.     While  the  Dutch  schools  of  the  the  laissez 


villages  generally  retained  the  joint  control  and  support 
of  the  local  court  and  church,  with  a  constantly  increasing  schools. 
domination  of  the  former,  as  a  whole  the  English  occupa- 
tion of  New  York  would  seem  to  have  set  public  education 
back  about  one  hundred  years. 

At   any   rate,    during   the   eighteenth   century   New  The  upper 
York  seems  to  have  fallen  into  the  laissez  faire  support  c]afes  so.ught 

J  *  *  their      educa- 

of  education  that  we  have  seen  prevailing  in  the  Southern  tion  abroad  or 
colonies.    The  upper  classes  largely  sought  their  educa-  [or^dthough 
tion  abroad  or  through  tutors  and  the  clergy,  although  King's  Co1- 
in  1754  King's  College  (now  Columbia  University)  was  number  of 
founded,  and  during  the  century  a  number  of  secondary  se£on£.arywcrc 
schools  were  organized  and  granted  gratuities  by  the  founded, 
legislature.      And    the    few    elementary    schools    that  elementary 
existed   were   either   private   or   maintained    by   some  schp°ls.  w;crc 

1  %  J  maintained 

church  or  philanthropic  society.     As  already  shown,    privately. 

1  See  pp.  43ff. 


96  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

this  was  the  period  distinguished  for  the  schools  founded 
by  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel.     At 

However,        the  ciose  of  the  Revolution,  however,  the  various  el- 

after  the  pop- 

ulation had     ements  of  the  population  had  been  welded  together  in 

bjT'thelLvo^  ^ne  common  struggle,  and  a  sentiment  for  public  educa- 
lution,  public  tion  began  to  prevail  over  vested  interests  and  sectarian 

education  ...  .  .  ...  i        •     i     i 

developed  jealousies.  A  series  of  broad-minded  governors  —  the 
"Thdl>Univer  Clintons,  Lewis,  Tompkins,  and  Marcy  —  constantly 
sity  of  the  reminded  the  legislature  of  its  duty  to  establish  com- 
aseW  mon  schools.  In  1787  a  system  of  public  education  was 


organized  theoretically  organized  under  the  management  of  a 
endowment  Board  of  Regents,  with  the  title  of  'The  University  of 
was  created  the  State  of  New  York,'  but  it  did  not  include  elementary 

in  each  town-  J 

ship  (1780),     schools.     Two  years  later  lands  in  each  township  were 
set  apart  for  the  endowment  of  common  schools,  and  in 


five  years  was  j  jg^  ft  was  enacted  that  the  sum  of  $50,000  for  five  years 
to  encourage  should  be  distributed  for  the  encouragement  of  elemen- 
ed^ationf  tar^  education  in  counties  where  the  towns  would  raise 
and  later  by  taxation  half  as  much  as  the  amount  of  their  share. 
rranged  This  arrangement  was  not  carried  on  beyond  the  five 


was 


for  by  land  years,  but  in  i8os  the  proceeds  from  s  00,000  acres  of 

endowment.       J  . 

land  were  appropriated  for  a  common  school  fund,  which 
was  not  to  be  used  until  the  interest  reached  $50,000 
per  annum. 

^n   T&12   further  organization  was  enacted  whereby 
schools  was     a  state  superintendent  of  common  schools  was  to  be 

established  -,11 

in  1812,  and  appointed,   and   the  county  unit  replaced  by  a  more 

cumben?  '"  democratic  town  and  district  basis.     But  it  had  been 

greatly  ad-  supposed  that  the  state  fund  would  provide  for  the  entire 

education"    C  support  of  the  schools,  and  there  still  remained  an  ob- 

After  the  stinate  opposition  to  local  taxes.    The  towns,  however, 

office  was 

combined        were  gradually  persuaded  to  raise  the  amount  required 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  97 

to  secure   their  share  of   the  state  donation.     Much  with  the  see- 

progress  was  brought  about  through  the  first  superintend-  state  in  '^820, 

ent.   Gideon  Hawley.   and  while,   after  eight  years  of  each    of    Us 

'  .  .  .  .  .  successors 

service,  he  was  removed  by  political  manipulation  and  strove  to 

the  office  combined  with  the  secretaryship  of  state,  each  eduSTtionai^6 

of  his  successors  undertook  to  distinguish  the  educational  side  °f  Ws 
side  of  his  administration  by  some  marked  advance  or 

improvement  in  the  common  schools.    But  for  a  genera-  However,  the 

tion  the  academies  and  colleges  remained  under  super-  Public  system 

.    .  ,  ,.  .  was    not    ex- 

vision  of  the  regents,  and,  except  for  state  appropriations  tended  to  the 

to  academies,  no  one  undertook  to  extend  the  public  gee^ndaanrd/  the 

system  into  secondary  and  higher  education.    Moreover,  state    appro- 

trie  professional  training  of  teachers  in  the  academies  acTdem^es  de- 


was  encouraged  by  the  state,  and  thereby  the  organiza- 

0  J  .  foundation  of 

tion  of  normal  schools  was  delayed.    Hence,  while  New  high  and  nor- 
York  started  the  first  system  of  public  education  ad-  mal  schook 
justed  to  the  political  and  social  conditions  of  the  new 
nation,  and  probably  had  the  most  effective  schools  of 
the  times,  not  until  the  great  period  of  common  school 
development  (1835-1860)  were  its  people  fully  willing  to 
contribute  for  a  general  public  school  system,  make  it 
entirely  free,  or   develop  it   consistently  in   all  direc- 
tions. 

New  York  City.  —  Meanwhile,  an  interesting  develop- 
ment of  educational  facilities  was  taking  place  in  New 
York  City.     In  1805  the  opportunities  offered  in  the 
private,  church,  and  charity  schools  were  seen  by  certain 
of  the  most  prominent  citizens  to  be  totally  inadequate 
for  a  city  of  seventy-five  thousand  inhabitants,  and  a  The  Free 
'Free  School  Society'  was  founded  to  provide  for  the  boys  ety  of  New 
who  were  not  eligible  for  these  schools.     The  president  ^ork,  Clty 

.  was  founded 

was  De  Witt  Clinton,  afterward  governor,  and,  as  we  in  1805  to 


g8  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

provide  edu-  have  seen,1  in  1806  the  first  school  was  opened,  from  mo- 

cation  for          .  .  .   .  . 

boys  not  eli-  tives  of  economy,  upon  the  monitorial  basis.     Ihe  state 

gible  for  the  fun(j  ^  not  reacn  a  sufficient  amount  to  be  available 

private  and 

church  until  1  8  1  5  ,  but  special  gifts  were  made  to  the  school  society 

through  it"1    from  time  to  time  by  the  legislature,  the  city,  and  private 
educational      individuals,  and  there  was  a  rapid  increase  in  the  number 

sentiment  was  . 

trained  until    of  the  society  s  schools  during  the  first  quarter  of  a  cen- 


turv'  In  l826  the  legislature  authorized  the  organization 
established  by  to  charge  a  small  tuition  fee  and  change  its  name  to  the 
ture  TI^)  'Public  School  Society.'  While  the  fee  system  was  soon 
and  the  Pub-  found  to  injure  the  efficiency  of  the  work  and  was 

he     School  .  ...  . 

Society  even-  abolished  within  six  years,  the  new  title  persisted,  as  it 
irTit^  1*853)  ed  ^  not  suggest  pauperism  in  the  way  the  old  name  had. 
In  1828  the  society  was  allowed  the  benefit  of  a  small 
local  tax.  For  quite  a  time  the  work  of  the  association 
was  unhindered,  but  in  1820-25  a  vigorous  effort  was 
made  to  obtain  a  share  of  the  state  appropriation  for  the 
sectarian  schools  of  the  Bethel  Baptist  Church.  This 
move  was  finally  defeated,  but  the  Roman  Catholics 
made  a  more  successful  appeal  fifteen  years  later  by  indi- 
cating that  the  society,  while  nominally  nonsectarian,  was 
really  Protestant.  To  settle  this  dispute,  the  legislature 
in  1842  established  a  city  board  of  education,  and  after 
eleven  years  the  institutions  of  the  Public  School  Society 
were  merged  in  this  city  system.  Thus  was  the  way  pre- 
pared for  a  public  school  system  in  New  York  City,  and 
this  development  was  typical  of  the  training  of  educa- 
tional sentiment  through  quasi-public  societies  that  took 
place  in  Buffalo,  Utica,  Oswego,  and  several  other  cities. 
In  pennsyl-  Development  in  Pennsylvania.  —  As  a  colony  Penn- 

vania     the  . 

provision        sylvania  developed  a  church  school  organization,  similar 

1  See  p.  59. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  99 

to  that  of  New  Netherlands,  except  that  it  was  carried  m*de  f°r 

A  universal 

on  in  connection  with  a  number  of  creeds,  and  that  the  education  by 
municipality  was  seldom  a  coordinate  factor.     Under  *™  ^s  "^ 
Penn's  'Frame  of  Government'  in  1683  ample  provision  establishment 

,       f  f  .of   parochial 

was  made  for  the  enforcement  of  universal  education,  institutions 
but  the  whole  effect  was  lost  the  following  year  bv  by  the  differ- 

3    J  ^  -     ent  sects. 

modifying  it  so  as  to  apply  only  'to  those  having  the 
means  to  do  so.'  The  proprietary  laws  were  continued 
in  the  royal  colony,  and  the  chief  result  of  this  legislation 
was  the  establishment  of  institutions  of  their  own  by  the 
different  religious  sects.  Pennsylvania  was  more  het- 
erogeneous in  population  than  New  York,  as  the  tolerant 
attitude  of  the  government  had  attracted  a  large  variety 
of  German  sects,  Swedes,  Dutch,  English,  Welsh,  Scotch 
and  Irish  Presbyterians,  and  Roman  Catholics,  and 
each  was  devoted  to  its  own  ecclesiastical  schools.  In 
1715  all  Protestant  religious  bodies  were  authorized  to 
conduct  schools  and  to  receive  bequests  and  hold  land 
for  their  support,  and,  although  this  was  vigorously 
opposed  by  the  supreme  judiciary  in  England,  it  became 
law  by  the  lapse  of  time.  Before  this,  in  1689,  a  '  Friends  '  The  fiends 

/  *  '  started    m 

Public  School'  had  been  started,  which  later  (1711)  was  Philadelphia 
known  as  the  'Penn  Charter  School'  and  became  the 


center   of   education   in   Philadelphia.     While   itself   a  which   estab- 

i        ,       .  i  i-   i       i      i  i          i  lished  branch 

secondary    school,    it    established    branch    elementary  elementary 
schools  over  the  city  upon  different  arrangements.    Some  sch?ols  in 

J      r  various    parts 

charged  a  fee  and  some  were  free;  some  were  for  boys  of  the  city. 
and  some  for  girls.  In  keeping  with  the  conclusions  of 
various  'Yearly  Meetings'  (1722,  1746,  etc.),  the  Friends 
likewise  provided  elementary,  and  to  some  extent 
secondary,  schools  in  close  proximity  to  all  meeting- 
houses throughout  the  colony. 


100  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

A    similar          Similarly,  the  German  sects,  Presbyterians,  Episcopa- 

parochial    or-    ,.  i/~iii-  ITIII-  T     • 

ganization  nans,  and  Catholics  established  their  own  distinctive 
was  dbevel"h  parochial  schools.  The  Lutheran  congregations,  for  ex- 
other  sects,  ample,  each  set  up  a  school  alongside  of  the  church  as 
Lutherans,  &  early  as  possible;  the  Mennonites  included  in  their 
Mennonites,  system  the  famous  schools  of  Christopher  Dock,  who  in 

and    Moravi-  .  . 

ans.  1750  produced  the  first  elaborate  educational  treatise  in 

America;  and  the  Reformed  Church,  as  we  previously 
noted,1  started  a  species  of  charity  schools  through  the 
help  of  the  S.  P.  G.  There  was  also  some  attempt  at 
secondary  and  higher  education,  especially  in  the  case  of 
the  well-known  Moravian  institutions  at  Bethlehem, 
Nazareth,  and  Lititz,  and  the  Presbyterian  Log  College 
at  Neshaminy,  which  became  the  cradle  of  Princeton, 
Washington  and  Jefferson,  Hampden-Sydney,  and  Union 
Colleges.  A  somewhat  broader  spirit  was  manifest  in  the 

Attempts  at  a  voluntary  'neighborhood'  schools  of  western  Pennsyl- 

broader  com-  .  J 

mon  school  vania,  in  the  attempts  at  universal  education  of  the  Con- 

ttewiTtte  necticut  colonists  in  the  Wyoming  Valley,  and  in  the 

Wyoming  'academy'  set  up  at  Philadelphia  through  Franklin,2  to 

Philadelphia,  train  public  men  and  teachers,  and  fuse  the  various  na- 


but  parochial  tions  jn  a  common  citizenship.    But,  as  a  whole,  parochial 

education  pre- 

vailed. education  prevailed  and  exerted  the  largest  influence  in 

Pennsylvania  during  the  eighteenth  century.  While 
these  schools  did  much  to  further  the  modern  idea  of  the 
elementary  school,  the  national,  sectarian,  and  class 
jealousies  that  ensued  kept  the  authorities  from  a  con- 
sideration of  universal  education  and  greatly  delayed  the 
establishment  of  a  public  system  of  schools. 

1  See  pp.  47f. 

2  See  p.  47  and  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition, 

pp.   2Q2f. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  101 

The  state  system  only  very  gradually  arose  through  Despite  the 
a  prolonged  stage  of  'poor  schools.'  The  new  const! tu-  Of  Franklin 
tion  (1790)  of  the  state  provided:  "The  legislature  shall,  *nd  other 
as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be,  provide  by  law  for  the  state  system 
establishment  of  schools  throughout  the  State,  in  such  gradually  Y 
manner  that  the  poor  may  be  taught  gratis."  Men  of  through 'poor 
broad  vision,  like  Franklin,  Benjamin  Rush,  and  Timothy 
Pickering,  had  striven  hard  to  have  popular  education 
introduced,  but  the  general  sentiment  of  the  times  could 
not  reach  beyond  providing  free  education  for  the  poor. 
Moreover,  although  this  moderate  constitutional  provi- 
sion was  a  compromise,  it  was  not  for  some  years  (1802, 
1804,  and  1809)  that  the  legislature  passed  acts  to  make 
it  effective.  Even  then  public  institutions  to  fulfill  the 
legislation  were  not  established,  but  the  tuition  of  poor 
children  was  paid  for  at  public  expense  in  private,  church, 
and  neighborhood  schools.  The  result  of  this  was  that 
most  poor  parents  were  too  proud  to  declare  themselves 
paupers,  and  the  proceeds  of  sixty  thousand  acres  of  land 
appropriated  for  '  aiding  public  schools '  went  to  subsidize 
private  institutions.  But  the  idea  of  common  schools 
continued  to  develop,  and  governors  and  other  prominent 
men  constantly  called  attention  to  the  need  of  universal 
education.  Philadelphia  was  the  first  municipality  to  be 
converted,  and  in  1818,  under  a  special  act  of  the  legisla- 
ture, it  became  'the  first  school  district  of  Pennsylvania,' 
with  the  power  to  provide  a  system  of  education  on  the 
Lancasterian  plan  *  at  public  expense.  After  three  or 
four  years  this  special  legislation  was  extended  to  five 
more  counties,  and  in  1824  a  general  law  for  free  schools 
in  any  community  was  enacted,  though  soon  repealed. 

1  See  pp.  5gf. 


102  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Finally,  in  1828,  'the  Pennsylvania  Society  for  the 
Promotion  of  Common  Schools/  after  demonstrating 
the  ineffectiveness  of  the  'pauper  school'  law  in  a  series 
of  memorials,  succeeded  in  having  a  state  school  fund 
Im834asys-  established,  and  six  years  later  'an  act  to  establish  a 

tern    was    es-  •* 

tabiished  un-  general  system  of  education  by  common  schools'  was 

der  the  secre-  , 

tary  of  state,   P3"     -Q- 

which   per-         This  law  established  a  state  system  of  schools  under 
tncts  levying  the  general  superintendency  of  the  secretary  of  state. 


local  taxes  to  por  ft^5  SyStem  it  appropriated  $75,000  per  annum 
state  fund,  from  the  income  of  the  state  school  fund,  and  per- 
mitted  the  wards,  townships,  and  boroughs,  which  it 


was  greatly     constituted  school  districts,  to  share  in  this,  provided 

increased     by 

the  following  they  levied  local  taxes  for  schools.  The  northern  coun- 
was"  nof  until  ^es>  settled  mostly  by  New  England  colonists,  and  the 
the  educa-  western  portion  of  the  state,  with  its  large  element  of 
ening  that  Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians,  ardently  favored  this  en- 
most  of  the  couragement  of  universal  education,  but  the  law  was  only 

districts   took  ... 

advantage  of  permissive  and  was  bitterly  opposed  by  the  Quaker 
and  German  inhabitants  of  'old'  Pennsylvania,  who 
feared  that  their  own  parochial  schools  would  be  replaced. 
The  wealthy  classes  were  also  hostile  to  the  new  law,  on 
the  ground  that  they  ought  not  to  be  taxed  to  educate 
other  people's  children.  In  a  vigorous  campaign  to 
repeal  the  act,  however,  the  opponents  of  the  law  were 
defeated  the  following  year  (1835),  and  the  desire  to 
establish  public  schools  was  greatly  increased  by  the 
enlargement  to  $400,000  of  the  annual  state  appropria- 
tion, in  which  the  school  districts  might  participate  only 
on  condition  of  local  taxation.  Even  then  not  more 
than  one-half  the  districts  took  advantage  of  the  op- 
portunity, and  it  was  several  years  before  most  of  them 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  103 

claimed  their  share.  Hence,  while  the  battle  was  won 
by  1835,  the  consummation  of  public  education  in  Penn- 
sylvania did  not  take  place  until  the  great  awakening  of 
common  schools  had  swept  over  the  country. 

Early   Education  in   New   Jersey   and   Delaware.  —  The  organi- 
The  two  remaining  'middle'  colonies,  New  Jersey  and  n;ai  school  in 
Delaware,  were  settled  by  a  variety  of  nationalities  and  New  Jersey 

and  Delaware 

sects,  —  Swedes,  Finns,  Dutch,  Quakers,  Anglicans,  and  was  laissez 
Scotch   Presbyterians.     This  extreme  cosmopolitanism  vfcSnia8  and 


made  any  real  attempt  at  a  general  system  of  public  what  legisia- 

.    '  .  M  i     ,  i        •     -r>  •          i  tion  f°r  pub- 

education  more  impossible  than  in  Pennsylvania  and  i;c  education 


New  York.    As  in  those  colonies,  the  parochial  schools  of  P*ssed  under 

the    state 

the  Dutch,  the  Quakers,  the  Germans,  and  the  Pres-  government 
byterians  accomplished  something  for  public  education,  ^  p 
but  much  of  the  school  organization  was  laissez  fairc,  as 
in  Virginia.  After  the  formation  of  the  union,  New 
Jersey  and  Delaware  met  with  the  same  kinds  of  hin- 
drance to  the  development  of  common  schools  as  did 
Pennsylvania,  and  they  were  even  slower  in  getting  a 
system  established.  In  both  commonwealths  a  state 
school  fund  was  started  early  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
but  it  was  not  distributed  for  about  a  dozen  years,  and 
then  it  was  used  mostly  for  the  education  of  paupers  in 
subsidized  private  schools.  Some  'permissive'  legislation 
for  the  organization  of  school  districts  and  commissioners 
and  the  establishment  of  public  schools  was  also  passed, 
but  it  accomplished  little  before  the  middle  of  the 
century. 

Decline  of  Education  in  Massachusetts.  —  The  third  As  a  result  of 

<•  •  i     r  .its    homo- 

type  of  colonial  school  organization  appeared  first  in  geneous    an,; 
Massachusetts.    As  compared  with  the  laissez  faire  and  de^1e°tcrat^e 
the  parochial  methods,  governmental  activity  here  pre-  colony  of 


104  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Massachu-  vailed.  Accordingly,  Massachusetts  may  be  said  to 
first  IoS  de-  have  inaugurated  the  first  real  system  of  public  education, 
velop  a  school  The  character  of  the  schools  in  this  colony  developed 

organization  . 

through  from  its  peculiar  form  of  society  and  government.  It 
was  democratic,  concentrated,  and  homogeneous,  as 
compared  with  the  cosmopolitan  and  sectarian  social 
structure  in  the  Middle  colonies,  or  the  class  distinctions 
and  scattered  population  of  the  South.  While  there  were 
some  servants  and  dependents  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Colony  and  a  distinction  was  made  between  'freemen' 
and  others,  there  were  at  no  time  rival  elements  that 
were  unable  to  combine.  The  settlements  were  not  a 
mere  confederation,  but  the  blending  of  all  elements 
into  a  single  organism,  where  the  individuality  of  each 
was  merged  in  a  new  social  whole.  This  condition  was  a 
result  of  the  radical  ingrained  religious  conviction  that 
every  one  was  a  child  of  God,  capable  of  becoming  a 
vital  and  useful  member  of  society,  and  that  the  com- 
munity was  obligated  to  give  him  training  to  that  end 
in  the  home,  church,  and  school.  Out  of  this  Calvinistic 
attitude  sprang  a  spirit  of  cooperation  and  helpfulness,  a 
general  participation  of  all  townsmen  in  local  govern- 
ment, and  the  Massachusetts  type  of  school  organization. 
Common  schools  seem  to  have  been  supported  in  most 
towns  from  the  first  by  voluntary  or  compulsory  sub- 
scriptions, and  before  the  close  of  the  first  quarter  of  a 
century  there  had  been  established  by  the  colony  at 
large  an  educational  system  in  which  every  citizen  had  a 
working  share.  Because  of  the  exclusiveness  and  unity 
in  matters  theological,  the  schools,  while  religious  and 
moral,  could  hardly  be  considered  sectarian.  The  first 
educational  act  of  the  colony,  passed  in  1642,  was  similar 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  105 

to  the  old  English  apprenticeship  law  in  its  provision  In  I(542  the 

r  M  colony  passed 

for  industrial  education,  and,  while  it  was  broadened  a  law  to  pro- 
so  as  to  include  some  literary  elements  and  a  rate  to  ^rfiTed^ 
procure  materials  was  established,  no  school  is  men-  cation,  which 
tioned  in  it.    But  in  1647  each  town  of  fifty  families  was  literary  de- 
required,  under  a  penalty  of  £<.  to  maintain  an  elemen-  ments;  andin 

J  J  1647    each 

tary  school,   and  every  one  of  a  hundred   families   a  town  of  fifty 


'grammar'  (secondary)  school.1    These  schools  might  be  re  uired  to 
supported  in  part  by  tuition  fees,  as  well  as  by  the  maintain  an 

,      ,          i  ,.         .  ,  .-,,  ,    elementary 

town  rate,  and  the  obligation  seems  to  have  still  rested  school,  and 
on  the  parents  to  see  that  the  children  did  'resort'  to  the . fch. of. a b.^n" 

I  dred    families 

school,  but  all  the  germs  of  the  present  common  school  la  'grammar' 
system  in  the  United  States  would  appear  to  have  been/80 
present  in  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  before  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century. 

This  generous  support  of  public  education,  however,  However, 

...  owing  to  the 

was  followed  by  a  period  of  decline  for  about  a  century  growth    of 
and  a  half.     The  causes  for  this  decadence  of  local  ^enaty  m 

religion,   the 

interest    in    education    have    been    carefully    investi-  lowering  of 
gated,2  and  found  to  be  rather  complicated.     In  the  standards) 
first  place,  the  complete  domination  of  Calvinism  grad-  and. thc  dis~ 

.          persion     of 

ually  disintegrated  and  was  replaced  by  a  toleration  population, 
of  several  creeds.     The  non-Puritans,  who  were  con-  t^  T^1^8' 
.  stantly  increasing  in  numbers,  were  obliged  by  the  law  ed/  and  finai- 
of  1638  to  preserve  an  outward  conformity  to  the  Cal-  Sch00is  were 
vinistic  regime  under  penalty  of  banishment,   but  by  established 

J  in  place  of 

1662  a  compromise  was  granted,  whereby  persons  not  the  town 
conforming  in  every  respect  might  be  admitted  to  all 
church  privileges,  except  communion,  and  the  persecu- 


1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  tJic  Transition,  pp.   i73f. 

2  See    Updegraff ,   Origin   of   thc    Moving    Scliool    in    Massachusetts, 
Chaps.  V-X. 


106  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

tion  of  Quakers,  Baptists,  and  other  sects  was  largely 
abandoned.  In  1670  came  the  successful  secession  of  the 
Old  South  Church  from  the  original  church  of  Boston, 
as  the  result  of  a  quarrel  concerning  the  compromise  just 
mentioned,  and  within  a  decade  the  Baptists  were  per- 
mitted to  build  a  meeting-house  in  Boston.  By  1692 
recognition  had  been  largely  granted  to  all  Protestant 
beliefs,  and  to  be  a  'freeman,'  or  voter  on  all  colonial 
questions,  it  was  no  longer  necessary  to  be  a  member  of  a 
Puritan  church.  While  every  town  was  still  required 
to  support  by  tax  an  orthodox  pastor,  by  1728  the 
Episcopalians,  Quakers,  and  Baptists  were  permitted 
to  pay  their  assessments  to  their  own  ministers,  and  the 
alliance  of  the  state  with  a  despotic  church,  which  had 
made  possible  the  system  of  public  education,  was 
largely  broken.  Moreover,  there  was  a  decided  lowering 
of  intellectual  standards  upon  the  part  of  the  colonists. 
The  hard  struggle  to  wring  a  living  from  an  unpropitious 
soil,  and  the  disturbances  due  to  wars,  Indian  skirmishes, 
and  the  difficulties  of  pioneer  life  greatly  lessened  their 
feeling  of  need  for  a  literary  training.  Another  reason 
for  the  educational  decline  was  the  dispersion  of  the 
population  in  the  towns,  as  the  best  land  near  the  center 
was  more  and  more  taken  up.  The  intervening  hills, 
streams,  swamps,  and  poor  roads,  together  with  the  fear 
of  Indians  and  wild  animals,  greatly  hindered  those  on 
the  outskirts  in  reaching  the  church  and  school  of  the 
town.  As  a  result  of  these  different  tendencies,  the 
towns,  most  of  which  had  been  eager  to  establish  schools 
even  before  being  compelled  to  do  so,  began  to  seek 
various  methods  of  evading  the  school  law  without 
incurring  the  fine.  The  minister  was  at  times  made  the 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  107 

nominal  schoolmaster,  or  a  teacher  was  even  employed 
during  the  session  of  the  ' General  Court'  (i.  e.  legislature) 
and  discharged  upon  adjournment.  Laws  were  enacted 
against  these  subterfuges,  greater  vigilance  was  ex- 
ercised, and  the  fine  was  increased  first  to  £10  (1671) 
and  then  to  £20  (1683),  with  a  progressive  increase 
where  the  number  of  families  ran  over  one  hundred 
(1712).  Thus  the  fine  came  to  be  sufficient  to  support  a 
schoolmaster,  and  it  was  made  more  and  more  unprofit- 
able for  a  town  to  disobey  the  law. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  became  advantageous  to 
many  citizens,  especially  those  at  the  center  of  a  town, 
to  have  the  entire  support  of  the  school  come  through 
general  taxation  rather  than  partially  by  means  of 
tuition  fees.  But  the  people  in  the  more  distant  portions 
of  the  town  refused  to  vote  a  rate  from  which  they  them- 
selves obtained  no  profit.  They  demanded  that,  in  re- 
turn for  their  taxes,  the  public  school  should  be  brought 
nearer  to  them.  Probably  they  were  influenced  in  this 
stand  by  the  fact  that  private  'dame'  schools,  and  possi- 
bly elementary  schools,  had  for  some  time  been  opened  in 
various  parts  of  the  town  conveniently  near  their  homes. 
Another  factor  that  may  have  aided  in  suggesting  this 
solution  was  the  legal  recognition  of  various  remote 
settlements  within  the  town,  known  as  'parishes'  or 
'districts,'  through  the  grant  of  self-government,  separate 
church  organizations,  and  other  privileges  similar  to 
those  of  the  town  as  a  whole,  though  on  a  smaller  scale. 
At  any  rate,  we  find  that,  in  the  early  part  of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  wherever  a  rate  was  adopted  as  the  sole 
means  of  school  support,  it  was  agreed  that,  instead  of 
holding  the  town  school  for  twelve  months  in  the  center 


108  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

alone,  opportunities  should  be  offered  for  a  fraction  oi 
that  period  in  various  portions  of  the  town.  When  the 
compromise  took  the  form  of  having  one  town  master 
teach  in  different  districts  through  the  year,  the  result 
was  known  as  a  'moving  school/  but  when  separate 
schools  under  different  masters  or  mistresses  came  to  be 
taught  at  the  same  time,  the  town  school  was  said  to  be 
'divided.'  These  divisions  were  allowed  more  and  more 
control  of  their  schools  by  the  town  until  they  prac- 
tically became  autonomous.  Before  the  time  of  the 
Revolution  'divided  schools'  were  recognized  as  a  regular 
institution,  and,  together  with  other  customs  that  had 
grown  up  during  the  eighteenth  century,  they  were 
given  legal  sanction  and  denominated  'district  schools' 
in  the  law  of  1789.  By  1800  the  districts  were  not  only 
allowed  to  manage  their  own  share  of  the  town  taxes,  but 
were  authorized  to  make  the  levy  themselves;  in  1817  they 
were  made  corporations  and  empowered  to  hold  property 
for  educational  purposes;  and  in  1827  they  were  granted 
the  right  to  choose  a  committeeman,  who  should  appoint 
the  teacher  and  have  control  of  the  school  property. 
This  decline  Thus,  as  Martin  describes  it,  the  year  1827  "marks 

into    the    dis-      ,  ,..  .  1-1111 

trict  system    the  culmination  of  a  process  which  had  been  going  on  for 
reached  its     more  than  a  century, — the  high-water  mark  of  modern 

lowest  point  J  ' 

in  1827.  democracy,  and  the  low-water  mark  of  the  Massachusetts 
school  system."  l  The  district  system  did  in  its  earlier 
stages  bind  the  families  of  a  neighborhood  into  a  cor- 
poration whose  intent  was  the  most  vital  of  human 
needs, — education,  and  the  people  came  to  feel  the 
necessity  of  supporting  it  by  their  own  generous  contri- 
butions. But  in  the  course  of  time  the  districts  became 
1  Evolution  of  the  Massachusetts  School  System,  p.  92. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  109 

involved  in  private  and  petty  political  interests,  and 
had  but  little  consideration  for  the  public  good.  The 
choice  of  the  committeeman,  the  site,  and  the  teacher 
caused  much  unseemly  wrangling,  and  as  each  received 
only  what  it  paid  in,  the  poor  district  obtained  only 
a  weak  school  and  that  for  but  a  short  term.  The  in-  Moreover, 

i-  the   mcreas- 

creasmg  expense  of  the  district  system  had  also  made  ing  expense  of 


it  impossible  for  any  except  the  larger  towns  to  support 
the  old-time  'grammar'  school,  and  this  part  of  the  existence  the 
old  school  requirements  had  fallen  into  disuse  before  endowment  of 
the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century.  To  meet  the  needs  academies  m 

f  J  m  the  place  of 

of  secondary  education,  the  policy  of  endowing  'acad-  the  town 
emies'  with  wild  lands  in  Maine  had  gradually  grown  Scho™i™ar 
up,  and  this  custom  was  legalized  in  1797.  Seven  acad- 
emies, —  four  in  Massachusetts  proper  and  three  in  the 
province  of  Maine,  had  originally  been  endowed  with 
a  township  apiece,  and  some  fourteen  more  had  been 
chartered  by  towns  at  an  early  date,  and  empowered  by 
the  state  to  hold  educational  funds.  By  the  time  of  the 
educational  awakening  there  were  some  fifty  of  these 
private  secondary  institutions  subsidized  by  the  state, 
although  managed  by  a  close  corporation.  The  first 
public  high  school  had  been  established  in  Boston  (1821),  Hence,_by  the 

.  beginning  of 

but  this  type  of  secondary  school  had  not  begun  to  have  the  nine- 
any  influence  as  yet.     Into  such  a  decadence  had  the  tUry^\ia!Xi- 
liberallv  supported  system  of  public  education  fallen  chusetts    had 

J  '  ;  .  IT,  fallen    behind 

before  the  rapid  development  in  common  schools  began  xew  York  in 
and  the  influence  of  Horace  Mann  and  other  reformers  :  t]?e  Pr°Kress 

of    public 

was  felt.     Hence  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  nine-  education. 
teenth  century  public  education  in  Massachusetts  had 
been  quite  surpassed  by  New  York,  which  had  largely 
1  See  pp.  i6/fL 


HO  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

outgrown  its  laissez  faire  attitude  and  was  now  leading 
all  the  states  in  the  development  of  schools, 
in  Connecti-       Similar   History  of   Other   New   England   States. — 

nial  laws  con-  The  development  of  common  schools  in  Massachusetts 
cerning  edu-  may  j^g  considered  typical  of  New  England  in  general. 

cation    were  t  J  .  .  . 

very  similar  with  the  exception  of  Rhode  Island.    During  the  colonial 

Massachu-0  Peri°d,  Connecticut  by  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 

setts,  and  just  century,  and  Vermont  before  the  Revolution,  had  very 

Revolution  a  closely  copied  the  governmental  activity  of  Massachu- 

decadence  setts  in  organizing  schools.    The  section  of  the  Hartford 

into   the   dis-  ' 

trict  system  colony  law  (1650)  on  'children'  reminds  one  strongly 
appear^The  °^  the  Massachusetts  act  of  1642,  while  the  section  on 
educational  '  schools '  is  an  almost  verbatim  repetition  of  the  Massachu- 

development  .  . 

in  Massachu-  setts  law  of  1647.  Similar  provisions  were  made  in  the 
setts  was  hke-  jq-  jjaven  colony  before  the  two  were  merged  in  the 

wise  typical  * 

of  the  other  colony  of  Connecticut  in  1661.  By  the  close  of  the  cen- 
states,  except  tury  Connecticut  had  also  granted  lands,  gratuities,  and 
Rhode  island,  taxes  for  the  support  of  its  chief  'grammar'  schools,  and 
had  established  a  fine  of  £5  upon  any  town  neglecting 
to  maintain  an  elementary  school,  and  double  the  amount 
in  the  case  of  a  Latin  school.  Likewise,  by  1766  the 
foundations  of  a  district  system  had  been  laid  through 
recognizing  the  divisions  in  a  certain  town.  In  1794 
these  districts  were  given  a  separate  existence  legally  and 
allowed  to  locate  their  own  schoolhouses  and  levy  taxes. 
The  results  of  this  step  constituted  one  of  the  greatest 
problems  for  Henry  Barnard  during  the  great  period  of 
educational  development.  Similarly,  in  Vermont  before 
statehood  was  well  under  way,  provision  had  been  made 
for  town  and  district  schools,  county  'grammar'  schools, 
and  even  a  state  university,  and  some  legal  steps  taken 
to  see  that  the  towns,  districts,  and  counties  lived  up 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  in 

to  the  statutes.  In  the  beginning  of  the  second  quarter 
of  the  nineteenth  century  a  state  school  fund  and  school 
commissioners  were  established,  but  they  were  abolished 
within  a  few  years,  and  the  schools  of  Vermont  were  in  a 
parlous  condition  when  the  awakening  found  them.  New 
Hampshire  was  part  of  Massachusetts  until  1693,  and 
Maine  was  until  1820,  and  their  development  of  popular 
education  contains  no  new  features. 

The  Early  Organization  of  Education  in  Rhode  Is-  Because  of  its 
land.  —  But  Rhode  Island  would  have  none  of  the  com- 


mon  schools  and  centralization  of  education,  and  until  fsland   ob- 

jected  to  legis- 

well  into  the  nineteenth  century  followed  more  nearly  the  lation  con- 
random  organization  of  schools  in  Virginia.    The  colony  ^tbng  but 


was  dominated  by  the  idea  of  freedom  in  thought  and  the  chief 
speech,  for  which  it  had  been  founded  in  1636,  and  as  tariiy    main- 
legislation  involving  the  regulation  of  schools  seemed  tained   un~ 

graded  schools 

to  be  an  interference,  if  not  actual  compulsion,  it  would  for  the  poor. 
tolerate  nothing  of  the  sort  for  almost  two  centuries. 
Schools  were,  however,  organized  within  the  first  century 
in  the  chief  towns  of  the  colony,  —  Newport  (1640), 
Bristol  (1683),  Providence  (1684),  and  Portsmouth 
(1716).  These  schools  were  voluntarily  maintained 
through  the  rent  and  sale  of  local  school  lands,  rent  of  the 
schoolhouses  and  their  cellars,  subscriptions,  taxation, 
income  from  wharves,  lotteries,  and  tuition  fees,  and 
the  management  of  them  was  vested  in  the  town  meet- 
ings. But  these  institutions  could  hardly  be  considered 
common  schools,  for  they  were  ungraded  and  intended 
for  the  poor.  The  idea  of  a  free  public  school  for  all 
classes  was  first  suggested  in  1767  in  the  report  of  Moses 
Brown,  one  of  a  committee  to  formulate  a  plan  of  educa- 
tion and  bring  it  before  the  town  meeting,  but  it  was 


112 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


In    1708    a 
permissive 
law  for  free 
schools     in 
any     town 
was   passed, 
but    Provi- 
dence alone 
availed    itself 
of     it.       Not 
until     1828 
was  the  basal 
law  for  com- 
mon schools 
passed,    and 
the    system 
was    meager 
until    the 
awakening. 


naturally  not  adopted.  In  1798,  however,  the  Mechanics 
and  Manufacturers'  Association,  under  the  leadership 
of  John  Rowland,  and  supported  by  educators  and  men 
of  wealth,  after  a  struggle  of  two  years  brought  about  a 
law  that  permitted  each  town  in  the  state  to  maintain  at 
public  expense  'one  or  more  free  schools.'  Providence 
availed  itself  of  this  act  and  thus  started  a  public  school 
system  in  1800,  but  no  other  municipality  paid  any 
attention  to  the  law,  and  it  was  repealed  in  1803.  The 
basal  state  law  for  common  schools  was  not  passed  until 
1828,  when  $10,000  was  appropriated  and  each  town  was 
required  to  supplement  its  share  by  such  an  amount  as 
should  annually  be  fixed  in  town  meeting.  While  this 
amount  was  increased  in  1839  to  $25,000,  and  subse- 
quently to  much  larger  sums,  the  state  school  system  was 
but  poor  and  meager  until  the  influence  of  the  educa- 
tional awakening  was  felt,  and  Henry  Barnard  :  had  done 
his  work  for  the  state  (1843-49). 

The  Extension  of  Educational  Organization  to  the 
Northwest. — It  is  thus  evident  that  by  the  close  of  the 
first  half  century  of  the  republic,  there  was  everywhere 
slowly  growing  up  a  sentiment  for  public  education. 
The  development  of  common  schools  had,  however,  been 
greatly  hindered  in  the  Southern  states  by  the  separation 
of  classes  in  an  aristocratic  organization  of  society. 
Yet  the  superior  class  had  shown  no  lack  of  educational 
interest  in  their  own  behalf  and  had  through  the  facilities 
offered  reared  a  group  of  intellectual  leaders,  some  of 
whom,  like  the  far-sighted  Jefferson,  had  caught  the 
vision  of  universal  education.  The  great  diversity  of 
nationality  and  creed  in  ^he  Middle  states,  on  the  other 
1  See  p.  183. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  113 

hand,  had  fostered  sectarian  jealousies  and  the  traditional 
practice  of  the  maintenance  of  its  own  school  by  each 
congregation.  This  had  proved  almost  as  disastrous  to 
the  rise  of  a  system  of  public  schools,  although  Penn- 
sylvania and  even  more  New  York  had  well  begun  the 
establishment  of  a  public  system.  In  both  sections  of 
the  country  public  education  was  at  first  viewed  as  a 
species  of  poor  relief,  and  the  wealthy  were  unable  to 
see  any  justice  in  being  required  to  educate  the  children 
of  others.  As  a  result,  the  young  'paupers'  at  times  had 
their  tuition  paid  in  private  schools,  and  these  institu- 
tions were  not  infrequently  allowed  to  share  in  public 
funds.  The  New  England  states,  however,  as  a  result 
of  the  homogeneity  of  their  citizens,  had  early  adhered 
to  a  system  of  public  schools  for  all,  organized,  supported, 
and  supervised  by  the  people.  While  the  efficiency  of 
their  common  schools  was  eventually  crippled  by  the 
grant  of  autonomy  to  local  districts  and  the  arising  of 
petty  private  and  political  interests,  they  had  initiated 
this  unique  American  product,— a  public  system  for  all, 
dependent  upon  local  support  and  responsive  to  local 
wishes. 

This  growth  of  a  'common  schools  consciousness'  was 
destined,  as  the  result  of  a  great  educational  awakening, 
to  increase  rapidly  about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century  in  the  Middle  and  Southern,  as  well  as  the  New 
England  states.  But  before  describing  this  development 
further,  it  is  important  to  see  the  effect  of  the  ideals  of 
these  three  sections  of  the  country  when  introduced 
into  a  new  part  of  the  United  States  by  emigrants  from 
the  older  commonwealths.  The  new  domain  referred 
to  was  those  large  tracts  of  unsettled  territory,  belonging, 


H4  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

according  to  claims  more  or  less  overlapping,  to  six  or 
seven  of  the  original  states,  and  finally  (1781),  in  settle- 
ment of  these  disputes,  ceded  to  the  federal  government, 
with  the  understanding  that  the  territory  should  be 
'formed  into  distinct  republican  States.'  After  much 
discussion  and  various  acts  of  Congress  for  half  a  dozen 
years,  the  famous  'Ordinance  of  1787'  was  passed  for 
the  government  of  this  'Northwest  Territory.'  By  the 
act  the  entire  territory  was  divided  into  townships,  six 
miles  square,  after  the  New  England  system,  and  of  the 
thirty-six  sections  into  which  each  township  was  sub- 
divided, section  sixteen  was  reserved  for  the  support  of 
public  schools.  Two  townships  of  land  were  also  ded- 
icated for  the  establishment  of  a  university.  This 
policy  of  educational  endowment  was  later  extended 
to  the  vast  territory  purchased  from  France  in  1803 
and  known  as  'Louisiana,'  and  to  all  the  other  territory 
afterward  annexed  to  the  United  States. 

Despite  the        This   federal    land    endowment   gave    an    additional 
endowment,     stimulus  to  the  establishment  of  public  education  in  the 

in    the    first  four  commonwealths—  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Mich- 

three  states      .  '  ' 

carved  out  of  igan  —  that  were  admitted  from  the  Northwest  Territory 

'     before  1840.    But  the  final  system  of  public  education 


public  educa-  in  these  new  states  took  form  but  slowly  for  various 

form  but  reasons.    The  settlers  were  poor;  incessant  Indian  wars, 

slowly,  and  tke    wiiderness     wretched    roads,    and    lack    of    trans- 

m  its  history 

there  is  a  rec-  portation    facilities    tended   to   repel    immigrants    and 

forts°  to  Vin  leave  the  country  sparsely  settled  ;  the  large  tracts  of 

over  the  set-  school  land  were  slow  in  acquiring  value,  and.  to  attract 

tiers     from  ° 

states  where  settlers,  were  often  leased  at  nominal  rates  or  sacrificed 

pubhc  educa-  at  a  smaji  price;  anci  social  distinctions  and  sectarian 

tion  was  not 

in  vogue.  jealousies  persisted  among  the  immigrants.    As  a  whole, 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  115 

immigration  from  the  earlier  commonwealths  had  fol-  B"t  Michi- 
lowed  parallels  of  latitude,  and  the  northern  parts  of  setuers  had 
Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois  were  occupied  mostly  by  been  used  lo 

J     common 

people  from  New  England   and  New  York,   and  the  schools, 
southern  by  former  inhabitants  of  Virginia,  Kentucky,  thegermsof  a 
Tennessee,    Louisiana,1    and    other    states    where    the  Public  sys- 

....  tern,  although 

public  school  system  was  not  yet  as  well  developed,  HS  state  or- 
In  Michigan,  however,  because  of  its  northerly  location,  ea"ization 

J  '    did    not    ap- 

the  great  influx  throughout  the  state  had  come  from  pear  until  the 
New  York,  New  England,  and  northern  Ohio. 

Consequently,  the  history  of  public  education  in  the 
first  three  of  the  new  states  seems  to  be  in  each  case 
largely  a  record  of  a  prolonged  struggle  to  introduce 
common  schools  among  those  of  the  people  who  had 
come  from  states  not  yet  committed  to  this  ideal,  but 
Michigan,  whose  inhabitants  had  migrated  from  states 
where  public  education  was  in  vogue,  showed  the  germs 
of  a  public  system  even  before  statehood  was  conferred. 
The  history  of  the  common  schools  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and 
Illinois  is  very  similar  in  general  outline.  Each  one 
started  off  by  claiming  two  townships  of  land  for  a 
university  2  and  the  sixteenth  section  for  schools,  and 
the  state  constitution  committed  it  to  equal  school 
opportunities  for  all.  But  not  until  the  close  of  the  first 
quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century  3  was  a  system  of 

1  Of  course,  Ohio  was  first  settled  in  the  southeast  by  that  very  impor- 
tant band  of  New  Englanders  led  by  Manasseh  Cutler,  but  the  southwest 
was  decidedly  Southern  in  the  sympathies  of  its  population,  and  even  the 
southeast  became  more  cosmopolitan  through  later  immigrations. 

2  Ohio  secured  an  extra  township  of  land  for  the  Symms  settlement  in 
the  southwest,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  so  far  removed  from  the  Cutler 
colony. 

3  Ohio  and  Indiana  in  1824,  and  Illinois  in  1825. 


Il6  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

common  schools,  with  the  organization  of  districts, 
appointment  of  school  officers,  and  local  taxation  pro- 
vided by  the  legislature.  Even  then  the  acts  were 
largely  'permissive,'  the  tax  was  not  exacted  from  any- 
one who  objected,  and  for  some  time  various  laws 
allowed  public  funds  to  be  paid  to  existing  private  schools 
for  the  tuition  of  the  poor.  The  complete  system  with 
a  state  superintendent  was  first  organized  in  Ohio  by 
1836,  but  a  similar  stage  of  development  was  not  reached 
by  the  other  two  states  until  after  the  great  period  of 
common  school  development  (1835-60)  had  passed  over 
the  country.  Michigan,  on  the  other  hand,  as  early 
as  1817  established  a  'catholepistemiad,'  which  was  to 
include  a  university  and  a  system  of  schools  of  all  grades, 
and  a  dozen  years  later  in  its  revision  of  the  school  laws 
provided  for  a  department  of  education  at  the  university 
and  a  state  superintendency  of  schools.  While  under 
this  territorial  law  of  1829  tuition  fees  were  to  be  re- 
quired, except  from  the  poor,  by  the  first  state  constitu- 
tion in  1837  the  school  lands  were  taken  over  from  the 
wasteful  management  of  the  towns,  and  a  public  school 
was  required  to  be  open  for  three  months  in  every  dis- 
trict. The  state  superintendency  was  also  established, 
and  before  1840  Michigan  was  well  started  with  a  com- 
plete system  of  common  schools. 
Thus  by  the  Condition  of  the  Common  Schools  Prior  to  the  Awak- 

time  of  the 

awakening,  ening. — Thus,  while  some  of  the  New  England  states, 
state's  had  New  York,  and  Ohio  possessed  the  only  definitely 
organized  sys-  organized  systems  of  public  education,  the  movement  for 

terns  of  pub-  u      1     1.    J  J  11 

lie  education,  common  schools  had  made  some  progress  in  all  sections 
the  move-  Qf  fae  country  even  before  the  educational  awakening 

ment  for  com-  • 

mon  schools    spread  through  the  land.    A  radical  modification  had 


RISE  OF  THE   COMMON  SCHOOL  117 

taken  place  in  the   European   institutions  with  which  had    made 

.          .         .        _T    «       -    —  ,  „,  .        some  prepress 

education  in  the  United  States  began.      lo  meet  the  everywhere 
demands  of  the  new  environment,  education  had  become  m  eler"cntary. 

secondary, 

more  democratic  and  less  religious  and  sectarian.  Wealth  and  higher 
had  become  much  greater  and  material  interests  had  met 
with  a  marked  growth.  The  old  aristocratic  institutions 
had  begun  to  disappear.  Town  and  district  schools  had 
been  taking  the  place  of  the  old  church,  private,  and 
'  field '  schools,  and  in  some  of  the  cities  the  foundation  for 
public  education  was  being  laid  by  quasi-public  societies  or 
even  through  local  taxation.  The  academies  had  replaced 
the  'grammar'  schools,  and  the  colleges  had  lost  their  dis- 
tinctly ecclesiastical  character.  State  universities  were 
starting  in  the  South  and  Northwest.  All  these  evidences 
of  the  growth  of  democracy,  nonsectarianism,  popular 
training,  and  the  social  movement  in  education  were 
destined  to  be  greatly  multiplied  and  spread  before  long. 
Such  an  awakening  will  be  found  to  be  characteristic 
of  the  great  development  of  common  schools  that  took 
place  in  the  decades  around  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  But,  before  pursuing  the  subject  further,  we 
must  direct  our  attention  to  some  new  reforms  in  method 
and  content  that  were  being  introduced  by  Pestalozzi 
into  education  in  Europe  and  were  destined  to  produce 
a  great  stimulus  in  the  public  systems  of  the  United 
States. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  SOURCES 

CLEWS,  ELSIE  W.     Educational  Legislation  and  Administration 

of  the  Colonial  Governments. 
HENING,  W.  W.    The  Statutcs-at-largc  of  Virginia. 


n8  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

HINSDALE,  B.  A.  Documents  Illustrative  of  American  Educa* 
tional  History  (Report  of  the  U.  S.  Commissioner  of  Education, 
1892-93,  pp.  1225-1414.) 

MASSACHUSETTS.    Colonial  Records. 

II.  AUTHORITIES 

BARNARD,  H.   American  Journal  of  Education,  Vol.  XXVII,  pp.  i  yff. 
BOONE,  R.  G.    Education  in  the  United  States.    Parts  I  and  II. 
BOONE,  R.  G.    History  of  Education  in  Indiana. 
BOURNE,  W.  0.    History  of  the  Public  School  Society  of  the  City  oj 

New  York. 
BROWN,  E.  E.     The  Making  of  Our  Middle   Schools.     Chaps. 

III-XIV. 
BRUMBAUGH,   M.   G.    Life  and  Works   of  America's    Pioneer 

Writer  on  Education. 
CARLTON,  F.  T.    Economic  Influences  upon  Educational  Progress 

in  the  United  States,  1820-50  (Bulletin  of  the  University  oj 

Wisconsin,  1908). 

CUBBERLEY,  E.  P.    Changing  Conceptions  of  Education. 
CURRY,  O.  H.    Education  at  the  South. 
DEXTER,  E.    G.     History   of  Education   in   the    United   States. 

Chaps.  I-VL 
HINSDALE,  B.  A.    Horace  Mann  and  the  Common  School  Revival. 

Chap.  I. 
JACKSON,  G.  L.    The  Development  of  School  Support  in  Colonial 

Massachusetts. 

JOHNSTON,  R.   M.     Early  Educational  Life  in  Middle  Georgia. 
KILPATRICK,  W.  H.    The  Dutch  Schools  of  New  Nctherland  and 

Colonial  New  York. 
McCRADY,  E.    Education  in  South  Carolina  prior  to  and  during 

the  Revolution  (Collections  of  the  Historical  Society  of  South 

Carolina.    Volume  IV). 
MARTIN,   G.  H.     Evolution  of  the  Massachusetts  Public  School 

System.    Lects.  I-III. 

MAYO,  A.  D.  Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Educa- 
tion. 1893-94,  XVI;  1894-95,  XXVIII;  1895-96,  VI-VII; 

1897-98,  XI;  and  1898-99,  VIII. 


RISE  OF  THE  COMMON  SCHOOL  119 

MONROE,  P.  and  KILPATRICK,  W.  H.  Colonial  Schools  (Monroe 
Cyclopaedia  of  Education). 

PALMER,  A.  E.    The  New  York  Public  School. 

PRATT,  D.  J.  Annals  of  Public  Education  in  the  State  of  New 
York. 

RANDALL,  S.  S.  History  of  the  Common  School  System  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  First  and  Second  Periods. 

SMITH,  W.  L.     Historical  Sketch  of  Education  in  Michigan. 

SMITH,  C.  L.    History  of  Education  in  North  Carolina. 

STEINER,  B.  C.    History  of  Education  in  Connecticut. 

STEINER,  B.  C.    History  of  Education  in  Maryland. 

STOCKWELL,  T.  B.    History  of  Public  Education  in  Rhode  Island. 

SUZZALLO,  H.  The  Rise  of  Local  School  Supervision  in  Massachu- 
setts. 

UPDEGRAFF,  H.  The  Origin  of  the  Moving  School  in  Massachu- 
setts. 

WICKERSHAM,  J.  P.  History  of  Education  in  Pennsylvania. 
Chaps.  I-XVL 


CHAPTER  V 

OBSERVATION  AND   INDUSTRIAL   TRAINING   IN   EDUCATION 

The  social  Pestalozzi  as  the  Successor  of  Rousseau. — Having 
iogicaiSyteri-  outlined  the  various  phases  and  influences  of  philan- 
dendes  in  thropic  education  and  surveyed  the  rise  of  the  common 

Rousseau  . 

were  greatly  school  m  America,  we  may  now  turn  again  to  the  more 
Pestalozzi  immediate  development  of  the  movements  that  found 
their  roots  in  Rousseau.  These  received  their  first  great 
growth  through  Pestalozzi.  In  the  second  chapter  it  was 
noted  how  Rousseau's  'naturalistic'  doctrines  logically 
pointed  to  a  complete  demolition  of  the  artificial  society 
and  education  of  the  times.  A  pause  at  this  point  would 
have  led  to  anarchy.  If  civilization  is  not  to  disappear, 
social  destruction  must  be  followed  by  reconstruction. 
Of  course  the  negative  attitude  of  the  Emile  was  itself 
accompanied  by  considerable  positive  advance  in  its  sug- 
gestions for  a  natural  training,  but  this  advice  was  often 
unpractical  and  extreme  and  its  main  emphasis  was  upon 
the  destruction  of  existing  education.  Hence  the  hap- 
piest educational  results  of  Rousseau's  work  came  through 
Pestalozzi,  who  especially  supplemented  that  reformer's 
work  upon  the  constructive  side.  Rousseau  had  shat- 
tered the  eighteenth  century  edifice  of  despotism,  privi- 
lege, and  hypocrisy,  and  it  remained  for  Pestalozzi 
to  continue  the  erection  of  the  more  enduring  structure 
he  had  started  to  build  upon  the  ruins.  Thus  Pestalozzi 
became  the  first  prominent  educator  to  help  Rousseau 

1 20 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  121 

develop  his  negative  and  somewhat  inconsistent  'natu- 
ralism' into  a  more  positive  attempt  to  reform  corrupt 
society  by  proper  education  and  a  new  method  of  teach- 
ing. He  therein  enlarged  for  education  the  social  and 
psychological  tendencies  begun  by  Rousseau. 

Pestalozzi's   Industrial    School   at    Neuhof.— But   to  e 

understand  the  significance  of  the  experiments,  writings,  by  the  exam- 
and  principles  of  this  widely  beloved  reformer,  one  must  mother  and 
make  a  brief  study  of  his  life  and  surroundings.    Johann  grandfather 

J  .  ...  to  elevate  the 

Heinrich  Pestalozzi  was  born  at  Zurich  in  1746.  After  peasantry 
the  death  of  his  father,  he  was  brought  up  from  early  ^tfy.hw, 
childhood  almost  altogether  by  his  mother.  Through  improved 
her  unselfishness  and  piety,  and  the  example  of  his 
grandfather,  pastor  in  a  neighboring  village,  Pestalozzi 
was  inspired  to  relieve  and  elevate  the  degraded  peas- 
antry about  him.  He  first  turned  to  the  ministry  as  being 
the  best  way  to  accomplish  this  philanthropic  purpose. 
But  he  broke  down  in  his  trial  sermon,  and  then  took  up 
the  study  of  law,  with  the  idea  of  defending  the  rights  of 
his  people.  In  this,  too,  he  was  destined  to  be  balked; 
strangely  enough,  through  the  influence  of  Rousseau. 
In  common  with  several  other  students  of  the  University 
of  Zurich,  Pestalozzi  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  Social 
Contract  and  the  Emile,  which  had  recently  appeared,  and 
he  ruined  his  possibilities  for  a  legal  and  political  career 
through  a  radical  criticism  of  the  government.  Then, 
in  1769,  he  undertook  to  demonstrate  to  the  peasants 
the  value  of  improved  methods  of  agriculture.  He  took 
up,  after  a  year  of  training,  a  parcel  of  waste  land  at  Birr, 
which  he  called  Neuhof  ('new  farm').  Within  five  years 
the  experiment  proved  a  lamentable  failure.  Meantime 
a  son  had  been  born  to  him,  whom  he  had  undertaken 


122  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

to  rear  upon  the  basis  of  the  Emile,  and  the  results, 
recorded  in  a  Father's  Journal,  suggested  new  ideas  and 
educational  principles  for  the  regeneration  of  the  masses. 
He  began  to  hold  that  education  did  not  consist  merely 
in  books  and  knowledge,  and  that  the  children  of  the  poor 
could,  by  proper  training,  be  taught  to  earn  their  living 
and  at  the  same  time  develop  their  intelligence  and  moral 
nature. 

ami  Phlla"^  Hence  the  failure  of  his  agricultural  venture  afforded 
cation  at  Pestalozzi  the  opportunity  he  craved  to  experiment  with 
(Bin).  philanthropic  and  industrial  education.  Toward  the 

end  of  1774  he  took  into  his  home  some  twenty  of  the 
most  needy  children  he  could  find.  These  he  fed,  clothed, 
and  treated  as  his  own.  He  gave  the  boys  practical 
instruction  in  farming  and  gardening  on  small  tracts, 
and  had  the  girls  trained  in  domestic  duties  and  needle- 
work. In  bad  weather  both  sexes  gave  their  time  to 
spinning  and  weaving  cotton.  They  were  also  trained 
in  the  rudiments,  but  were  practiced  in  conversing  and 
in  memorizing  the  Bible  before  learning  to  read  and 
write.  The  scholastic  instruction  was  given  very  largely 
while  they  were  working,  and,  although  Pestalozzi  had 
not  as  yet  learned  to  make  any  direct  connection  between 
the  occupational  and  the  formal  elements,  this  first 
attempt  at  an  industrial  education  made  it  evident  that 
the  two  could  be  combined.  Within  a  few  months  there 
was  a  striking  improvement  in  the  physique,  minds,  and 
morals  of  the  children,  as  well  as  in  the  use  of  their  hands. 
But  Pestalozzi  was  so  enthusiastic  over  the  success  of  his 
experiment  that  he  greatly  increased  the  number  of 
children,  and  by  1780  was  reduced  to  bankruptcy. 
The  Leonard  and  Gertrude. — Nevertheless,  his  wider 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION 


123 


purpose  of  social  reform  by  means  of  education  was  not 
allowed  to  languish  altogether,  for  a  friend  shortly 
persuaded  him  to  publish  his  views.  The  Evening  Hour 
of  a  Hermit^  a  collection  of  one  hundred  and  eighty 
aphorisms,  was  his  first  production.  This  work  embodied 
most  of  the  educational  principles  he  afterward  made 
famous,  but  it  could  be  understood  by  few  of  the  people, 
and  he  was  advised  to  put  his  thought  into  more  popular 
form.  So  in  1781  he  wrote  his  well-known  story  of 
Leonard  and  Gertrude.  This  work,  with  subsequent 
additions,  gives  an  account  of  the  degraded  social  con- 
ditions in  the  Swiss  village  of  'Bonnal'  and  the  changes 
wrought  in  them  by  one  simple  peasant  woman.  '  Ger- 
trude' reforms  her  drunkard  husband,  educates  her 
children,  and  causes  the  whole  community  to  feel  her 
influence  and  adopt  her  methods.  When  finally  a  wise 
schoolmaster  comes  to  the  village,  he  learns  from  Ger- 
trude the  proper  conduct  of  the  school  and  begs  for  her 
continued  cooperation.  Then  the  government  becomes 
interested,  studies  the  improvements  that  have  taken 
place,  and  concludes  that  the  whole  country  can  be  re- 
formed in  no  better  way  than  by  imitating  Bonnal.  The 
Leonard  and  Gertrude  appealed  especially  to  the  roman- 
ticism of  the  period,  and  constituted  Pestalozzi's  one 
popular  success  in  literature. 

His  School  at  Stanz  and  the  Observational  Methods. — 
During  the  last  decade  of  his  life  at  Neuhof,  Pestalozzi 
was  busy  warding  off  poverty  and  starvation,  and  found 
no  time  for  writing  or  educational  work.  But  in  1798 

1  Die  Abcndstunde  cities  Einsiedlers.  A  translation  of  the  entire  work 
can  be  found  in  Barnard,  Vol.  VI,  pp.  169-179,  while  its  essence  is  given 
by  de  Guimps,  Pestalozzi,  pp.  75-78. 


When   his 
educational 
experiment 
was  closed, 
he  wrote  out 
his  views  in 
the  Leonard 
and  Gertrude. 


At  fifty-two 
he  took  charge 
of  a  throng  of 
orphan      chil- 
dren  in   the 
Ursuline   con- 
vent at  Stanz. 


124  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

a  turn  in  political  fortunes  gave  him  another  opportunity 
to  continue  his  educational  experiments.  In  that  year 
Switzerland  came  under  control  of  the  French  revolu- 
tionists, and  the  independent  cantons  were  united  in  a 
Helvetic  Republic  under  a  'directorate'  like  that  in 
France.  As  this  movement  promised  reform,  Pestalozzi 
enthusiastically  supported  it.  He  was  in  turn  offered 
patronage  by  the  new  government,  but  he  asked  only 
for  a  school  in  which  he  might  carry  on  his  philanthropic 
work  in  education.  This  opportunity  was  given  him  at 
the  village  of  Stanz.  The  Catholic  community  in  this 
place  had  refused  to  yield  to  what  they  considered  a 
foreign  and  atheistic  invasion,  and  most  of  the  able- 
bodied  adults  had  been  slaughtered.  That  left  the 
government  with  a  throng  of  friendless  children  for  whom 
they  felt  bound  to  provide.  Pestalozzi,  being  asked  to 
take  charge  of  them,  started  an  orphan  home  and  school 
in  an  Ursuline  convent.  Here  he  soon  gained  the  con- 
fidence and  love  of  the  children,  and  produced  a  most 
noticeable  improvement  in  them  physically,  morally,  and 
intellectually. 
Through  ex-  fje  found  it  impossible  to  obtain  any  assistants,  books, 

perience  and  ••,-,•,       f  •,-,  ,  , 

observation,  and  materials,  but  he  felt  that  none  of  these  conventional 
books  hean  a^s  could  be  of  service  in  the  work  he  desired  to  do. 
taught  the  Hence  he  sought  to  instruct  the  children  rather  by  ex- 
gion  and  perience  and  observation  than  by  abstract  statements 
morals,  num-  anj  worcjs>  This  was  the  real  beginning  of  his  influential 

her,  language,  .  . 

geography,      method  of  teaching  through  'observation,'  which  was 

natural  hiV     destined  thereafter  to  be  more  stressed  than  his  idea  of 

t-ory-  intellectual  training  in  connection  with  manual  labor. 

Religion  and  morals,  for  example,  were  never  taught  by 

precepts,    but    through    instances    that    arose   in    the 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  125 

Jives  of  the  children  he  showed  them  the  value  of  self- 
control,  charity,  sympathy,  and  gratitude.  In  a  simi- 
larly concrete  way  the  pupils  were  instructed  in  number 
and  language  work  by  means  of  objects,  and  in  geog- 
raphy and  history  by  conversation  rather  than  by  books. 
While  they  did  not  learn  their  natural  history  primarily 
from  nature,  they  were  taught  to  corroborate  what  they 
had  learned  by  their  own  observation.  With  regard  to 
this  whole  method  Pestalozzi  said  : 

"I  believe  that  the  first  development  of  thought  in  the  child  is 
very  much  disturbed  by  a  wordy  system  of  teaching,  which  is  not 
adapted  either  to  his  faculties  or  the  circumstances  of  his  life. 
According  to  my  experience,  success  depends  upon  whether  what  is 
taught  to  children  commends  itself  to  them  as  true  through  being 
closely  connected  with  their  own  observation.  As  a  general  rule, 
I  attached  little  importance  to  the  study  of  words,  even  when 
explanations  of  the  ideas  they  represented  were  given."  1 

In  connection  with  his  observational  method,   Pes-  He  sought  to 

......  .  ,,    reduce    ob- 

talozzi  at  this  time  began  his  attempts  to  reduce  all  servation    to 
perception  to  its  lowest  terms.2    It  was  while  at  Stanz,  lts    lo%yc?t 

terms     in 

for  example,  that  he  first  adopted  his  well-known  plan  of  reading  by 
teaching  children  to  read  by  means  of  exercises  known 


as  'syllabaries.'    These  joined  the  five  vowels  in  succes-  and   h°Pcd 

.  .       ..          ,          ,    ,    similarly    to 

sion  to  the  different  consonants,  —  ab,  eb,  ib,  ob,  ub,    simplify  ail 
and  so  on  through  all  the  consonants.    From  the  phonetic  e 
nature  of  German  spelling,  he  was  able  to  make  the 
exercises  very  simple,  and  intended  thus  to  furnish  a 
necessary  practice  in  basal  syllables.     In  a  similar  way 
he  hoped  to  simplify  all  education  to  such  an  extent  that 
schools  would  eventually  become  unnecessary,  and  that 

1  See  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children.  I. 

2  The  resulting  elements  he  soon  came  to  call  the  'A  B  C  of  observa- 
tion' (A  B  C  der  Atischauung).    See  p.  139* 


126  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

each  mother  would  be  able  to  teach  her  children  and 
continue  her  own  education  at  the  same  time. 
He  combined       Pestalozzi  was,  moreover,  able  to  continue  at  Stanz 

study    with  . 

manual  labor,  his  principle  of  intellectual  development  in  conjunction 
with  industrial  training.  While  not  altogether  successful 
in  his  efforts  at  a  correlation,  Pestalozzi,  more  than  at 
Neuhof,  now  "sought  to  combine  study  with  manual 
labor,  the  school  with  the  workshop,"  for,  said  he: 

"I  am  more  than  ever  convinced  that  as  soon  as  we  have  educa- 
tional 'establishments  combined  with  workshops,  and  conducted  on 
a  truly  psychological  basis,  a  generation  will  necessarily  be  formed 
which  will  show  us  by  experience  that  our  present  studies  do  not 
require  one-tenth  of  the  time  or  trouble  we  now  give  to  them." 

Being  forced  The  c  Institute  '  at  Burgdorf  and  the  '  Psychologizing 
at^tan^fhe  °f  Education'. — From  these  experiments  and  concrete 
obtained  with  methods  that  Pestalozzi  started  at  Stanz  eventually 

difficulty    a 

position  at  developed  all  his  educational  contributions.  But  before 
the  close  of  a  year  the  convent  was  required  by  the 
French  soldiers  for  a  hospital.  As  soon  as  he  recovered 
from  the  terrific  physical  strain  under  which  he  had 
labored,  Pestalozzi  was  forced  to  seek  another  place  in 
which  to  continue  his  educational  work.  But,  while  he 
had  a  most  unusual  sympathetic  insight  into  the  minds 
of  children  and  had  been  developing  educational  practice 
in  two  important  directions,  he  had,  according  to  the 
orthodox  standards  for  securing  a  position  to  teach, 
"everything  against  him;  thick,  indistinct  speech,  bad 
writing,  ignorance  of  drawing,  scorn  of  grammatical 
learning."  He  would  probably  have  been  unable  to 
obtain  a  school,  had  it  not  been  for  certain  influential 
friends  in  the  town  of  Burgdorf.  They  secured  a  position 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  127 

for  him,  first  in  the  school  for  the  tenants  and  poorer 
people,  and  later  in  the  elementary  school  of  the  citizens. 

In  Burgdorf,  Pestalozzi  was  obliged,  on  account  of  the  Here  he  had 

.  .   .  ,  f  .,  to    suspend 

social  position  of  many  of  his  pupils,  to  suspend  his  his   experi- 

experiment   of   combining   industrial   with   intellectual  PI6?1  o{.  c°m~ 

inin    indus- 


training.    Thus  to  a  large  extent  his  direct  contributions  trial   with 
to  the  present  day  social  movement  in  education  ceased,  training"  but 
although,  as  will  later  be  seen,  his  special  efforts  in  this  continued 

..          .  and    devel- 

direction   were   greatly   enlarged   and   perpetuated   by  oped  his  ob- 

Fellenberg.     He  continued,  however,   the  other  great  ^ethod™' 

feature  of  his  work,  his  experiments  with  the  'observa-  through 

tional'  method,  and  thus  helped  develop  the  modern 

psychological  movement  in  education.     He  "followed 

without  any  plan  the  empirical  method  interrupted  at 

Stanz,"  and  "sought  by  every  means  to  bring  the  el- 

ements of  reading  and  arithmetic  to  the  greatest  sim- 

plicity, and  by  grouping  them  psychologically,  enable 

the  child  to  pass  easily  and  surely  from  the  first  step  to 

the  second,  and  from  the  second  to  the  third,  and  so 

on."  *    He  further  worked  out  and  graduated  his  'sylla-  the   'syiiaba- 

baries,'  and  invented  the  idea  of  large  movable  letters 

for  teaching  the  children  to  read.     Language  exercises  descriptions 

f.  .     °  of     the     wall 

were  given  his  pupils  by  means  of  examining  the  number,  paper  of  the 
form,  position,  and  color  of  the  designs,  holes,  and  rents  s 
in  the  wall  paper  of  the  school,  and  expressing  their 
observations  in  longer  and  longer  sentences,  which  they 
repeated  after  him.     For  arithmetic  he  devised  boards 
divided  into  squares  upon  which  were  placed  dots  or 
lines  concretely  representing  each  unit  up  to  one  hundred.         , 
By  means  of  this  '  table  of  units  '  2  the  pupil  obtained  a  units,' 

1  See  footnote  i  on  p.  125. 

2  An  illustration  of  this  table  is  given  in  Kriisi,  Pestalozzi,  p.  172.    This 


128  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

clear  idea  of  the  meaning  of  the  digits  and  the  process 
of  addition,  and  practiced  his  knowledge  further  by 
counting  his  fingers,  beans,  pebbles,  and  other  objects. 
Pestalozzi  further  explained  that  "after  the  child  has 
come  to  a  full  understanding  of  the  combination  of  units 
up  to  ten,  and  has  learned  to  express  himself  with  ease, 
the  objects  are  again  presented,  but  the  questions  are 
changed:  'If  we  have  two  objects,  how  many  times  one 
object? '  The  child  looks,  counts,  and  answers  correctly." 
In  that  way  the  pupils  learned  to  multiply,  and  the 
meaning  of  division  and  subtraction  was  similarly  ac- 
and  drawing  quired.  The  children  were  also  taught  the  elements  of 

angles,    lines, 

and  curves;     geometry  by  drawing  angles,  lines,  and  curves. 

Likewise,  the  development  of  teaching  history,  geog- 
raphy, and  natural  history  by  this  method  of  observation 
must  have  been  continued  at  Burgdorf.  As  a  result  of 
these  experiments,  says  Pestalozzi,  "there  unfolded  itself 
gradually  in  my  mind  the  idea  of  the  possibility  of  an 

and  thus        '  A  B  C  of  observation '  to  which  I  now  attach  great  im- 

evolved    his  m 

'A  B  c  of  portance,  and  with  the  working  out  of  which  the  whole 
and*hls  stated  scheme  of  a  general  method  of  instruction  in  all  its  scope 
wish  to  (psy-  appeared,  though  still  obscure,  before  my  eyes."  And  the 
cation.1  underlying  principle  of  his  system  he  shortly  formulated 

most  tersely  in  the  statement,  "I  wish  to  psychologize 
instruction."  1  By  this,  he  showed,  is  meant  the  har- 
monizing of  instruction  with  the  laws  of  intellectual 
development,  together  with  the  simplification  of  the 

system  was  probably  not  completed  until  Pestalozzi  settled  at  Yverdon, 
and  much  of  the  credit  for  the  scheme  should  go  to  Kriisi  and  Schmid. 
1  Ich  will  den  menschlichen  Unterricht  psychologisieren.  This  formula 
was  made  by  him  when  asked  for  a  written  statement  of  his  system  by 
the  '  Friends  of  Education,'  a  society  that  was  striving  to  propagate  his 
views. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  129 

elements  of  knowledge  and  their  reduction  to  a  series  of 
exercises  so  scientifically  graded  that  even  the  lowest 
classes  can  obtain  the  proper  physical,  mental,  and  moral 
development.  And  sense  perception  or  observation,  he 
holds,  when  connected  with  language  for  expressing  the 
different  impressions,  is,  therefore,  the  foundation  of 
education. 

Despite  a  want  of  system  and  errors  in  carrying  out  Pestaiozzi's 
his  method,  Pestalozzi  seems  to  have  produced  remark-  Burgdorf  was 
able  results  from  the  start.    At  the  first  annual  examina-  immensely 

o  i    /-<  •  •  successful; 

tion  the  Burgdorf  School  Commission  wrote  mm  that  and, 
"the  surprising  progress  of  your  little  scholars  of  various 
capacities  shows  plainly  that  every  one  is  good  for 
something,  if  the  teacher  knows  how  to  get  at  his 
abilities  and  develop  them  according  to  the  laws  of 
psychology."  And  the  reformer  soon  met  with  even 
greater  success  in  a  school  of  his  own.  In  January,  1801, 
the  government  granted  him  the  free  use  of  the  'castle,' 
or  town  hall,  of  Burgdorf  and  a  small  subsidy  for  his 
'institute.'  Pupils  poured  in;  a  number  of  progressive 
teachers,  including  Krusi,  Tobler,  Buss,  and  Niederer,1 
came  to  assist  him;  many  persons  of  prominence  visited 
the  school  and  made  most  favorable  reports  upon  its 
methods;  and  during  the  following  three  years  and  a  half 
the  Pestalozzian  views  on  education  were  systematically 
developed  and  applied. 

1  Hermann  Krusi,  a  young  schoolmaster  of  Gais,  had,  during  a  famine 
in  Appenzell,  brought  a  troop  of  starving  children  to  Burgdorf  at  the 
invitation  of  Fischer,  a  friend  of  Pestalozzi.  Fischer  died  shortly  after- 
ward, and  Kriisi  joined  Pestaiozzi's  venture.  Through  Kriisi,  the  ser- 
vices of  Tobler,  "a  private  tutor  whose  youth  had  been  much  neglected," 
and  of  Buss,  "a  bookbinder,  who  devoted  his  leisure  to  singing  and 
drawing,"  were  also  secured  for  the  institute.  Niederer  was  a  clergy 


130  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

to  explain  his  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children. — Pestalozzi  was 
tan,  L  wrote  also  able  at  Burgdorf  to  undertake  a  detailed  statement 
HOW  Gertrude  of  ]^s  method  by  the  publication  in  October.  1801, 

Teaches     Her  J  c 

Children.  of  his  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children.  This  work 
does  not  mention  Gertrude,  but  consists  of  fifteen  letters 
to  his  friend,  Gessner.  The  first  three  letters  contain 
biographical  details,  especially  concerning  the  meeting 
with  his  assistant  teachers.  Then  follows  an  account  of 
his  general  principles;  of  the  specific  teaching  of  language, 
drawing,  writing,  measuring,  and  number  by  means  of 
observation;  of  the  elementary  books  that  he  contem- 
plates writing, — the  A  B  C  of  Observation  and  the  Book 
for  Mothers;  l  of  the  reform  in  elementary  education  and 
of  the  need  of  judgment  as  well  as  knowledge;  and  of 
moral  and  religious  development.  Like  all  of  Pestalozzi's 
works,  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children  is  quite  lacking 
in  both  plan  and  proportion,  and  is  filled  with  repetitions 
and  digressions.  It  contains,  however,  the  foundation  of 
his  system  and  of  most  modern  reform  in  elementary  edu- 
cation, and  has  to  be  studied  to  reveal  its  values.  It  has 
already  been  quoted  several  times  directly,  but  the  fol- 
lowing summary  of  its  principles,  made  by  Pestalozzi's 
biographer,  Morf ,  after  a  most  careful  study  of  this  unsys- 
tematic work,  may  serve  to  give  an  idea  of  Pestalozzi's 
educational  creed.  He  had  vaguely  come  to  believe: 

man  and  philosopher,  who  gave  up  his  parochial  duties  to  work  with 
Pestalozzi. 

1  The  Book  for  Mothers  was  later  written  under  Pestalozzi's  direction 
by  Kriisi.  It  completely  failed  in  its  purpose,  however,  since  the  average 
mother  was  unable  to  break  from  the  ideals  and  habits  of  her  own  school- 
days. The  A  B  C  of  Observation  also  appeared,  and  during  this  period 
Pestalozzi  and  his  assistants  likewise  produced  a  variety  of  books  apply- 
ing the  new  method  to  various  school  subjects. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  131 

"  i.  Observation  is  the  foundation  of  instruction. 

"  2.  Language  must  be  connected  with  observation. 

"3.  The  time  for  learning  is  not  the  time  for  judgment  and 
criticism. 

"4.  In  each  branch,  instruction  must  begin  with  the  simplest 
elements,  and  proceed  gradually  by  following  the  child's  develop- 
ment; that  is,  by  a  series  of  steps  which  are  psychologically  con- 
nected. 

"5.  A  pause  must  be  made  at  each  stage  of  the  instruction 
sufficiently  long  for  the  child  to  get  the  new  matter  thoroughly  into 
his  grasp  and  under  his  control. 

"6.  Teaching  must  follow  the  path  of  development,  and  not 
that  of  dogmatic  exposition. 

"7.  The  individuality  of  the  pupil  must  be  sacred  for  the  teacher. 

"8.  The  chief  aim  of  elementary  instruction  is  not  to  furnish 
the  child  with  knowledge  and  talents,  but  to  develop  and  increase 
the  powers  of  his  mind. 

"9.  To  knowledge  must  be  joined  power;  to  what  is  known,  the 
ability  to  turn  it  to  account. 

"  10.  The  relations  between  master  and  pupil,  especially  so  far 
as  discipline  is  concerned,  must  be  established  and  regulated  by 
love. 

"u.  Instruction  must  be  subordinated  to  the  higher  end  of 
education." 

The  *  Institute  '  at  Yverdon  and  the  Culmination  of  But  in  1804 

the    covcrn- 

the  Pestalozzian  Methods. — While  this  productive  work  ment  took 

at  Burgdorf  was  at  its  height,  a  change  in  the  political  ,back  l,he 

situation  overthrew  everything.     In  1804  the  cantonal  Pestaiozzi 

government   demanded  back   the  'castle,'   although   it  ^"d^his 

turned  over  to  Pestaiozzi  an  old  convent  at  Miinchen-  'institute'  to 

buchsee.    For  a  few  months  the  reformer  made  a  fruitless  where  his  suc- 

attempt  to  cooperate  in  his  new  location  with  Fellenberg,  c,^te" 'a^an 

whose  industrial  school  in  the  neighboring  Hofwyl  will  be  ever. 
discussed  later  in  this  chapter.1    When,  however,  despite 

1  See  pp.  1532. 


132  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

their  similarity  of  purpose,  a  marked  difference  of  tem- 
peraments made  a  union  of  the  work  of  Pestalozzi  and 
Fellenberg  impossible,  the  former  transferred  his  school 
to  Yverdon  in  1805,  and  was  soon  followed  by  most  of 
his  assistants.  The  'institute'  here  sprang  into  fame 
almost  immediately,  and  increased  in  numbers  and 
prosperity  for  several  years.  Children  were  sent  to 
Yverdon  from  great  distances,  and  teachers  thronged 
there  to  learn  and  apply  the  new  principles  at  home. 
Visitors  and  sightseers,  including  kings,  nobles,  generals, 
statesmen,  and  educators  came  from  all  parts  of  Europe 
and  America.  Pestalozzi  was  decorated  by  the  czar 
of  Russia,  and  presented  with  distinctions  from  half  a 
dozen  other  monarchs.  A  flourishing  girls'  school  grew 
up  near  the  institute  under  the  direction  of  associates, 
and  for  a  short  time  Pestalozzi  himself  conducted  a 
school  for  orphans  in  the  neighborhood,  while  Conrad 
Naef  of  Zurich  came  to  Yverdon  and  founded  a  celebrated 
institution  for  the  deaf  and  dumb  upon  the  Pestalozzian 
principles. 
Her,e  jieiflab~  The  work  of  the  institute  at  Yverdon  was  a  continua- 

orated   the 

'syllabaries'  tion  and  culmination  of  the  observational  methods 
units,' Eand°  started  at  Stanz  and  Burgdorf.  It  was  a  great  center 
added  the  of  educational  experimentation,  and  nearly  every  ad- 

'tableof  frao  .  .     .  , 

tions'andthe  vanced  practice  characteristic  of  present  elementary 
frac-  education  was  first  undertaken  there.  His  general 
method  of  teaching  all  subjects  was  through  observation 
connected  with  language.  The  children  were  taught  to 
observe  correctly  and  form  the  right  idea  of  the  relations 
of  things,  and  so  to  have  no  difficulty  in  expressing  clearly 
what  they  thoroughly  understood.  The  simplification 
introduced  through  the  'syllabaries'  and  'table  of  units' 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  133 

was  further  elaborated.  A  'table  of  fractions'  was  also 
devised  for  teaching  that  subject  concretely.  It  con- 
sisted of  a  series  of  squares,  which  could  be  divided  in- 
definitely and  in  different  ways.  Some  of  the  squares 
were  whole,  while  others  were  divided  horizontally  into 
two,  three,  or  even  ten  equal  parts.  The  pupil  thus 
learned  by  observation  to  count  the  parts  of  units  and 
form  them  into  integers.  There  was  further  developed 
a  'table  of  fractions  of  fractions/  or  compound  fractions,1 
in  which  the  squares  were  divided,  not  only  horizontally, 
but  vertically,  so  that  the  method  of  reducing  two  frac- 
tions to  the  same  denominator  might  be  self-evident. 
It  was  in  this  number  work  that  the  Pestalozzians  were 
most  radical.  By  means  of  various  devices  Kriisi,  and 
afterward  Schmid  2  even  more,  attained  great  clearness, 
accuracy,  and  rapidity  in  arithmetic.  The  work  was 
often  done  aloud  without  paper,  and  many  of  the  stu- 
dents became  most  apt  in  calculation. 

Similarly,  in  order  to  draw  and  write,  the  pupil  was  first  he  taught 
taught  the  simple  elements  of  form.    The  consecutive  ex-  ;ng,  and  ge- 
ercises  for  building  up  form  from  its  elements,  however,  °"ictry 

'    through    ele- 

Pestalozzi  was  not  happy  in  determining,  but  Buss  sue-  ments  of  form 
cessfully  worked  out  an  '  alphabet  of  form.'    Objects,  such  Objects. rc 
as  sticks  or  pencils,  were  placed  in  different  directions, 
and  lines  representing  them  were  drawn  on  the  board 
or  slate  until  all  elementary  forms,  straight  or  curved, 
were  mastered.     The  pupils  combined  these  elements, 

1  This  table  can  be  found  in  the  Holland,  Turner,  and  Cooke  edition 
(Syracuse,  1898)  of  Hou'  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children,  p.  217. 

2  Joseph  Schmid  was  a  Tyrolese  shepherd  boy,  who  had  come  to 
Yverdon  as  a  pupil,  but  because  of  his  brilliancy  was  soon  promoted  to 
be  an  assistant  master.    His  Exercises  on  N  umbers  and  Forms  was  one  of 
the  best  known  books  based  u[K>n  the  Pestalozzian  methods. 


134  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

instead  of  copying  models,  and  were  encouraged  to  de- 
sign symmetrical  and  graceful  figures.  This  also  paved 
the  way  for  writing,  for,  said  Pestalozzi,  "in  endeavoring 
to  teach  writing,  I  found  I  must  begin  by  teaching 
drawing."  The  children  wrote  on  their  slates,  beginning 
with  the  easiest  letters  and  gradually  forming  words 
from  them,  but  soon  learned  to  write  on  paper  with  a 
pen.  Writing  was,  however,  taught  in  connection  with 
reading,  although  begun  somewhat  later  than  that  study. 
Constructive  geometry  was  also  learned  through  drawing. 
Much  use  was  made  of  squares,  which  were  divided  into 
smaller  squares  or  rectangles,  and  thus  sense  impression 
preparatory  to  geometry  was  furnished.  The  pupils 
were  taught  to  distinguish,  first  vertical,  horizontal, 
oblique,  and  parallel  lines;  then  they  learned  right, 
acute,  and  obtuse  angles,  different  kinds  of  triangles, 
quadrilaterals,  and  other  figures;  and  finally  discovered 
at  how  many  points  a  certain  number  of  straight  lines 
may  be  made  to  cut  one  another,  and  how  many  angles, 
triangles,  and  quadrilaterals  can  be  formed.  To  make 
the  matter  concrete,  the  figures  were  often  cut  out  of 
cardboard  or  made  into  models.  Thus  the  pupils  were 
led  up  to  theoretical  geometry,  which  was  made  more 
valuable  and  interesting  by  their  working  out  the  dem- 
onstrations for  themselves,  instead  of  learning  them 
from  a  book. 

nature  study,  '  jn  nature  study,  geography,  and  history  the  concrete 
and  history  observational  work  was  similarly  continued.  Trees, 
from  actual  flowers  ancj  birds  were  viewed,  drawn,  and  discussed. 

observation; 

The  pupils  began  in  geography  by  acquiring  the  points 
of  the  compass  and  relative  positions,  and  from  this 
knowledge  observed  and  described  some  familiar  place. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  135 

The  valley  of  the  Buron  near  at  hand  was  observed  in 
detail  and  modeled  upon  long  tables  in  clay  brought 
from  its  sides.  Then  the  pupils  were  shown  the  map  for 
the  first  time  and  easily  grasped  the  meaning  of  its 
symbols.  Pestalozzi  inspired  the  scientist,  Karl  Ritter, 
with  a  great  love  for  geography  and  a  desire  to  work  it 
out  psychologically.  Ritter  had  already  been  trained 
in  principles  similar  to  Pestalozzi's  in  Salzmann's  school 
at  Schnepfenthal,1  but  his  method  in  geography  seems  to 
have  been  influenced  mostly  by  Pestalozzi.  Like  the 
Swiss  reformer,  he  held  to  the  necessity  of  providing 
children  with  first-hand  experiences  by  beginning  with 
home  geography.  Hence,  instead  of  the  'arbitrary  and 
unmethodical  collection  of  all  facts  ascertained  to  exist 
throughout  the  earth,'  which  constituted  the  old  'ency- 
clopedic' type  of  geography,  Ritter  presented  a  work 
based  on  principles  indicated  by  the  title,- — The  Science 
of  the  Earth  in  Relation  to  Nature  and  the  History  of  Man; 
or  General  Comparative  Geography  as  the  Foundation  of  the 
Study  of  and  Instruction  in  the  Physical  and  Historical 
Sciences.  The  principles  underlying  this  elaborate  work, 
of  which  some  nineteen  volumes  were  published  by  the 
time  of  his  death,  virtually  made  the  science  of  geog- 
raphy. Nor  was  Pestalozzi  sufficiently  acquainted  with  music  from 
music  to  apply  his  method  to  it.  This  was,  however,  done  t0ne  d™P 
by  his  friend,  Nageli.  a  Swiss  composer  of  note,  who  re-  ments; 

.  .         .    °  .  and   religion 

duced  it  to  its  simplest  tone  elements  and  then  combined  and  morality 
and  developed  these  progressively  into  more  complex  and  crr°™  cn 
connected  wholes.     Pupils  were  thus  led  to  discover  Plcs- 
pleasing  combinations  and  develop  musical  inventive- 
ness.   In  religious  and  moral  training,  as  at  Stanz,  Pes- 
1  See  pp.  3 if. 


136  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

talozzi  sought  by  concrete  examples  to  quicken  the  germ 
of  conscience  into  action  and  develop  it  by  successive 
steps.  The  love  of  God  he  believed  could  be  taught 
better  through  the  child's  love  for  his  mother  1  and  other 
human  beings  than  through  dogma  and  catechism,  and 
the  significance  of  obedience,  duty,  and  unselfishness 
through  being  required  to  wait  before  having  his  desires 
fulfilled,  and  so  realizing  that  his  own  is  not  the  only 
will  or  pleasure  in  the  world. 
But  for  va-  With  all  these  achievements,  however,  the  institute 

nous    reasons  111-  -r-, 

the  institute  at  Yverdon  was  slowly  dying.     Pestalozzi  was  never  a 

brok^Veru°n  Practical  administrator,  and  he  was  now  an  old  man. 

after  twenty  The  death  of  his  wife  deprived  him  of  most  of  the  mental 

Pestalozzi1  balance  that  remained  to  him.     He  came  to  depend 

died  two  almost  entirely  upon  his  assistant,  Schmid.  who  was  most 

years  later. 

despotic  and  drove  several  of  the  best  teachers  from  the 
institute.  Disputes  and  lawsuits  became  common,  and 
the  finances  of  the  institution  went  from  bad  to  worse. 
The  constant  interruptions  of  visitors  also  demoralized 
the  school.  Finally,  in  1825,  after  an  existence  of  a 
score  of  years  and  with  a  reputation  throughout  the 
civilized  world,  the  institute  was  closed.  Pestalozzi 
retired  to  Neuhof,  then  in  possession  of  his  grandson. 
Two  years  later  he  died  and  was  buried  near  his  old  home 
beside  the  school  of  the  little  village. 

Pestalozzi 

makes  explicit  Pestalozzi's  Educational  Aim. — After  this  account  of 

^na'tunilism'  Pcstalozzi's  personality,  experiments,  and  writings,  we 

by  defining  are  ready  to  discuss  his  aim  in  education  and  to  under- 

theCnat°uraiaS  stand  the  principles  underlying  his  method  of  'observa- 

dcveiopment  tion'  and  in  what  sense  they  were  a  continuation  of 

of  human  ca-  . 

padties,          Rousseau's    'naturalism.'      In    his    first    writing,    The 

1  See  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children,  XIV  and  XV. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  137 

Evening  Hour  of  a  Hermit,  he  held  that  "all  the  beneficent 
powers  of  man  are  due  to  neither  art  nor  chance,  but  to 
nature,"  and  that  education  should  follow  "the  course 
laid  down  by  nature."  So  in  all  his  works  he  constantly 
returns  to  the  analogy  of  the  child's  development  with 
that  of  the  natural  growth  of  the  plant.  For  example, 
he  writes: 

"  Sound  education  stands  before  me  symbolized  by  a  tree  planted 
near  fertilizing  waters.  A  little  seed,  which  contains  the  design 
of  the  tree,  its  form  and  proportions,  is  placed  in  the  soil.  See 
how  it  germinates  and  expands  into  trunk,  branches,  leaves, 
flowers,  and  fruit.  The  whole  tree  is  an  uninterrupted  chain  of 
organic  parts,  the  plan  of  which  existed  in  its  seed  and  root.  Man 
is  similar  to  the  tree.  In  the  new-born  child  are  hidden  those 
faculties  which  are  to  unfold  during  life.  The  individual  and 
separate  organs  of  his  being  form  themselves  gradually  into 
unison,  and  build  up  humanity  in  the  image  of  God." 

Consequently,  Pestalozzi  defines  education  as  "the 
natural,  progressive,  and  harmonious  development  of 
all  the  powers  and  capacities  of  the  human  being,"  and 
insists  that  "the  knowledge  to  which  the  child  is  to 
be  led  by  instruction  must,  therefore,  be  subjected  to  a 
certain  order  of  succession,  the  beginning  of  which  must 
be  adapted  to  the  first  unfolding  of  his  powers,  and  the 
progress  kept  exactly  parallel  to  that  of  his  development." 
This  belief  in  the  observance  of  development  from  within 
is  in  keeping  with  Rousseau's  naturalism,  and  was  after- 
ward enlarged  upon  by  Froebel  in  his  stressing  of  the 
innate.  In  contrast  to  such  an  education  in  harmony 

.  ,  T-W          i         •  i  i  !•   •          i  •  an(J   contrast- 

with  nature,  Pestalozzi  saw  that  the  traditional  practices  jng  this  with 
of  the  times  gave  the  pupil  a  mere  ability  to  read  words.  th.c  formal 

education   of 

a  memory  knowledge  of  mathematics,  and  a  superficial  the  day. 


138  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

culture  through   the   classics   that  was  purely  formal 
and  ineffective  for  real  development.    He  declares: 

"Our  unpsychological  schools  are  essentially  only  artificial 
stifling  machines  for  destroying  all  the  results  of  the  power  and 
experience  that  nature  herself  brings  to  life.  .  .  .  After  the 
children  have  enjoyed  the  happiness  of  sensuous  life  for  five  whole 
years,  we  make  all  nature  around  them  vanish  before  their  eyes; 
tyrannically  stop  the  delightful  course  of  their  unrestrained  free- 
dom; pen  them  up  like  sheep,  whole  flocks  huddled  together  in 
stinking  rooms;  pitilessly  chain  them  for  hours,  days,  weeks, 
months,  years,  to  the  contemplation  of  unnatural  and  unattrac- 
tive letters,  and,  (contrasted  with  their  former  condition),  to  a 
maddening  course  of  life." 

This  need  for  allowing  the  powers  of  the  child  to  de- 
velop gradually  in  keeping  with  nature  and  the  complete 
absence  of  anything  of  the  sort  in  the  schools  of  the 
period  had  been  pointed  out  by  Rousseau,  but  largely 
in  a  negative  way.  He  talked  blindly  in  his  'natural- 
ism' about  an  abandonment  of  all  society  and  civiliza- 
tion and  a  return  to  nature,  but  he  failed  to  make 
his  educational  doctrine  concrete  and  explicit  and  to 
He  further  apply  it  to  the  school.  Pestalozzi  further  modified  and 

extended  ,  . 

Rousseiian-      extended  the  Rousselian  doctrine  by  recommending  its 
ism  by  apply-  application  to  all  children,  whatever  their  circumstances 

ing  it  to  all         cr 

children.  and  abilities.  Where  Rousseau  evidently  had  only  the 
young  aristocrat  in  mind  in  the  education  of  Emile, 
Pestalozzi  held  that  poverty  could  be  relieved  and 
society  reformed  only  through  ridding  each  and  every 
one  of  his  degradation  by  means  of  mental  and  moral 
development.  Accordingly,  he  was  the  stanch  advocate 
of  universal  education,  as  shown  by  the  protest  implied 
in  the  following  simile: 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  139 

"As  far  as  I  am  acquainted  with  popular  instruction,  it  appears 
to  me  like  a  large  house,  whose  uppermost  story  shines  in  splendor 
of  highly  finished  art,  but  is  occupied  by  only  a  few.  In  the  middle 
story  is  a  great  crowd,  but  the  stairs  by  which  the  upper  one  may 
be  reached  in  an  approved  and  respectable  manner  are  wanting;  if 
the  attempt  be  made  in  a  less  regular  way,  the  leg  or  arm  used  as  a 
means  of  progress  may  be  broken.  In  the  lowest  story  is  an  im- 
mense throng  of  people,  who  have  precisely  the  same  right  to  enjoy 
the  light  of  the  sun  as  those  in  the  upper  one;  but  they  are  left  in 
utter  darkness  and  not  even  allowed  to  gaze  at  the  magnificence 
above." 

His    General    Method    and    Its    Applications.  —  Pes-  His  general 
talozzi's  general  method  of  giving  free  play  to   this  training  in 


natural  development  of  the  powers  of  all  and  so  for  re-  t 
forming  social  conditions  was  to  train  his  pupils  through  surrounding 
'observation.'  l    He  felt  that  clear  ideas  could  be  formed 


only  by  means  of  careful  sense  perceptions,  and  he  was  its  simplest 

.  .    .  .         elements,  and 

thoroughly  opposed  to  the  mechanical  memorizing  with  expression  in 
little  understanding  that  was  current  in  the  schools  of  the  words- 
day.  In  all  studies,  therefore,  he  strove  to  direct  the 
senses  of  the  pupils  to  outer  objects  and  to  arouse  their 
consciousness  by  the  impressions  thus  produced.  While 
such  'object  lessons'  did  not  exist  in  the  traditionalized 
schools,  Pestalozzi  insisted  that  the  material  for  them  is 
all  about  the  children,  and  that  it  can  best  be  obtained 
in  the  home  and  school  and  in  the  ordinary  occupations, 
surroundings,  and  experiences  of  life.  His  method  in 
general  seems  to  have  been  to  analyze  each  subject  into 
its  simplest  elements,  or  'A  B  C,'  and  to  develop  it  by 
graded  exercises  based  as  far  as  possible  upon  the  study 
of  objects  rather  than  words.  Yet  Pestalozzi  felt  that 
"experiences  must  be  clearly  expressed  in  words,  or 

1  1.  e.  Anschauung. 


140  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

otherwise  there  arises  the  same  danger  that  character- 
izes the  dominant  word  teaching, — that  of  attributing 
entirely  erroneous  ideas  to  words."  Accordingly,  as 
shown  in  the  summary  of  How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her 
Children,1  in  all  instruction  he  would  connect  language 
with  'observation.' 

This  received  The  application  of  this  method  of  natural  development 
cations  to  by  means  of  analysis,  observation,  and  verbal  expression 
language,  ^Q  ^e  various  studies  constituted  the  most  far-reaching 

arithmetic, 

drawing,  writ-  work  of  Pestalozzi.  The  special  applications  of  this  gen- 
try! Sgeogra-  era^  method  that  were  worked  out  by  him  and  his  followers 
phy,  natural  jn  £ne  most  common  subjects  of  the  curriculum  have  been 

science,    his- 
tory, music,    described  in  detail  in  the  account  of  his  work  at  Stanz, 

and  morality,  ^urgdorf,  and  Yverdon.  Language  was  taught,  not  by 
abstract  rules,  but  by  conversation  concerning  objects,  as 
speaking  was  held  to  precede  grammar,  reading,  spelling, 
and  composition.  The  language  training  began  with  sin- 
gle elements  or  sounds,  learned  through  the  'syllabaries'; 
from  these  words  were  built  up;  and  from  words,  sen- 
tences. As  sounds  were  the  elements  in  language,  num- 
bers were  the  basis  of  arithmetic.  Here  again  observation 
was  used,  and  numbers  and  their  relations  were  taught 
the  pupil  through  objects.  For  this  purpose  the  various 
tables  of  units,  fractions,  and  compound  fractions  were 
devised.  Similarly,  from  the  rudiments  of  form  were 
taught  drawing,  writing,  and  constructive  geometry. 
For  the  study  of  geography,  nature,  and  history,  ele- 
ments were  found  in  the  locality  that  could  be  combined 
until  the  whole  world  and  all  the  relations  of  man  were 
worked  out.  Music  was  reduced  to  its  simplest  elements 
and  progressively  developed,  and  moral  and  religious 
1  See  p.  131. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  141 

training  was  given  through  the  ordinary  concrete  rela- 
tions and  experiences  of  life. 
The  Permanent  Influence  of  Pestalozzi. — It  is  easy  Pestaiozzi 

,  .  r      i  •         i  i    lacked    in 

to  exaggerate  the  achievements  of  this  almost  sainted  originality, 
reformer   of    Switzerland.      Pestalozzi's   methods   were  Practlcal'ty. 

and   consist- 
neither  very  original  nor  well  carried  out.     His  chief  ency,  and  was 

merit  lay  in  developing  and  making  positive  the  sugges-  °io^"  l^1' 
tions  offered  by  Rousseau,  and  in  utilizing  them  in  the  curate,  and 
work  of  the  schools.  Even  in  this  he  failed  somewhat  in  comprehen- 
practicality  and  consistency.  He  was  often  unable  to  slveness- 
work  out  his  own  methods.  While  he  stated  his  views 
in  general  most  convincingly,  we  have  seen  that  many 
of  the  details  had  to  be  managed  by  his  assistants  and 
followers.  Occasionally,  when  he  undertook  to  apply  the 
methods  himself,  he  was  strangely  inconsistent.  Although 
strongly  opposed  to  all  verbal  and  mcmoriter  teaching, 
in  language  work  he  made  the  mistake  of  shaping  the 
sentences  for  his  pupils  and  having  them  repeat  after 
him;  he  insisted  upon  teaching  reading  and  spelling  by 
pronouncing  every  possible  variety  of  syllable;  and  in 
geography,  history,  and  nature  study  he  required  the 
pupils  to  commit  mere  lists  of  important  places,  facts, 
or  objects  arranged  in  alphabetic  order.  Moreover, 
as  can  be  seen  both  in  his  educational  experiments  and 
his  writings,  Pestalozzi  was  groping  and  never  possessed 
full  vision.  He  did  not  grasp  definite  educational  prin- 
ciples in  a  scientific  way,  but,  like  Rousseau,  obtained 
his  ideas  of  teaching  from  sympathetic  insight  into  the 
minds  of  children.  His  writings  for  the  most  part  record 
his  empirical  efforts  at  an  effective  training,  and  are 
revelations  of  methods  of  teaching  in  the  concrete  rather 
than  the  abstract  His  works  are  also  poorly  arranged, 


142  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

repetitious,  and  inaccurate,  and  there  was  little  organiza- 
tion or  order  in  his  schools. 
But  his  work       The  inconsistency,  incompleteness,  and  lack  of  breadth 

contained  the 

germ  of  mod-  in  Pestalozzi  s  work,  however,  are  of  small  import  when 

and  ^duca-gy  comPared  with  its  influence  upon  society  and  education. 

tionai  reform.  The  value  of  his  achievements  rests,  not  in  their  ade- 
quacy or  finality,  but  in  the  fact  that  they  contained  the 
germ  of  all  modern  pedagogy  and  educational  reform. 
In  the  eighteenth  century  caste  ruled  through  wealth  and 
education,  while  the  masses,  who  supported  the  owners 
of  the  land  in  idleness  and  luxury,  were  sunk  in  ignorance, 
poverty,  and  vice.  The  schools  for  the  common  people 
were  exceedingly  few,  the  content  of  education  was 
largely  limited  by  ecclesiastical  authority,  and  the 
methods  were  traditional  and  verbal.  The  teachers  gen- 
erally had  received  little  training,  and  were  selected  at 
random.  Often  it  was  only  the  old  soldier,  widow,  serv- 
ant, or  workman  who  gathered  the  children  for  an  hour 
or  two  on  Sundays  to  learn  the  rudiments.  Ordinarily 
the  pay  was  wretched,  no  lodgings  were  provided  for  the 
teacher,  and  he  had  often  to  add  domestic  service  to  his 

He  held  edu-  duties,  in  order  to  secure  food  and  clothing.    In  the  midst 

cation  to  be  a  .  i     *  « 

panacea  for  of  such  conditions  appeared  this  most  famous  of  modern 
smT1  he'5'  has  educators,  who  never  ceased  to  work  for  the  reformation 
thus  become  of  society.  As  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  and  others  had  held 
greatest  ex- C  that  the  panacea  for  the  corrupt  times  was  rationalism, 
ponentsof  the  atheism,  deism,  socialism,  anarchy,  or  individualism,  Pes- 

social   and  . 

psychological  talozzi  found  his  remedy  in  education.  Like  Rousseau, 
ne  keenly  felt  the  injustice,  unnaturalness,  and  degrada- 
tion of  the  existing  society,  but  he  was  not  content  to  stop 
with  mere  destruction  and  negations.  He  saw  what  edu- 
cation might  do  to  purify  social  conditions  and  to  elevate 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  143 

the  people  by  intellectual,  moral,  and  industrial  training, 

and  he  burned  to  apply  it  universally  and  to  develop 

methods  in  keeping  with  nature.    He  would  make  Rous- 

seau's '  naturalism'  specific  and  extend  it  to  all.    In  this 

he  may  be  considered  one  of  the  greatest  exponents  of  the 

social  movement  in  modern  education.     His  efforts  to 

evolve  a  natural  method  of  teaching  were  likewise  fruit- 

ful, and  mark  the  greatest  stimulus  given  to  the  modern 

psychological  movement  in  education.    His  experiments 

have  stimulated  educational  theorists,  instead  of  accept- 

ing formal  principles  and  traditional  processes,  to  workout 

carefully  and  patiently  the  development  of  the  child  mind 

and  to  embody  the  results  in  practice.    From  him  have 

come  the  prevailing  reforms  in  the  present  teaching  of  From  him 

language  lessons,  arithmetic,  drawing,  writing,  reading,  many  modem 

geography,  elementary  science,  and  music.    In  harmony  Deforms  m 

with  his  improved  methods,  Pestalozzi  also  started  a  dif-  guage,  arith- 

ferent  type  of  discipline.    His  work  made  clear  the  new  j^,  writing*" 

spirit  in  the  school  by  which  it  has  approached  the  atmos-  reading,  geog- 

phere  of  the  home.    He  found  the  proper  relation  of  pupil  menta'ry 

and  teacher  to  exist  in  sympathy  and  friendship,  or,  as  he          e>  and 


states  it,  in  '  love.  '  This  attitude  constituted  the  greatest 
contrast  to  that  of  the  brutal  schools  of  the  times,  and 
introduced  a  new  conception  into  education. 

What,  then,  if  Pestalozzi  is  right  in  saying:  "My  life 
has  produced  nothing  whole,  nothing  complete;  my  work 
cannot,  then,  either  be  a  whole,  nor  complete"?    If  he 
never  produced  a  closed  and  perfected  system,  so  much 
the  better.    It  is  not  merely  the  form  of  his  experiments  His  system 
nor  even  the  results,  but  the  fact  that  he  was  ready  to  ex-  fectivT^L-6 
periment,  and  did  not  depend  upon  tradition,  that  made  cause  k  *jas 
the  work  of  Pestalozzi  suggestive  and  fruitful  afterward,  and  perfected. 


144  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

In  fact,  whenever  his  practice  was  most  fixed,  it  was  least 
effective;  and  wherever  his  spirit  has  since  prevailed, 
the  most  intelligent  practice  has  resulted.  The  nineteenth 
century  was  suffused  with  his  ideals,  and  his  methods 
have  become  the  basis  of  much  subsequent  reform.  His 
work  has  constantly  grown  more  significant  as  the  years 
have  passed,  and  the  indebtedness  of  modern  educational 
method  to  him  will  be  more  evident  when  we  have  seen 
the  part  he  played  in  developing  the  practice  of  Herbart 
and  Froebel. 
Pestaiozzi's  The  Spread  of  Pestalozzian  Schools  and  Methods 

methods  were 

spread  by  his  through  Europe. — The  '  observational '  methods  of  Pesta- 
throughout  l°zzi  and  institutions  similar  to  his  were  soon  spread  by 
Europe,—  his  assistants  and  others  throughout  Europe.  Strange 

Switzerland,  .        ......        ...  .... 

to  say,  as  a  result  of  their  familiarity  with  his  weaknesses 
and  the  conservatism  resulting  from  isolation,  the  Swiss 
were,  as  a  whole,  rather  slow  to  incorporate  the  Pesta- 
lozzian improvements.  Zurich  was,  however,  an  excep- 
tion to  the  general  rule.  This  city  was  naturally  more 
progressive  and  had  previously  been  a  seat  of  reform 
in  matters  religious.1  Here  Zeller  of  Wiirtemberg,  who 
had  visited  Burgdorf  and  helped  conduct  a  Pestalozzian 
training  school  at  Hofwyl,2  was  early  invited  to  give 
three  courses  of  lectures  in  aid  of  the  establishment 
of  a  teachers'  seminary  based  upon  the  principles  of 
Pestalozzi.  A  large  number  of  teachers,  clergymen,  and 
persons  of  prominence  heard  these  lectures,  and  thus  in- 
creased the  body  of  those  disseminating  the  new  educa- 
tional reforms.  Kriisi,  after  leaving  the  institute  at 

1  See    Graves,    A     History    of    Education    during    the    Transition, 
pp.  iSgf. 

2  See  p.  155. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  14=5 

Yverdon,  also  founded  a  number  of  schools  and  carried 
Pestalozzianism  into  various  parts  of  Switzerland.  He 
finally,  in  1833,  became  the  director  of  a  teachers'  sem- 
inary at  his  native  village  of  Gais.  Near  this  institution 
he  founded  two  Pestalozzian  schools  under  the  manage- 
ment of  his  daughter,  and  during  the  last  decade  of  his 
life  contributed  largely  to  the  Pestalozzian  literature. 
Many  other  disciples  eventually  started  or  reorganized 
schools  in  various  parts  of  Switzerland  upon  the  prin- 
ciples of  Pestalozzi,  and,  before  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  his  'observation'  methods  were  in  gen- 
eral use,  and  educational  conditions  had  been  greatly 
changed  in  Switzerland. 

But  the  reforms  in  method  never  secured  the  hold  upon  Prussia 
the  country  of  their  origin  that  they  did  in  Germany. 
The  innovations  were  most  remarkable  in  Prussia,  and 
the  elementary  education  there  has  come  to  be  referred 
to  as  the  ' Prussian-Pestalozzian  school  system.'  The 
name  was  first  used  by  the  great  educational  leader, 
Diesterweg,  in  his  address  at  the  centennial  celebration 
of  Pestalozzi's  birth,  but  it  so  aptly  indicates  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Swiss  reformer  that  it  has  remained  ever  since. 
By  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  Pestalozzian- 
ism began  to  find  its  way  into  Prussia.  In  1801  the 
appeal  of  Pestalozzi  for  a  public  subscription  in  be- 
half of  his  project  at  Burgdorf  was  warmly  supported. 
In  1802  Herbart's  account  of  Pestalozzi's  Idea  of  an 
A  B  C  of  Observation  attracted  much  attention.  A  rep- 
resentative was  sent  from  Prussia  to  Burgdorf  to  report 
upon  the  new  system  in  1803.  Meanwhile  the  Pesta- 
lozzian missionaries  were  fast  converting  the  land. 
Plamann,  who  had  visited  Burgdorf,  in  1805  established 


146  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

a  Pestalozzian  school  in  Berlin,1  and  published  several 
books  applying  the  new  methods  to  language,  geography, 
and  natural  history.  The  same  year  Griiner  opened  a 
similar  school  at  Frankfurt,  which  was  later  the  means 
of  starting  Froebel  upon  an  educational  career.  Zeller 
was  coaxed  away  from  Wiirtemberg,  and  in  the  seminary 
at  Konigsberg  lectured  to  large  audiences,  and  organized 
a  Pestalozzian  orphanage  there.  A  similar  institution  for 
educating  orphans  was  opened  at  Potsdam  by  Tiirck.  In 
1808,  two  of  Pestalozzi's  pupils,  Nicolovius  and  Silvern, 
were  made  directors  of  public  instruction  in  Prussia,  and 
sent  seventeen  brilliant  young  men  to  Yverdon  to  study 
for  three  years.  Upon  their  return  these  vigorous  youth- 
ful educators  zealously  advanced  the  cause.  The  greatest 
impulse,  however,  was  given  the  movement  by  the  phi- 
losopher, Fichte.  In  the  course  of  his  Addresses  to  the  Ger- 
man Nation,  1807-1808,  he  described  the  work  of  Pesta- 
lozzi  and  declared: 

"To  the  course  of  instruction  which  has  been  invented  and 
brought  forward  by  Heinrich  Pestalozzi,  and  which  is  now  being 
successfully  carried  out  under  his  direction,  must  we  look  for 
our  regeneration."  2 

In  this  position  Fichte  was  ardently  supported  by 
King  Frederick  William  III,  and  even  more  by  his  noble 
queen,  Louise,  who  now  felt  that  only  through  these  ad- 
vanced educational  principles  could  a  restoration  of  the 
territory  and  prestige  lost  to  Napoleon  at  Jena  be  ef- 
fected. Throughout  his  reign  the  king  took  the  keenest 

1  Froebel  taught  in  this  school  while  studying  at  the  University  of 
Berlin.  See  p.  222. 

1  The  Reden  an  die  Deutsche  Nation  number  fourteen  in  all.  This 
indorsement  of  Pestalozzi's  principles  occurs  in  the  tenth. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  147 

interest  in  the  Pestalozzian  schools,  and  the  queen  fre- 
quently went  to  visit  the  institutions  of  Zeller.    A  similar  ancl 

.  .,  ...  -    „.  states  of  Ger- 

spint  was  animating  the  other  states  of  Germany.  As  manyj 
early  as  1803,  Bavaria  sent  an  educator  named  Miiller  to 
Burgdorf  to  study  the  methods,  and  upon  his  return  he 
started  a  school  at  Mainz.  Saxony  authorized  Bloch- 
mann,  a  former  pupil  of  Pestalozzi,  to  reorganize  its 
schools  upon  the  new  basis.  Through  Denzel,  Wiirtem- 
berg  introduced  the  new  methods,  and  during  the  first 
decade  of  the  century  many  Pestalozzians  were  appointed 
seminary  directors  and  school  inspectors.  Denzel  also 
organized  the  school  system  for  the  duchy  of  Nassau. 
The  Princess  Pauline  of  Detmold  and  other  rulers  were 
likewise  eager  to  improve  the  education  of  their  realms 
by  the  introduction  of  the  new  principles.  Everywhere 
in  Germany  the  greatest  enthusiasm  prevailed  among 
teachers,  state  officials,  and  princes.  Thus  in  place  of 
the  reading,  singing,  and  memorizing  of  texts,  songs,  and 
catechism,  under  the  direction  of  incompetent  choris- 
ters and  sextons,  with  unsanitary  buildings  and  brutal 
punishment,  all  Germany  has  come  to  have  in  each  vil- 
lage an  institution  for  training  real  men  and  women. 
Each  school  is  under  the  guidance  of  a  devoted,  humane, 
and  seminary-bred  teacher,  and  the  methods  in  religion, 
reading,  arithmetic,  history,  geography,  and  elementary 
science  are  vitalized  and  interesting.  As  a  result,  the 
German  schools  have  for  the  past  three  or  four  genera- 
tions been  considered  models,  and  have  been  visited  by 
educators  and  distinguished  men  from  every  land. 

In  France  the  spread  of  Pestalozzianism  was  at  first  France, 
prevented  by  the  military  spirit  of  the  time  and  by  the 
apathy  in  education,  and  later,  when  the  reaction  oc- 


148  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

curred,  the  schools  came  under  ecclesiastical  control  and 
had  little  influence  upon  the  people.  Nevertheless,  there 
were  evidences  of  interest  in  the  new  doctrines.  General 
Jullien  came  to  Yverdon  to  study  the  methods,  and 
issued  two  commendatory  reports,  which  induced  some 
thirty  French  pupils  to  go  to  Pestalozzi's  institute. 
Chavannes  also  published  a  treatise  upon  the  Pestaloz- 
zian  methods  in  1805.  Three  years  later  the  philosopher, 
de  Biran,  founded  a  Pestalozzian  school  under  the  man- 
agement of  a  certain  Barraud,  whom  he  had  sent  to 
study  under  Pestalozzi.  These  efforts,  however,  had 
little  effect  upon  education,  and  the  Pestalozzian  prin- 
ciples did  not  make  much  headway  in  France  up  to  the 
revolution  of  1830.  After  that  time  they  rapidly  be- 
came popular,  especially  through  Victor  Cousin.  This 
famous  professor,  who  was  later  minister  of  public  in- 
struction, issued  in  1835  a  Report  on  the  State  of  Public 
Instruction  in  Prussia,  which  showed  the  great  merit  of 
Pestalozzianism  in  the  elementary  schools  of  that  coun- 
try. The  other  great  minister,  Guizot,  had  likewise  rec- 
ommended the  Prussian  schools  as  the  best  type  for  the 
reform  movement,  and  had  shown  himself  most  zealous 
in  training  teachers  for  their  vocation  after  the  ideals  of 
Pestalozzi.  Spain  at  first  took  kindly  to  the  new  methods. 
A  few  schools  were  founded  on  these  principles,  and  a 
number  of  pupils  sent  to  Pestalozzi  through  the  govern- 
ment, but  a  reaction  soon  occurred  and  education  was 
turned  over  to  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  In  Russia 
the  czar  showed  himself  interested  in  Pestalozzi's  work, 
a  school  similar  to  the  'institutes'  was  founded,  and  a 
former  assistant  of  Pestalozzi  became  tutor  to  the  royal 
princes,  but  probably  nothing  permanent  was  accom- 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  149 

plished.  Schools  were  also  established  before  long  in 
Italy,  Denmark,  and  Holland  by  Pestalozzians,  but 
none  of  them  met  with  much  success,  and  continental 
Europe  in  general  adopted  the  new  principles  indirectly 
from  Germany. 

In  England  the  influence  of  Pestalozzi  was  large,  but  and  England 
the  use  made  of  his  methods  was  not  altogether  happy. 
The  private  school  opened  by  Mayo  after  his  return  from 
Yverdon  employed  object  teaching  in  several  subjects, 
and  a  popular  textbook,  entitled  Lessons  on  Objects,  was 
written  by  his  sister,  Elizabeth.1  This  book  of  Miss 
Mayo's  consisted  of  encyclopedic  lessons  on  the  arts  and 
sciences  arranged  in  definite  series,  and  much  beyond  the 
comprehension  of  children  from  six  to  eight  years  old, 
for  whom  it  was  intended.  Together  with  several  texts 
of  a  similar  sort,  it  had  a  wide  influence  in  formalizing 
object  teaching  and  spreading  it  rapidly  in  this  form. 
As  we  have  seen,1  the  Mayos  were  also  interested  in  in- 
fant schools,  and  when  'The  Home  and  Colonial  School 
Society'  was  organized  in  1836,  they  combined  the  Pesta- 
lozzian  methods  with  those  of  the  infant  school.  Thus 
through  the  model  and  training  schools  of  this  society 
formalized  Pestalozzianism  was  extended  through  Eng- 
land and  America. 

Pestalozzianism  in  the  United  States. — Pestalozzian-  in  the  United 
ism  began  to  appear  in  the  United  States  as  early  as  the  lo^rm'suf  * 
first  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century.  It  was  introduced  was  intro~ 

.  .  duced    ny 

not  only  from  the  original  centers  in  Switzerland,  but  William  Mc- 
indirectly  in   the  form  it  had   assumed  in   Germany,  jo" 
France,  England,  and  other  countries.    The  instances  of 
its  appearance  were  sporadic  and  seem  to  have  been  but 

1  See  pp.  68f. 


150  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

little  connected  at  any  time.  The  earliest  presentation 
was  that  made  from  the  treatise  of  Chavannes  in  1805  by 
William  McClure.  This  gentleman  was  a  retired  Scotch- 
American  merchant  and  a  man  of  science,  who  had, 
upon  the  invitation  of  Napoleon,  gone  to  visit  the  or- 
phanage at  Paris  directed  by  Joseph  Neef,  a  former 
teacher  at  Burgdorf.  Mr.  McClure  afterward  spent 
much  time  at  the  institute  in  Yverdon,  and  by  his  writ- 
ings, articles,  and  financial  support  did  much  to  make  the 
new  principles  known  in  the  United  States.  In  1806  he 
induced  Neef  to  come  to  America  and  become  his  "mas- 
ter's apostle  in  the  new  world".  Neef  maintained  an 
institution  at  Philadelphia  for  three  years  and  afterward 
founded  and  taught  schools  in  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
and  other  parts  of  the  country.  In  1823  he  went  with 
McClure  and  Owen  to  New  Harmony,  Indiana,  where  an 
attempt  was  made  to  unite  Pestalozzianism  with  the 
principles  of  the  'infant  school'.1  But  his  imperfect  ac- 
quaintance with  English  and  with  American  character 
and  his  frequent  migrations  prevented  his  personal  in- 
fluence from  being  greatly  felt,  and  the  two  excellent 
works  that  he  published  upon  applications  of  the  Pes- 
talozzian  methods  were  given  scant  attention.2 
a  large  num-  ^  large  variety  of  literature,  describing  the  new  edu- 

ber  of  articles  .  J  _° 

andtransia-  cation,  and  translating  the  accounts  oi  Chavannes,  Jul- 
^ubKshed"5  on  ^en>  Cousin,  and  a  number  of  the  German  educational- 
the  subject;  ists,  also  appeared  in  the  American  educational  journals 
tbns^ertT  from  1 820  to  1860.  The  American  Journal  of  Education, 
made  by  edited  by  William  Russell,  1826-1831,  and  its  successor, 

1  See  p.  65. 

z  For  a  further  account  of  Neef's  work,  see  Education,  Vol.  XIV,  pp. 
449-461,  or  W.  S.  Monroe's  Pestalozzian  Movement,  Chaps.  III-VI. 


OBSERVATION  IN  EDUCATION  151 

The  American  Annals  of  Education,  edited  by  William  C. 
Woodbridge,  1831-1839,  were  especially  active  in  giving  ker,  Mason, 
descriptions  and  personal  observations  of  the  Pestaloz-  and  others- 
zian  schools  in  Europe.  Both  in  articles  for  his  American 
Journal  of  Education  (1855-1881)  l  and  in  his  practical 
work,  Henry  Barnard  lauded  the  Pestalozzian  methods. 
Returned  travelers,  like  Professor  John  Griscom,  pub- 
lished accounts  of  their  visits  and  experiences  at  Yverdon 
and  Burgdorf,  and  such  lecturers  as  the  Reverend  Charles 
Brooks  began  to  suggest  the  new  principles  as  a  remedy 
for  our  educational  deficiencies.  Pestalozzi's  objective 
methods  and  the  oral  instruction  resulting  from  them 
were  used  in  various  subjects  by  a  number  of  educators. 
For  example,  the  methods  advocated  in  arithmetic  were 
introduced  into  America  by  Warren  Colburn.  He  spread 
'mental  arithmetic'  throughout  the  country,  and  in  his 
famous  First  Lessons  in  Arithmetic  on  the  Plan  of  Pes- 
talozzi,  published  first  in  1821,  he  even  printed  the  'table 
of  units. '  The  formalized  '  Grube  method '  of  arithmetic, 
which  is  for  the  most  part  based  upon  Pestalozzi's  prin- 
ciple of  reducing  every  sense  perception  to  its  elements, 
also  became  very  popular  in  the  United  States  about 
1870,  and  remained  a  fetish  for  almost  a  generation. 
The  Pestalozzi-Ritter  method  in  geography  was  early 
presented  in  the  United  States  through  the  institute  lec- 
tures and  textbooks  of  Arnold  Guyot,  who  had  been  a 
pupil  of  Ritter  and  came  to  America  from  Switzerland 
in  1848.  The  promotion  of  geographic  method  along 
the  same  lines  was  later  more  successfully  performed  by 
Francis  Wayland  Parker  in  his  training  of  teachers  and 
his  work  on  How  to  Teach  Geography.  Colonel  Parker 

1  See  pp.  1846?. 


152  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

has  also  had  several  successful  pupils,  who  are  to-day 
largely  continuing  the  Pestalozzian  tradition.  The  Pes- 
talozzian  method  in  music  was  brought  into  the  Boston 
schools  and  elsewhere  about  1836  by  Lowell  Mason, 
who  was  influenced  by  the  works  of  Nageli.  In  several 
of  the  subjects  taught  in  their  school,  Bronson  Alcott 
and  his  brother  urged  and  practiced  the  methods  of  Pes- 
talozzi,  and  David  P.  Page,  as  principal  of  the  New  York 
State  Normal  School,  utilized  the  spirit  and  many  of  the 
methods  of  the  Swiss  reformer. 
The  most  in-  The  most  influential  propaganda  of  the  Pestalozzian 

fluential 

movements,     doctrines  in  general,  however,  came  through  the  account 
*  tne  German  school  methods  in  the  Seventh  Annual 


by  Horace      Report  (1843)  °f  Horace  Mann,1  and  through  the  inaugu- 

enth    Annual  ration  of   the   'Oswego  methods'   by  Dr.   Edward   A. 

Report  Sheldon.  Mann  spoke  most  enthusiastically  of  the  suc- 

cess of  the  Prussian-Pestalozzian  system  of  education  and 
hinted  at  the  need  of  a  radical  reform  along  the  same  lines 
in  America.  The  report  caused  a  great  sensation,  and 
was  bitterly  combated  by  a  group  of  thirty-one  Boston 
schoolmasters  and  by  conservative  sentiment  through- 
out the  country.  Nevertheless,  the  suggested  reforms 
were  largely  effected,  and  were  carried  much  further  by 
the  successors  of  Mann  in  the  secretaryship  of  the  Mas- 

and  by  shel-    sachusetts  State  Board  of  Education.2    Dr.  Sheldon,  on 

don's  '  Oswego      .  ,         ,          1  II-T->          i         •         •         •        •         c 

methods.'  the  other  hand,  caught  his  Pestalozzian  inspiration  from 
Toronto,  Canada,  where  he  became  acquainted  with  the 
formalized  methods  of  the  Mayos  through  publications 
of  the  Home  and  Colonial  School  Society.3  He  resolved 
to  introduce  the  principles  of  Pestalozzi  into  the  Oswego 
schools,  of  which  he  was  at  that  time  superintendent,  and 

1  Sec  p.  175.  2  See  pp.  256!!.  3  See  pp.  68f.  and  149. 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  153 

in  1 86 1  secured  from  the  society  in  London  a  Miss 
M.  E.  M.  Jones,  an  experienced  Pestalozzian,  to  train  his 
teachers  in  these  methods.  There  was  some  criticism 
of  the  Oswego  methods  on  the  ground  of  formalism,  but 
after  a  year  and  a  half  of  the  experiment,  a  committee  of 
distinguished  educators,  who  had  been  invited  to  inspect 
the  work,  pronounced  the  Oswego  movement  in  general 
a  success.  Superintendent  Sheldon  had  from  the  first 
admitted  a  few  teachers  from  outside  to  learn  the  new 
methods,  and  in  1865  the  Oswego  training  school  was 
made  a  state  institution.  This  was  the  first  normal 
school  in  the  United  States  where  object  lessons  were  the 
chief  feature,  and  where  classes  were  conducted  by 
model  teachers  and  practice  teaching  was  afforded  under 
the  supervision  of  critic  teachers.  The  excellent  teachers 
graduated  from  this  institution  caused  the  Oswego 
methods  to  be  widely  known  throughout  the  country. 
A  large  number  of  other  normal  schools  upon  the  same 
basis  sprang  up  rapidly  in  many  states,  and  the  Oswego 
methods  crept  into  the  training  schools  and  the  public  sys- 
tems of  numerous  cities.  As  a  consequence,  during  the 
third  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century,  Pestalozzianism, 
though  somewhat  formalized,  had  a  prevailing  influence 
upon  the  teachers  and  courses  of  the  elementary  schools 
in  the  United  States. 

Pestalozzi's  Industrial  Training  Continued  by  Fellen-  ^fte.r ,  p,esta-~ 

J     .  lozzi  had  to 

berg. — Such  was  the  wide  influence  of  Pestalozzi  upon  give   up   the 
education.     But  while  throughout  his  work  he  main-  Combine  fa- 

tained  and  made  new  applications  of  his  observational  dustrial  train- 
,...        ..,       P         i  •  •  i        -i        ••       'n£  w'tn  intei- 

methods,  his  principle  of  combining  industrial  training  iectuai,  it  was 

with  intellectual  education,  which  he  had  begun  so  sue-  ^ke" . u^  by 

his    friend, 

cessfully  at  Neuhof  and  Stanz,  could  not  be  continued  at  Feiienberg. 


154 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


Fellenberg 
obtained  a 
large   estate, 
upon   which 
he    opened    a 
school    to 
train  teachers 
in  the  Pesta- 
lozzian 
method. 


Burgdorf.1  His  pupils  there  came  chiefly  from  aristo- 
cratic families  and  were  not  obliged  to  support  themselves 
by  manual  labor.  However,  Pestalozzi  still  hoped  to  save 
enough  of  the  income  from  the  school  payments  of  the  rich 
to  found  a  small  agricultural  school  for  the  poor  on  this 
plan  and  connect  it  with  the  'institute.'  And  although 
most  of  those  who  thronged  about  him,  including  teach- 
ers, failed  to  understand  how  effective  an  instrument  for 
training  the  young  could  be  made  of  manual  labor  under 
skillful  supervision,  the  lesson  of  Pestalozzi  was  not  al- 
together lost  upon  true  philanthropists.  It  foreshad- 
owed a  new  light  that  was  destined  to  be  thrown  upon 
education.  The  opportunity  for  carrying  out  this  aim 
came  through  his  friend,  Philip p  Emanuel  von  Fellen- 
berg (1771-1844). 

Fellenberg  belonged  to  a  wealthy  and  noble  family  of 
Berne.  His  father  was  cultivated  and  learned,  and  his 
mother  religious  and  well  educated.  He  had  been  pre- 
pared for  a  diplomatic  career,  but  a  more  unselfish  view 
of  life  had  been  presented  to  him  by  his  mother's  coun- 
sel: "The  rich  have  always  helpers  enough,  help  thou 
the  poor."  The  altruistic  impulse  thus  given  him,  and 
an  interest  in  the  experiments  of  Pestalozzi,  who  was  a 
friend  of  his  father,  were  decidedly  strengthened  by  his 
marriage  to  the  granddaughter  of  an  influential  and  phil- 
anthropic friend  of  the  great  Swiss  reformer.  Like  Pes- 
talozzi, Fellenberg  believed  that  an  amelioration  of  the 
wretched  moral  and  economic  conditions  in  Switzerland 
could  be  accomplished  only  through  education.  To  se- 
cure the  means  for  an  experiment  in  this  direction,  he 
persuaded  his  father  to  purchase  for  him  an  estate  of  six 
1  See  p.  127. 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  155 

hundred  acres  at  Hofwyl,  just  nine  miles  from  Burgdorf. 
Here  Pestalozzi  urged  him  to  undertake  his  favorite  idea 
of  industrial  education,  and  when  that  educator  removed 
to  Miinchen-Buchsee,  just  a  ten  minute  walk  from  Hof- 
wyl, the  attempted  union  of  their  efforts  mentioned  ear- 
lier in  the  chapter  1  was  made.  As  a  result  of  the  marked 
difference  in  the  temperament  of  the  two  men,  so  close  a 
cooperation  did  not  prove  feasible,  and  Pestalozzi  soon 
withdrew,  but  their  friendship  remained  unbroken  and 
Fellenberg  even  sent  one  of  his  sons  to  Yverdon  to  be 
educated.  After  the  departure  of  the  great  educator, 
Fellenberg  decided  to  continue  the  experiment,  and  in 
1806,  with  the  aid  of  Zeller,2  who  had  been  sent  him  by 
Pestalozzi,  he  opened  a  school  to  train  teachers  in  the 
Pestalozzian  method. 

The  Agricultural  School  and  Other  Institutions  at  Later,  with 
Hofwyl. — Fellenberg  especially  desired,  however,  to  com-  \vehrH,  he 
bine  Pestalozzi 's  observational  work  and  his  older  prin-  combined 

.  Pestalozzi  s 

ciple  of  industrial  training  in  an  '  agricultural  institute '  observational 
for  poor  boys.  This  plan  was  not  fully  realized  until  he  ^"tJata- 
secured  in  1808  as  an  assistant  the  young  and  en-  i°s  in  an  'ag- 

i        •  T         i      TTT  i     T        TIT   i     T  •          i     T^   i      ricultural    in- 

thusiastic  Jacob  Wehrli.  Wehrli  soon  convinced  rel-  stitute'  for 
lenberg  of  his  ability  to  change  the  most  unmanageable  p(MT  boys- 
vagabonds  into  industrious  members  of  society,  but  some 
experimentation  with  four  young  paupers  was  necessary 
before  the  school  was  well  started.  The  work  was  so  ar- 
ranged that  each  old  pupil,  as  fast  as  he  was  trained,  took 
charge  of  a  newer  one  as  an  apprentice,  and  the  school 
from  the  first  became  a  sort  of  family.  The  chief  feature 
of  the  institute  was  agricultural  occupations,  including 
drainage  and  irrigation,  but  from  the  requirements  of  farm 
1  See  pp.  i3if.  2  See  pp.  144,  146,  and  147. 


156  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

life  it  was  natural  to  develop  other  employments  and  to 
train  cartmakers,  blacksmiths,  carpenters,  locksmiths, 
shoemakers,  tailors,  mechanics,  and  workers  in  wood, 
iron,  and  leather.  Workshops  for  these  trades  were  estab- 
lished upon  the  estate,  and  the  pupils  in  the  agricultural 
institute  were  enabled  to  select  a  training  in  a  wide 
range  of  employments,  without  neglecting  book  instruc- 
tion. By  this  means,  too,  they  could  support  themselves 
by  their  labor  while  being  educated.  Through  the  in- 
stitute also  a  considerable  number  of  the  pupils  were 
trained  to  be  directors  of  similar  institutions  or  to  become 
rural  school-teachers.  Fellenberg  thought  it  important 
that  all  who  were  to  teach  in  the  common  schools  should 
have  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  practical  labor  of 
a  farm,  the  means  of  self-support,  and  the  life  and  habits 
of  the  majority  of  their  pupils. 
And,  in  order  jjuf-  fae  work  of  Fellenberg  did  not  stop  there.  From 

to    interest 

wealthy          the  beginning  he  had  felt  that  the  wealthy  should  under- 
men^in  the     stand  and  be  more  in  sympathy  with  the  laboring  classes, 
education    of  and  learn  how  to  direct  their  work  more  intelligently. 
hold  them      Hence  he  began  very  early  an  agricultural  course  for 
longbr'  h  d6      landowners,  and  many  young  men  of  the  wealthy  classes 
'literary  in-     came  to  show  a  striking  interest  in  his  deep-soil  plough- 
ing, draining,  irrigating,  and  other  means  of  educating 
the  poor.    But  these  wealthier  youths  remained  at  the 
institute  so  short  a  time  that  he  could  not  extend  his  ideals 
very  widely.    To  retain  them  longer  at  Hofwyl,  in  1809  he 
opened  a  'literary  institute,'  which,  besides   the  usual 
academic  studies,  used   Pestalozzi's  object  lessons  and 
strove   to   develop   physical   activities.     Moreover,  the 
pupils  in  the  literary  institute  had  to  cultivate  gardens, 
work  on  the  farm,  engage  in  carpentering,  turning,  and 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  157 

other  mechanical  occupations,  and  in  many  ways  come 
into  touch  and  mutual  understanding  with  the  poorer  boys 
in  the  agricultural  institute.  The  wealthy  learned  to  dig- 
nify labor,  and  the  poor,  instead  of  envying  those  in  the 
higher  stations  of  life,  became  friendly  and  desirous  of 
cooperating  with  them.  Eventually  there  arose  an  in- 
dependent community  of  youth,  managing  its  own  affairs 
outside  of  school,  arranging  its  own  occupations,  games, 
and  tours,  choosing  its  own  officers,  and  making  its  own 
laws.  Within  this  little  world  was  provided  a  training 
for  society  at  large,  with  its  various  classes,  associations, 
and  corporations,  which  Fellenberg  seems  to  have  re- 
garded as  divinely  ordained.  Likewise,  in  1823,  a  school  A  'real' 

r  .  ,  .......  ...  school   was 

for  poor  girls  was  opened  by  his  wife,  and  four  years  aiso  started 
later  he  started  a  'real,'  or  practical,  school  for  the  middle  f°r  the midd'e 

.  .         classes,  and  a 

classes,  which  was  intermediate  between  the  two  'in-  school  for 
stitutes.' 

Fellenberg's  Educational  Aim  and  Course. — Thus  Pes- 
talozzi's  principle  of  observation  as  the  groundwork  of  Fellenberg 

,  •  strove  to  corn- 

memory  was  strengthened  by  Fellenberg  s  emphasis  upon  bine  observa- 

actual  doing.  Manual  activity  Fellenberg  felt  to  be  a  nee- 
essary  complement  to  sense  perception  and  object  teach- 
ing. "For  what  has  been  done,"  said  he,  "and  done  with 
thought,  will  be  retained  more  firmly  by  the  memory,  and 
will  bring  a  surer  experience  than  that  which  has  been 
only  seen  or  heard."  Even  more  than  with  Pestalozzi,  the 
pupil  was  to  be  treated  not  as  a  mere  recipient,  but  as  an 
agent  capable  of  collecting,  arranging,  and  using  his  own 
ideas.  From  various  letters  of  Fellenberg  we  have  def- 
inite information  concerning  the  details  of  the  curriculum 
at  Hofwyl.  Besides  the  vocational  training,  the  course 
in  the  agricultural  institute  included  reading,  writing, 


158  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

The  studies     arithmetic,  religion,  drawing,  singing,  history,  geography, 

in    the    agri-  , 

cultural  in-     natural  history,  botany,  and  geometry,  or   about  the 

stitute,  same  range  of  subjects  as  was  dealt  with  in  Pestalozzi's 

the  school  for  '  institute.'    The  curriculum  in  the  school  for  girls  must 

have  been  very  similar,  except  that  the  industrial  work 

consisted    of    the    household    arts, — cooking,    washing, 

cleaning,    spinning,   and   knitting.     In    the   course   for 

the  course  for  teachers,  beside  manual  labor  on  the  farm,  special  train- 
teachers,         .  .  . 

ing  was  given  in  grammar,  religion,  drawing,  geography, 

history  of  Switzerland,  agriculture,  and  'anthropology,' 
which  included  physiology,  hygiene,  and  first  aid  to  the 
injured.  Those  who  seemed  qualified  for  a  more  thorough 
course  were  allowed  to  elect  work  in  the  literary  institute. 
The  professional  training  consisted  in  a  thorough  study 
of  the  subject-matter  they  were  to  teach,  lessons  on  com- 
municating instruction,  and  practice  teaching  under 
inspection,  followed  by  criticism  and  discussion.  The 
and  the  liter-  education  for  the  higher  classes  in  the  literary  institute  in- 

ary  institute.  .  . 

eluded  some  of  the  usual  work  in  the  classics,  but  stressed 
the  modern  languages,  sciences,  drawing,  music,  and  prac- 
tical work.  The  physical  training  was  given  through 
gymnastics,  military  exercises,  swimming,  riding,  walking, 
and  skating.  As  in  the  other  courses,  religious  studies  also 
had  an  important  place. 

Industrial  Training  in  the  Schools  of  Europe. — The 

educational  institutions  of  Fellenberg  were  well  managed 

and  proved  very  successful.    The  number  of  pupils  in  the 

agricultural  institute  soon  increased  from  a  mere  family 

While  the       circle  to  over  one  hundred  and  fifty,  and  the  idea  of 

Hofwyidisap-  education   through   industrial    training   spread   rapidly. 

reared  after    while,  after  the  death  of  Fellenberg  in  1844,  the  schools  at 

the   death    of 

Fellenberg,      Hofwyl,  through  mismanagement  and  political  changes, 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  159 

gradually  declined,  their  principles  became  embodied  in  their 
education  everywhere.  Various  types  of  industrial  edu-  p^ 
cation  came  to  supplement  academic  courses,  and  ex- 

Europe, — 

tend  the  work  of  the  school  to  a  larger  number  of  pupils. 
Thus  the  tendency  of  modern  civilization  to  care  for 
the  education  of  the  unfortunate  through  industrial 
training  has  sprung  from  the  philanthropic  spirit  of  Pes- 
talozzi  and  his  practical  collaborator,  Fellenberg,  and 
their  endeavors  to  furnish  educational  opportunities  for 
all.  The  poor,  the  defective,  and  the  delinquent  have, 
through  vocational  training,  been  redeemed  and  given  a 
chance  in  life,  and  many  children  have  been  kept  in 
school  that  would  inevitably  have  fallen  by  the  wayside. 
Public  schools,  special  industrial  schools,  orphanages,  in- 
stitutions for  the  deaf  and  blind,  reformatories,  and  even 
prisons  have  yielded  rich  harvests  because  of  Pestalozzi's 
first  sowing. 

Movements  of  this  sort  have  been  apparent  in  all  ad- 
vanced countries.  The  industrial  institutions  rapidly 
increased  in  Switzerland,  beginning  in  1816  with  the  Switzerland, 
school  in  the  neighboring  district  of  Meykirch.  In  1832 
a  cantonal  teachers'  association  was  formed  at  Berne,  with 
Fellenberg  as  president  and  Wehrli  as  vice  president,  to 
reform  the  methods  of  organization  and  instruction  cur- 
rent in  Switzerland.  Every  canton  soon  had  its  'farm 
school,'  in  which,  wrote  Henry  Barnard,  "the  school  in- 
struction occupies  three  hours  in  the  summer  and  four  in 
winter;  the  remainder  of  the  day  being  devoted  to  work 
in  the  field  or  garden,  or  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year 
and  for  a  class  of  pupils,  in  some  indoor  trade  or  craft." 
Industrial  training  was  also  introduced  into  most  of  the 
Swiss  normal  schools.  In  Germany  the  industrial  work  Germany, 


i6o 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


f'rance, 


and  England. 


In  the  United 
States    '  man- 
ual labor'  in- 
stitutions 
were  started 
to  enable  stu- 
dents to  earn 
their    way 
through     col- 
lege and   to 
preserve  their 
health; 


suggested  by  Pestalozzi  and  Fellenberg  came  into  suc- 
cessful operation  in  many  of  the  orphanages  and  most  of 
the  reform  schools.  A  most  striking  example  of  the  latter 
was  the  'House  of  Redemption,'  opened  in  1833  near 
Hamburg.  Here  boys  and  girls  of  criminal  tendencies 
were  given  an  industrial  training  and  then  apprenticed, 
and  comparatively  few  ever  lapsed  into  evil  ways  after 
leaving  the  school.  Later  industrial  education  was  taken 
up  by  the  Foribildungsschulen  ('  continuation  schools ')  of 
the  regular  system.1  At  the  reform  and  continuation 
schools  of  France  industrial  training  has  long  formed  the 
distinctive  element  in  the  course.  Educators  and  states- 
men of  England,  especially  Lord  Brougham,  likewise 
early  commended  the  work  of  Fellenberg,  and  industrial 
training  shortly  found  a  foothold  in  that  country.  There 
was  opened  in  1835  at  Queenswood  Hall,  Hampshire,  the 
famous  George  Edmondson  school,  which  was  provided 
with  agricultural  and  trade  departments,  including  black- 
smithing  and  printing.  In  1839  the  Battersea  Training 
Establishment  was  opened  upon  the  same  basis  as  the 
Swiss  normal  schools.  At  the  well-known  Red  Hill  school 
and  farm  for  young  criminals,  established  in  1849,  and 
other  similar  institutions,  vocational  training  has  also  pro- 
duced remarkable  results. 

Industrial  Institutions  in  the  United  States. — The  in- 
dustrial work  of  the  Pestalozzi- Fellenberg  system  began  to 
appear  in  the  United  States  about  the  close  of  the  first 
quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century.  After  that,  for  twenty 
years  or  so,  there  sprang  up  a  large  number  of  institu- 
tions of  secondary  or  higher  grade  with  'manual  labor' 
features  in  addition  to  the  literary  work.  The  primary 
1  See  p.  288,  footnote  2. 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  161 

object  of  the  industrial  work  in  these  institutions  was 
to  enable  students  to  earn  their  way  through  school 
or  college  and  recruit  sectarian  ranks  during  a  period  of 
strong  denominational  controversy.  The  other  great 
argument  for  this  training  was  that  it  secured  physical 
exercise  for  those  under  the  strain  of  severe  intellectual 
labor.  It  was  the  first  serious  academic  recognition  of  the 
need  of  a  'sound  mind  in  a  sound  body,'  and  did  much  to 
overcome  the  prevailing  tendency  of  students  toward  tu- 
berculosis and  to  furnish  a  sane  substitute  for  the  esca- 
pades and  pranks  in  which  college  life  abounded.  The 
first  of  these  manual  labor  institutions  were  established 
in  the  New  England  and  Middle  States  between  1820 
and  1830,  and  within  a  dozen  years  the  manual  labor 
system  was  adopted  in  theological  schools,  colleges,  and 
academies  from  Maine  to  Tennessee.  The  success  of  this 
feature  at  Andover  Theological  Seminary,  where  it  was 
begun  in  1826  for  'invigorating  and  preserving  health, 
without  any  reference  to  pecuniary  profit,'  was  especially 
influential  in  causing  it  to  be  extended.  Much  impetus 
was  also  given  the  movement  through  the  writings 
and  addresses  of  Rev.  Elias  Cornelius,  secretary  of  the 
American  Educational  Society,  who  perceived  the  ter- 
rible inroads  made  upon  health  by  education  without  sys- 
tematic exercise.  From  1830  to  1832  many  articles  and 
lectures  describing  and  commending  the  Fellenberg  system 
were  read  before  learned  societies  and  published  in  the 
leading  educational  journals.  The  'Society  for  Promot- 
ing Manual  Labor  in  Literary  Institutions/  founded  in 
1831,  appointed  a  general  agent  to  visit  the  chief  colleges 
in  the  Middle  West  and  South,  call  attention  to  the  value 
of  manual  labor,  and  issue  a  report  upon  the  subject. 


162  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Little  attention,  however,  was  given  in  the  literary  in- 
stitutions to  the  pedagogical  principles  underlying  this 
work.    As  material  conditions  improved  and  formal  so- 
improved,  the  ciai  iife  developed,  the  impracticability  of  the  scheme  was 
features  were  realized,  and  the  industrial  side  of  these  institutions  was 
given  up.        given  up.    This  physical  phase  was  then  replaced  by  col- 
lege athletics.    By  1840-50  most  of  the  schools  and  col- 
leges that  began  as  '  manual  labor  institutes  '  had  become 
purely  literary. 

industrial  A  further  movement  in  industrial  education  was  found 

education  has  jn  ^  establishment  of  such  schools  as  Carlisle,  Hampton. 

also     been 

adopted  for    and  Tuskegee,  which  adopted  this  training  as  a  solution 
f°r  peculiar  racial  problems.    But  the  original  idea  of 


problems,  for  Pestalozzi,  to  secure  redemption  through  manual  labor 

the  training  of  .  .        .        .  ., 

defectives       was  not  embodied  in  American  institutions  until  the  last 


quarter  °f  tne  century.  After  1873,  when  Miss  Mary 
for  increasing  Carpenter,  the  English  prison  reformer,  visited  the  United 
ofCthe  public  States,  contract  labor  and  factory  work  in  the  reforma- 
system.  tories  began  to  be  replaced  by  farming,  gardening,  and 
kindred  domestic  industries.  At  the  present  time,  more- 
over, the  schools  for  delinquents  and  defectives  in  the  New 
England,  Middle  Atlantic,  Middle  West,  and  most  of  the 
Southern  states,  have  the  Fellenberg  training,  though 
without  much  grasp  of  the  educational  principles  involved. 
Finally,  within  the  last  decade  there  has  also  been  a  grow- 
ing tendency  to  employ  industrial  training  or  trade  edu- 
cation for  the  sake  of  holding  pupils  longer  in  school  and 
increasing  the  efficiency  of  the  public  system.  In  so  far  as 
it  has  tended  to  replace  the  more  general  values  of  man- 
ual training,  once  so  popular,  with  skill  in  some  partic- 
ular industrial  process,  this  modern  movement  represents 
a  return  from  the  executive  occupational  work  started  by 


INDUSTRIAL  TRAINING  IN  EDUCATION  163 

Froebel x  to  the  philanthropic  practice  of  Fellenberg  and 
Pestalozzi. 

Hence  it  was  largely  through  the  practical  develop- 
ment of  this  great  disciple  at  Hofwyl  that  Pestalozzi 
has  had  a  marked  influence  upon  the  social,  as  well  as 
upon  the  psychological,  movement  in  modern  education. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 

I.  SOURCES 

FELLENBERG,  P.  E.  von.    Letters  from  Hofwyl. 

NEEF,  F.  J.  N.    Sketch  of  a  Plan  and  Method  of  Education  and 

The  Method  of  Instructing  Children  Rationally  in  the  Arts  of 

Reading  and  Writing. 
PESTALOZZI,  J.  H.    The  Evening  Hour  of  a  Hermit,  Letters  on 

Early  Education,  Leonard  and  Gertrude,  and  How  Gertrude 

Teaches  Her  Children. 

II.  AUTHORITIES 

BACHMAN,   F.  P.     The  Social  Factor  in  Pcstalozzi's  Theory   of 

Education  (Education,  Vol.  XXII,  pp.  402-414). 
BARNARD,  H.     American  Journal  of  Education.     Vol.  Ill,  pp. 

591-596;  X,  81-92;  XIII,  323-331;  XV,  231-236;  XXVI, 

359-368. 

GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.     Chap.  IX. 
GREEN,  J.  A.    Pestalozzi's  Educational  Writings. 
GREEN,  J.  A.    Life  and  Work  of  Pestalozzi. 
GUIMPS,  R.  de.    Pestalozzi,  His  Aim  and  Work.    (Translated  by 

Crombic.) 
HAMILTON,    C.  J.    Henri   Pestalozzi  (Educational   Review,    Vol. 

Ill,  pp.  173-184). 

HERISSON,  F.    Pestalozzi,  eleve  de  J.  J.  Rousseau. 
HOLMAN,  H.    Pestalozzi. 
HOYT,  C.  O.    Studies  in  the  History  of  Modern  Education.    Chap. 

in. 

1  See  pp.  2375  and  244^ 


164  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

KELLOGG,  A.  M.   Life  of  Pestalozzi. 

KING,  W.    The  Institutions  of  De  Fellenberg. 

KRUSI,  H.    Pestalozzi,  His  Life,  Work,  and  Influence. 

MISAWA,  T.    Modern  Educators  and  Their  Ideals.     Chap.  VI. 

MONROE,  W.  S.    Joseph  Neef  and  Pestalozzianism  in  the  United 

States  (Education,  Vol.  XIV,  pp.  449-461). 

MONROE,  W.  S.    The  Pestalozzian  Movement  in  the  United  States. 
MORF,  H.    Zur  Biographie  PestalozzVs. 
MUNROE,  J.  P.    The  Educational  Ideal.    Pp.  179-187. 
PARKER,  S.  C.     History  of  Modern  Elementary  Education.  Chaps. 

XIII-XVI. 

PAYNE,  J.    Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education.    Lect.  IX. 
PINLOCHE,    A.     Pestalozzi   and   the   Foundation  of   the   Modern 

Elementary  School. 

QUICK,  R.  H.    Educational  Reformers.    Pp.  354-383. 
SHELDON,  E.  A.    The  Oswego  Movement. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   COMMON   SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND 


Location,  Time,  and  Scope  of  the  Revival.  —  The  in-  During  the 
terest  in  the  improved  methods  of  Pestalozzi  and  other  ter  Of  the 
reformers  that  was  manifesting  itself  everywhere  in  the  nmeteenth 

century  there 

United  States  during  the  second  quarter  of  the  nine-  took  place  a 
teenth  century  seems  to  have  been  but  one  phase  of  a  ™£)"  aady 


much  larger  movement.    This  awakening  has  been  gen-  vance  in  P.ub- 

.  ,  lie  education, 

erally  known  as    the  common  school  revival,      which  which    has 
first  became  influential  during  the  latter  part  of  the  dec-  b,^en,  gener" 

ally  known  as 

ade  between  1830  and  1840.    It  had  its  storm  center  in  'the  common 

New  England,  since  this  portion  of  the  United  States  had  v;vai.' 

especially  fallen  into  an  educational  decadence,  but  every- 

where it  greatly  furthered  the  cause  of  public  education, 

which  had  as  yet  not  made  a  marked  advance  in  any 

state. 

As  we  have  found  in  Chapter  IV,  half  a  dozen  of 
the  states  had  started  an  organization  of  common 
schools,  and  in  a  dozen  others  permanent  school  funds  had 
been  started,  an  influential  minority  of  leading  citizens 
were  constantly  advocating  universal  education,  and  pub- 

1  'Revival'  is  an  unfortunate  term  that  has  come  to  be  accepted 
through  long  usage.  It  belongs  to  mediaeval  philosophy,  and,  if  we  hold 
to  evolution  and  progress,  it  scarcely  conveys  our  meaning.  While  its 
general  use  is  recognized,  it  has  been  avoided  here  and  in  other  chap- 
ters as  far  as  possible.  It  more  nearly  affords  an  accurate  description  of 
the  movement  in  New  England  than  in  the  other  parts  of  the  country, 
since  educational  conditions  there  had  actually  retrograded. 

165 


166  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

lie  interest  in  the  matter  was  evidently  increasing.  But 
the  consummation  of  a  regular  system  was  still  much  hin- 
dered by  sectarian  jealousies,  by  the  conception  of  public 
schools  as  institutions  for  paupers  and  the  consequent 
custom  of  allowing  private  schools  to  share  in  public 
funds,  and  by  the  unwillingness  of  the  wealthy  to  be 
taxed  locally  for  the  benefit  of  other  people's  children. 
While  these  obstacles  had  not  been  apparent  in  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Connecticut,  the  systems  in  these  states 
were  further  hampered  by  the  division  into  autonomous 
districts  and  by  the  interference  of  petty  politics,  and 
had,  in  consequence,  sadly  declined.  Educational  ideals 
were  everywhere  in  evident  need  of  expansion  and  further 
democratization,  and  school  methods  and  curricula,  as 
well  as  organization,  cried  aloud  for  radical  revision. 
As  a  result  of  the  reform  movement,  a  great  work  had 
been  accomplished  before  the  middle  of  the  century,  and 
its  influence  was  felt  up  to  the  close.  The  common 
schools  rapidly  increased,  and  high  schools,  the  true 
American  product  in  secondary  education,  began  to  be 
introduced  everywhere.  Appropriations  for  public  edu- 
cation were  multiplied,  and  salaries  became  large  enough 
to  attract  better  teachers  to  the  public  schools.  Normal 
schools  were  established  to  give  an  adequate  training,  and 
paid  supervision  became  part  of  the  system.  Text-books 
and  methods  were  greatly  improved.  As  the  demand  for 
an  awakening  was  most  felt  in  New  England,  and  the 
movement  was  most  in  evidence  there  and  was  stimu- 
lated by  the  work  of  several  of  the  greatest  reformers,  we 
shall  here  limit  the  discussion  to  that  part  of  the  country 
and  reserve  the  account  of  progress  elsewhere  during  this 
period  for  a  later  chapter. 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      167 

Early  Leaders  in  the  Awakening.  —  In  this  awakening  while  Horace 
the  most  conspicuous  figure  is  probably  Horace  Mann,  but  the  most  con- 


there  were  several  leaders  in  the  field  before  him,  many 

J     figure,     the 

were  contemporaneous,  and  the  work  was  expanded  and  movement 

deepened  by  others  of  distinction  long  after  he  withdrew  0^8^*sSCte!! 

from  the  scene.    For  a  score  of  years  before  Mann  ap-  fore  his  time- 

peared,  definite  preparation  for  the  movement  had  been 

in  progress,  and  the  labors  of  the  individuals  and  associ- 

ations engaged  in  these  endeavors  should  be  briefly  noted. 

Many  of  the  efforts  seem  to  have  aimed  at  an  improve-  Many  efforts 

....          were  made  to 

ment  in  methods  through  the  creation  of  an  institution  establish  an 
for  training  teachers,  thus  anticipating  one  of  the  great-  'f"f  '^n 
est  achievements  of  Mann.  As  early  as  1816  Denison  teachers; 
Olmstead,  at  that  time  principal  of  a  'union'  school  at 
New  London,  in  his  master  's  oration  at  Yale  urged  that 
a  seminary  for  the  gratuitous  training  of  schoolmasters 
be  opened,  and  proposed  a  curriculum  of  review  work, 
methods,  school  organization,  and  government,  but  met 
with  little  response.  Seven  years  later,  J.  L.  Kingsley,  a 
professor  in  Yale,  made  a  forceful  argument  in  the  North 
American  Review  for  a  similar  proposition.  In  1823  Wil- 
liam Russell,  principal  of  an  academy  in  New  Haven,  pub- 
lished his  Suggestions  on  Education,  in  which  he  held  that 
better  preparation  should  be  made  for  teaching  through 
the  establishment  of  a  professional  school.  Two  years 
after  this,  the  Rev.  T.  H.  Gallaudet  issued  a  series  of  able 
articles  on  normal  instruction,  including  an  experimental 
school,  which  were  republished  and  given  a  wide  circula- 
tion. About  this  time  also  actual  attempts  at  a  private 
normal  school  were  made  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  R.  Hall 
at  Concord,  Vermont  (1823),  Andover,  Massachusetts 
(1830),  and  Plymouth,  New  Hampshire  (1837). 


i68 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


several    asso- 
ciations   were 
founded  in 
the  interest 
of  common 
schools;  there 
was  great  ac- 
tivity on  the 
part    of    edu- 
cational jour- 
nals; and 
there  were 
published  a 
number  of  re- 
ports   upon 
first-hand 
investigation 
of  education 
in  Europe. 


But  the  great- 
est   contribu- 
tions  before 
Mann    were 
made  by 


Likewise,  there  were  several  associations,  like  the 
'American  Institute  of  Instruction,'  founded  in  the  in- 
terest of  common  schools  during  this  period.  A  number 
of  educational  journals,  moreover,  published  articles  on 
schoolbooks,  the  methods  of  Lancaster,  Pestalozzi,  Neef, 
Fellenberg,  the  infant  and  Sunday  schools,  physical  edu- 
cation, European  school  systems,  and  a  variety  of  other 
timely  topics  and  reforms.  Among  these  progressive  pub- 
lications were  the  Academician,  published  in  New  York 
by  Albert  and  John  W.  Pickett,  1818-1820;  the  Teacher's 
Guide  and  Parent's  Assistant,  issued  at  Portland,  Maine, 
1826-1827;  the  American  Journal  of  Education,  edited  by 
William  Russell  from  1826  to  1830,  and  then  continued 
from  1831  to  1839,  as  the  American  Annals  of  Education 
under  the  editorship  of  William  C.  Woodbridge,  and  the 
Quarterly  Register,  published  1828-1843  by  the  'Amer- 
ican Educational  Society.'  The  latest  European  ideas 
were  also  reported  from  first-hand  observation  by  a  num- 
ber who  had  gone  abroad  to  investigate.  The  most  in- 
fluential of  these  reports  was  A  Year  in  Europe,  written 
in  1819  by  Professor  John  Griscom,  who  was  a  lecturer 
before  several  New  York  associations,  including  the  Pub- 
lic School  Society.1  Almost  as  widely  read  were  the 
reports  of  William  C.  Woodbridge,  who  visited  Europe 
in  1820-1824;  of  Professor  Calvin  E.  Stowe  of  Lane  The- 
ological Seminary,  Cincinnati,  in  1836;  and  of  Alexander 
D.  Bache,  first  president  of  Girard  College,  Philadelphia, 
in  1839. 

Work  of  James  G.  Carter. — All  these  movements  indi- 
cate the  educational  ferment  that  was  going  on.  But  the 
predecessor  of  Mann,  who  accomplished  most  for  the 

1  See  p.  98. 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      169 

common  schools,  and  influenced  that  reformer  most  di-  James  G. 
rectly  was  James  G.  Carter  (1795-1849).  Henry  Barnard 
declares  that  to  Carter  "more  than  to  any  other  one 
person  belongs  the  credit  of  having  first  attracted  the  at- 
tention of  the  leading  minds  of  Massachusetts  to  the  ne- 
cessity of  immediate  and  thorough  improvement  in  the 
system  of  free  or  public  schools."  Carter  was  a  practical 
teacher  and  wrote  continually  in  the  newspapers,  espe- 
cially on  the  need  of  a  normal  institution  to  improve  in- 
struction in  the  public  schools.  These  popular  appeals, 
which  he  began  about  1824,  proved  very  successful.  His 
constructive  Outlines  of  an  Institution  for  the  Education  of 
Teachers,  which  was  widely  circulated  and  reviewed,  has 
earned  him  the  title  of  'father  of  the  normal  schools.' 
After  being  elected  to  the  legislature,  he  accomplished 
much  by  his  zeal  and  his  skill  in  parliamentary  tactics. 
Through  him  a  bill  was  passed  in  1826  to  reform  the  deca- 
dent system  of  Massachusetts.  By  it  each  town  as  a 
whole  was  required  to  choose  a  regular  committee,  instead 
of  the  ministers  and  selectmen,  to  supervise  the  schools,  who  con- 
choose  text-books,  and  examine,  certify,  and  employ  the  Vocated  nor- 
teachers.  The  act  was  strenuously  opposed  by  many  dis-  ma!  sch°°.Is> 

J  .  and   obtained 

tricts,  on  the  ground  that  it  deprived  them  of  their  accus-  legislation  for 
tomed  rights  of  local  autonomy,  and  the  following  year  ^J^00 
the  districts  were  allowed,  as  a  sop,  to  choose  a  commit-  elected  by  the 

I  i          i         i  i  •  i  <~r.i  re  r    town,   for  the 

Iteeman,  who  should  appoint  the  teachers,     ine  effect  01  support   of 
the  law  of  1826  was  largely  spoiled  by  this  compromise,  J^j1  fosrc^ools> 
but  the  enactment  proved  a  first  step  toward  the  central-  state  Board 
ization  and  supervision  of  schools.    In  1826  an  effort  was 
also  made  to  place  secondary  education,  which  was  largely 
conducted  by  academies,  more  under  public  control.    A 
law  was  passed,  requiring  each  town  of  five  hundred  fami- 


170  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

lies  to  support  a  free  English  high  school,  and  every  one  oi 
four  thousand  inhabitants  to  maintain  a  classical  high 
school,  in  which  pupils  could  be  fitted  for  college.  Next, 
in  1834,  Carter  succeeded  in  getting  a  state  school  fund 
established  from  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  lands  in  the 
province  of  Maine  and  the  state's  claims  against  the  fed- 
eral government  for  military  services.  By  this  act  the 
income  was  distributed  only  to  those  towns  which  raised 
one  dollar  of  taxation  for  every  child  of  school  age,  and 
made  the  returns  required  by  the  state.  But  Carter's 
greatest  and  most  fruitful  victory  was  won  in  1837,  when 
he  managed  to  procure  the  passage  of  the  bill  for  a  State 
Board  of  Education,  after  it  had  been  once  defeated,  by 
inducing  the  house  to  discuss  it  in  'committee  of  the 
whole.' 
TO  the  sur-  Horace  Mann  as  Secretary  of  the  Massachusetts 

prise  of  most    _,.-,-,  . 

people,  Hor-  Board. — By  reason  of  his  merits  as  an  educator,  his  per- 

and^ot^Car  sistent  efforts  in  behalf  of  educational  reform,  and  his 

ter,  was  advocacy  of  the  bill,  it  was  assumed  by  most  people  that 

tary  of  ^hc  Carter  would  be  chosen  as  secretary  of  the  new  board.  To 

new  state  their  surprise,  a  lawyer  named  Horace  Mann  (i  706-18  <;o) , 

board,  but  he  J 

proved,  both  at  that  time  president  of  the  senate,  was  selected  for  the 
and  htrafnin  Post>  but  the  choice  is  now  known  to  have  been  most  for- 
to  be  pecul-  tunate.  By  both  heredity  and  training  Mann  was  suffused 
with  an  interest  in  humanity  and  all  phases  of  philan- 
thropy, especially  education.  He  possessed  a  happy  com- 
bination of  lofty  ideals,  intelligence,  courage,  enthusiasm, 
and  legislative  experience,  which  equipped  him  admirably 
for  leadership  in  educational  reform.  The  law  proposed 
for  the  new  Board  of  Education  numerous  duties  in  the 
way  of  collecting  and  spreading  information  concerning 
the  common  schools  and  of  making  suggestions  for  the 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      171 

improvement  and  extension  of  public  education,  but  it 
provided  no  real  powers.  It  was  obvious  that  the  per- 
manence and  influence  of  the  board  would  depend  al- 
most wholly  upon  the  intelligence  and  character  of  its 
secretary,  and  the  peculiar  fitness  of  Horace  Mann  can 
alone  account  for  his  selection. 

Aids  and  Obstacles  to  Mann's  Reforms. — At  any  rate,  H*3  chief 
during  the  twelve  years  he  held  the  secretaryship,  Mann  veioping  edu- 
subserved  the  interests  of  the  state  most  faithfully.    To  cftlonal  sen- 

•'  timent  were 

awaken  the  people,  the  new  secretary  at  once  started  his  campaigns 
upon  an  educational  campaign  through  the  state,  and  dur-  lst  ™^ 
ing  each  year  of  his  tenure  he  made  an  annual  circuit  for 
this  purpose.  Besides  the  regular  trips,  Mann  held  him- 
self subject  to  calls  from  everywhere,  within  the  state  and 
out,  for  educational  meetings,  lectures,  and  addresses; 
and  when,  after  seven  years,  teachers'  institutes  were  in- 
troduced into  Massachusetts,  he  constantly  served  as  an 
efficient  lecturer  and  instructor.  An  even  more  effective 
means  of  disseminating  Mann's  reforms  was  found  in  the 
series  of  Annual  Reports,  which  he  issued  from  the  first,  Ws  A-nnud 

— rrr~      .....  Reports  and 

and  in  the  publication  of  his  Massachusetts  Common  Common 
School  Journal,  begun  in  the  second  year  of  his  adminis-  ^°°l  Jow' 
'tration.  The  Reports  were  by  law  to  give  information 
concerning  existing  conditions  and  the  progress  made  in 
the  efficiency  of  public  education  each  year,  and  to  discuss 
the  most  approved  organization,  content,  and  methods 
for  the  common  schools,  in  order  to  create  and  guide  pub- 
lic opinion  most  intelligently.  While  practically  every  ed- 
ucational topic  of  importance  at  the  time  is  dealt  with,  his 
suggestions  as  a  whole  maintain  a  definite  point  of  view 
and  a  connected  body  of  practical  doctrine.  Sometimes 
they  seem  commonplace,  but  it  must  be  remembered  that 


172  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

they  were  not  so  then,  and  that  the  work  of  Mann  did 
much  to  render  them  familiar.  While  addressed  to  the 
State  Board,  they  were  really  intended  for  the  citizens  of 
Massachusetts  in  general,  and  their  influence  was  felt  far 
beyond  the  confines  of  the  state.  They  vitally  affected 
school  conditions  everywhere  in  New  England,  and  were 
read  with  great  interest  in  all  parts  of  the  United  States, 
and  even  in  Europe.  The  Journal,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
issued  semi-monthly  and  consisted  of  only  sixteen  pages 
to  each  number.  It  was  devoted  to  spreading  information 
concerning  school  improvement,  school  law,  and  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  State  Board,  and  it  urged  upon  school 
officials,  parents,  and  children  their  duties  toward  health, 
morals,  and  intelligence,  but  was  not  as  valuable  as 
some  of  the  educational  journals  that  had  preceded  it. 
his  encourage-  Another  medium  in  the  improvement  of  educational  f  acil- 

mentof school    ,   . 

libraries,  ities  was  Mann  s  general  establishment  of  school  libraries 
by  state  subsidy  throughout  Massachusetts.  But  proba- 
bly the  most  permanent  means  of  stimulating  the  awak- 
ening and  propagating  the  reforms  led  by  Horace  Mann 

and  his  estab-  was  the  foundation  by  Massachusetts  of  the  first  public 

lishment  of  i         i        »      •         i  •  »  i     r  •        i       r 

the  first  three  normal  schools  in  this  country.     A  devoted  friend  of 
state  normal  Mann  Ofjereci  to  donate  ten  thousand  dollars  for  this 

schools. 

purpose,  in  case  the  state  would  supply  a  like  amount. 
This  generous  proposal  was  accepted  by  the  legislature 
in  1838.  It  was  decided  to  found  three  schools,  so 
located  that  all  parts  of  the  state  might  be  equally 
served.  The  course  consisted  in  a  review  of  the  com- 
mon branches  from  the  teaching  point  of  view,  work  in 
educational  theory,  and  training  in  a  practice  school 
under  supervision.  Despite  the  hostility  of  conserva- 
tives, incompetent  teachers,  and  sectarian  dogmatists, 


these  schools,  while  not  largely  attended,  were  a  great 
success  from  the  start. 

The  arduous  and  unremitting  labors  of  Mann  in  in-  H!s  arduous 
stituting  and  promoting  the  various  means  of  school  re-  ousiy  injurcd 
form  must  have  made  the  greatest  inroad   upon  his  his,  health; 

r  and   he  was 

strength  and  financial  resources.    He  was  frequently  af-  bitterly  Or> 
flicted  with  insomnia  for  weeks,  and  his  income  never  F 
amounted  to  a  living  wage.    But  a  more  trying  obstacle 
that  the  reformer  had  to  contend  with  was  the  dense  con- 
servatism and  bitter  prejudices  often  animating  people 
that  he  felt  ought  eagerly  to  have  supported  him.    The 
Board  and  its  secretary  were  for  years  violently  assailed 
by  reactionaries  of  all  types.    Attempts  were  early  made 
in  the  legislature  to  abolish  the  Board  of  Education  or  politicians, 
to  have  its  duties  and  powers  transferred  to  the  governor 
and  council,  but  after  a  fierce  fight  this  type  of  opposition 
ceased.     Mann's  controversy  with  the  Boston  school-  Boston  school 
masters  was  also  sharp,  but  decisive.    His  Seventh  An-^,  ^ 
nual  Report  (1843)  gaye  an  account  of  his  visit  to  foreign 
schools,  especially  those  of  Germany,  and  praised  with 
great  \varmth  the  '  Pestalozzian '  *  instruction  without 
text-books,  the  enthusiastic  teachers,  the  absence  of  arti- 
ficial rivalry,  and  the  mild  discipline  in  the  Prussian  sys- 
tem.   The  report  did  not  stigmatize  the  conservatism  of 
the  Boston  schools  or  bring  them  into  comparison  with 
those  of  Berlin,  but  the  cap  fitted.    The  pedagogues  were 
disquieted,  and  proceeded  to  answer  savagely.    But  when 
the  smoke  of  battle  had  cleared  away,  it  was  seen  that  the 
leaders  of  the  old  order  had  been  completely  routed.    A 
more  insidious  attack  was  that  led  by  the  ultra-orthodox.  an()  *e  ultra~ 

orthodox, 

The  old  schools  of  the  Puritans,  with  their  dogmatic  reli- 

1  See  p.  i3Qf. 


174  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

gious  teaching,  had  been  steadily  fading  for  more  than  a 
century  before  the  new  board  had  been  inaugurated,1  but 
many  narrow  people  were  inclined  to  charge  this  disap- 
pearance to  the  reformer,  whose  liberal  attitude  in  reli- 
gion was  well  known.  Throughout  the  contest,  however, 
Mann  held  that  the  Bible  should  be  read  in  the  public 
schools,  but  that  it  should  be  without  comment.  The  as- 
saults, which  culminated  with  articles  in  the  sectarian 
press  and  with  polemic  sermons,  were  vigorously  and  suc- 
cessfully repelled  by  the  secretary  and  others,  including 
but  these  many  of  the  more  sensible  orthodox  people.  However, 

difficulties  J 

were  the  mak-  while  these  different  controversies  wore  Mann  out  and 

refutation*3     probably  led  ultimately  to  his  resignation,  they  had  much 

to  do  with  making  his  reputation  as  a  great  educator. 

They  have  even  caused  us  at  times  to  forget  that  he  was 

but  a  striking  figure  in  a  general  movement.    Men  like 

Carter  were  in  the  field  long  before  him,  and  his  co-worker, 

Barnard,  served  the  cause  of  the  common  schools  for  half 

a  century  after  Mann  withdrew. 

Mann   advo-      Tne  Educational  Suggestions  and  Achievements  of 

cated    a    uni- 
versal  and      Mann. — Mann's  general  positions  and  specific  recommen- 

tion  of  "the  dations  concerning  education  may  easily  be  gathered  from 

highest  order,  his  Lectures,  Reports,  and  Common  School  Journal.    His 

chief  aim  foremost  principle  was  that  education  should  be  universal 

should  be  an(j  free>    Qjrls  should  be  trained  as  well  as  boys,  and  the 

moral    char-  ^  1/t  ' 

acter  and  so-  poor  should  have  the  same  opportunities  as  the  rich.  Pub- 
ciai  efficiency.  lic  schools  should  afford  education  of  such  a  quality  that 
the  wealthy  would  not  patronize  private  institutions  be- 
cause of  their  superiority.  This  universal  education,  how- 
ever, should  have  as  its  chief  aim  moral  character  and 
social  efficiency,  and  not  mere  erudition,  culture,  and 

1  See  pp.  io5f. 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      175 

accomplishments.  But  while  the  public  school  should 
cultivate  a  moral  and  religious  spirit,  this  could  not  be  ac- 
complished, he  felt,  by  inculcating  sectarian  doctrines. 
The  main  objection  urged  to  the  private  school  system  in 
his  First  Report  was  its  tendency  "to  assimilate  our 
modes  of  education  to  those  of  England,  where  Church- 
men and  Dissenters,  each  sect  according  to  its  creed, 
maintain  separate  schools  in  which  children  are  taught 
from  their  tenderest  years  to  wield  the  sword  of  polemics 
with  fatal  dexterity." 

But  Mann  was  mainly  a  practical,  rather  than  a  theo-  He  also 
retical,  reformer.    To  the  material  side  of  education,  he  proper  mate- 


gave  serious  attention.    He  declared  that  school  buildings  nal 

ment   for  the 

should  be  well  constructed  and  sanitary.    This  matter  schools. 

seemed  to  him  so  important  that  he  wrote  a  special  report 

upon  the  subject  during  his  first  year  in  office.    He  care- 

fully discussed  the  proper  plans  for  rooms,  ventilation, 

lighting,  seating,  and  other  schoolhouse  features,  and  in- 

sisted that  the  inadequate  and  squalid  conditions  which 

existed  should  be  improved.    In  his  Fourth  Report  also 

he   considered   many   of   the   physical   evils,   especially 

those  arising  from  pupils  of  all  ages  being  in  the  same 

room.    He  found  that  in  many  cases  this  was  the  result  of 

a  multiplication  of  districts,  and  suggested  '  union  '  schools 

or  consolidation  as  a  remedy.    As  to  methods,  he  main- 

tained that  instruction  should  be  based  upon  scientific  He  hdd  that 

.  .  T   •  -r.  methods 

principles,  and  not  upon  authority  and  tradition.    Pesta-  should  be 
lozzi's  inductive  method  of  teaching  received  his  approval,  ^d™  the' 
for  he  felt  that  the  pupils  should  be  introduced  at  first  teachers 
hand  to  the  facts  of  the  humanities  and  sciences.   The  work  tramed. 
should  be  guided  by  able  teachers,  who  had  been  tramed 
in  a  normal  school,  and  should  be  imparted  in  a  spirit  of 


176  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

mildness  and  kindness  through  an  understanding  of  child 

nature.     The  teachers,  who  should  be  men  as  well  as 

women,  ought  also  to  supplement  their  training  and  expe- 

rience by  frequently  gathering  in  associations  and  insti- 

He  exagger-    tutes.    In  the  matter  of  the  studies  to  be  pursued,  Mann 

importance  of  was  inclined  to  be  over-practical.    In  discussing  educa- 


tional  values,  he  failed  to  see  any  reason  "why  algebra, 
a  branch  which  not  one  man  in  a  thousand  ever  has  occa- 
sion to  use  in  the  business  of  life,  should  be  studied  by 
more  than  twenty-three  hundred  pupils,  and  bookkeeping, 
which  every  man,  even  the  day  laborer,  should  under- 
stand, should  be  attended  to  by  only  a  little  more  than 
half  that  number.  "  Similarly,  he  holds  that  of  all  sub- 
jects, except  the  rudiments,  physiology  should  receive  the 
most  attention,  and  he  writes  an  extended  essay  upon  its 
use  and  value.  He  exaggerates  the  importance  of  this 
subject,  possibly  as  a  result  of  his  devotion  to  phrenol- 
ogy; but  in  his  whole  espousal  of  subjects  that  will  pre- 
pare for  concrete  living,  he  seems  close  to  Spencer's  test 
of  "what  knowledge  is  of  the  most  worth.  "  1 
Mann  was  not  jn  order  that  these  various  reforms  might  be  realized. 

an      educa- 

tional phiios-  Mann  insisted  frequently  that  the  state  should  spare  no 

edicTtionar  labor  or  exPense-    But  in  a  republic  he  felt  that  "educa- 

missionary.      tion  can  never  be  attained  without  the  consent  of  the 

whole  people."     "All  improvements  in  the  school  sup- 

pose and  require  a  corresponding  and  simultaneous  im- 

provement in  public  sentiment.  "    It  was  such  a  general 

elevation  of  ideals,  effort,  and  expenditure  that  Horace 

Mann  sought,  and  for  which  he  began  his  crusade.    He 

was  a  man  of  action,  and  not  a  philosopher.    Nor  was  he 

the  only  reformer  of  the  times,  as  we  have  been  prone  to 

1  See  pp.  3275. 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      177 

believe  in  our  admiration  for  his  moral  earnestness  and  He  w*s  not 
great  devotion.  But  it  was  just  such  ethical  characteris-  former  of  " 
tics  as  his  that  were  needed  to  achieve  the  desired  reforms.  ^e  tim,?1  but 

'    rus   acnieve- 

and  that  largely  account  for  the  numerous  practical  re-  ments  were 
suits  accomplished  during  his  time.     And   the  evident 
progress  made  in  this  period  covers  a  wide  range.    During 
the  twelve  years  of  Mann's  secretaryship,  the  appropria-  he  doubled 

IT  •          •  the  appropria- 

tions made  for  public  education  in  Massachusetts  were  tions  for  pub- 
more  than  doubled.    Through  this  rise  in  enthusiasm  for  },1C  ?ducatlon; 

he  increased 

public  education,  the  proportion  of  expenditure  for  pri-  the  number 
vate  schools  in  the  state  was  reduced  from  seventy-five  to  ^e  teachers, 
thirty-six  per  cent  of  the  total  cost  of  schools.    The  sal-  the  len&th  of 

.         ,  .  ,  ,.         ,        .  .       ,     .  the  school 

aries  of  masters  in  the  public  schools  were  raised  sixty-two  year,  and  the 
per  cent,  and,  although  the  number  of  women  teachers  had  SeT* foresee 
grown  fifty-four  per  cent,  the  average  of  their  salaries  was  ondary  educa- 
also  increased  fifty-one  per  cent.    The  school  attendance  brought  about 
enormously  expanded  both  absolutely  and  relatively  to  s  j!led  suPer' 
the  growth  of  population,  and  a  full  month  was  added  to  professional 
the  average  school  year.    When  Mann's  administration 
began,  but  fourteen  out  of  forty-three  towns  had  complied 
with  the  high  school  law  of  1826,  but,  by  the  middle  of 
the  century,  fifty  new  high  schools  had  been  established, 
and   the  opportunities  for  secondary  education   under 
public  control,  which  had  been  declining  for  half  a  cen- 
tury, were  greatly  enlarged.    While  the  time  for  a  full 
appreciation  of  skilled  school  superintendents  had  not 
yet  arrived,   the  efficiency  of   supervision  was   largely 
increased   by   making   the   compensation   of    the   town 
visiting  committees,  established  through  Carter,   com- 
pulsory  by   law.    The    first    state    normal    schools    at 
last    appeared,    and    raised    immensely    the    standards 
of  teaching.    Teachers'  institutes,  county  associations, 


1 78  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and  public  school  libraries  were  given  general  popu- 
larity. 

Quite  as  marked  was  the  improvement  effected  in  the 
range  and  serviceability  of  the  school  studies,  in  text-books, 
methods  of  teaching,  and  discipline.  While  not  a  remark- 
able educationalist  himself,  Mann  rendered  practical  and 
brought  into  use  many  of  the  contributions  made  to  educa- 
tional theory  by  others,  and  thereby  anticipated  many  of 
the  features  of  later  educational  practice.  The  word 
method  of  reading  took  the  place  of  the  uneconomical,  ar- 
tificial, and  ineffective  method  of  the  alphabet,  and  the 
Pestalozzian  object  methods  and  oral  instruction  were  in- 
troduced. The  connection  between  physical  and  mental 
health  and  development  became  better  understood.  Thus 
during  this  educational  awakening  the  people  of  Massa- 
chusetts renewed  their  faith  in  the  common  schools.  Mann 
was  assisted  by  many  progressive  educators  and  teachers 
of  the  times  and  a  sympathetic  Board  of  Education,  but 
under  his  leadership  a  practically  unorganized  set  of 
schools,  with  diverse  aims  and  methods,  was  welded  into  a 
well-ordered  system  with  high  ideals.  The  experiment  of 
state  school  administration  under  the  control  of  a  board 
and  secretary  proved  to  be  so  satisfactory  that  until  1908 
it  retained  vogue  in  Massachusetts.  Even  now  the  only 
change  is  in  the  way  of  wider  powers  and  centralization  and 
the  recognition  of  the  responsibility  and  dignity  of  the  exec- 
utive officer  by  changing  his  title  to  state  commissioner. ' 1 

Henry  Barnard's  Part  in  the  Educational  Awaken- 
ing.—But  there  was  another  important  contribution  to 

1  In  1908,  after  the  state  commission  on  the  investigation  of  industrial 
education  made  its  report,  it  was  merged  in  the  State  Board,  and  pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  appointment  of  a  '  commissioner '  with  enlarged 
powers. 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      179 

the  awakening  made  by  a  New  Englander,  which  was  of  a  A  different 
rather  different  nature  from  that  connected  with  the  in-  that  was 
fluence  of  Horace  Mann.    Before  that  reconstruction  of  neecjed  (or  the 

awakening 

the  common  schools,  which  was  responsible  for  the  best  ele-  was  a  sys- 
ments  in  our  national  civilization,  could  be  at  all  complete,  sft™antlc0fXp° 
it  was  necessary  that  America  should  have  a  better  com-  European 

,  ,.,...  education. 

prehension  ot  what  was  being  done  in  education  elsewhere. 
The  United  States  had  for  two  centuries  been  undergoing 
a  gradual  transition  from  the  institutional  types  trans- 
planted from  England  and  the  Continent  in  colonial  days, 
and  was  coming  more  and  more  to  blossom  out  into 
democracy  and  the  people's  schools,  but  for  a  long  time 
there  was  little  knowledge  of  what  was  being  done  by  the 
other  countries  that  had  by  this  time  adopted  similar 
ideals.  Conceptions  of  universal  and  democratic  educa- 
tion and  of  improved  organization  and  methods  had 
slowly  developed  in  Prussia  and  other  German  states,  and 
had  extended  to  France  and  even  to  Holland,  Denmark, 
and  Sweden.  A  literature  connected  with  the  advanced 
theories  of  such  reformers  as  Rousseau,  the  philanthrop- 
inists,  Pestalozzi,  and  Fellenberg  had  likewise  grown  up 
in  Europe.  It  was  very  important  that  America,  now 
keenly  alive  to  the  need  of  educational  reorganization, 
should  become  acquainted  with  all  this,  that  the  new 
world  might  secure  the  advantages  of  comparison,  corrob- 
oration,  and  expansion  of  view  from  the  work  of  older  civi- 
lized peoples.  For  this  it  did  not  need  to  imitate  slavishly 
or  adopt  wholesale,  but  it  might  find  in  the  example  of 
other  lands  suggestions  to  be  modified  and  adapted  to  its 
needs. 

Much  of  this  enlargement  of  vision,  we  have  seen,1 

1  See  pp.  168  and  173. 


l8o  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

had  been  going  on  before  the  awakening  was  well 
under  way,  especially  through  the  reports  of  Americans 
that  had  inspected  the  educational  systems  of  Europe  or 
had  visited  places  where  the  educational  experiments  of 
the  various  reformers  were  conducted.  It  has  likewise 
been  indicated  that  a  number  of  treatises  on  foreign 
schools,  methods,  and  organization  had  been  published 
in  a  series  of  educational  journals  that  had  sprung  up  in 
the  United  States.  A  few  European  accounts,  like  that  of 
Cousin,1  had  also  been  translated.  Suggestions  of  elab- 
orate systems  of  popular  instruction  for  one  state  or 
another  had  several  times  been  published.  The  Mora- 
vians had  brought  in  the  educational  ideals  of  Comenius; 2 
Lancaster  had  come  to  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  to  exploit 
his  system  further; 3  and  Neef  had  introduced  the  methods 
of  his  master,  Pestalozzi,  into  Pennsylvania  and  else- 
where; 4  and  Mann  himself,  while  hampered  by  an  im- 
perfect knowledge  of  modern  languages,  had  been  pro- 
foundly influenced  by  Europe.5  But  the  time  was  now 
ripe  for  a  more  extensive  and  systematic  exposition  of 
European  education  and  its  application  to  popular  educa- 
tion in  America,  and  for  a  really  capable  scholar  to  bring 
these  world  views  within  the  grasp  of  all  classes  of  teachers 
and  educational  authorities. 

chid  woVof  Barnard  as  Secretary  of  the  Connecticut  State  Board.— 
the  scholarly  This  effective  literary  representative  of  the  awakening 
nard,  ai-  appeared  at  length  in  Henry  Barnard  (1811-1900),  who  is 
though  he  also  full  worthy  of  a  place  in  the  educational  pantheon  of 

performed  •  •' 

several  America.  While  still  in  his  teens,  Barnard  had  made  a 

1  See  pp.  148  and  150. 

2  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  272!!. 
8  See  pp.  S3ff.  4  See  p.  150.  6  See  p.  173. 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      181 

brilliant  record  at  Yale  for  general  scholarship,  and  a  practical  serv 
position  as  assistant  librarian  during  his  last  two  years  Educational 
in  college  did  much  to  afford  him  a  wide  grasp  of  bib-  admlnistra- 

tion. 

liography.  After  graduation,  he  had  obtained  a  valuable 
experience  in  teaching,  and,  by  travelling  extensively  in 
America  and  Europe,  he  had  formed  a  broad  acquaint- 
ance with  educational  institutions,  libraries,  galleries, 
and  social  conditions  in  all  the  leading  states  and 
nations. 

Although  Barnard's  real  work  was  found  in  his  accounts 
of  European  schools  and  education,  he  frequently  occu- 
pied important  places  in  educational  administration  and 
performed  many  direct   services  for  American  schools. 
For  this  mission  his  first  opportunity  came  in  his  native 
state.    Two  years  after  his  return  to  Connecticut,  he  be- 
gan his  part  in  the  educational  awakening  as  secretary  of  As  secretary 
the  new   State   Board   of   Commissioners  of    Common  nectkut 
Schools,  and  undertook  to  do  a  work  similar  to  that  of  state  Board, 

he  undertook 

Mann  in  Massachusetts.    The  public  schools  of  the  state  reforms  sim- 
certainly  stood  in   need   of  reforms.     Throughout   the  Mann  L  Mas- 
eighteenth  century  Connecticut  schools  had  been  among  sachusetts 

.  ,  ,  by  means 

the  most  efficient  in  the  country,  but  since  the  income  from  Of  his  Reports 
the  Western  Reserve  lands  had  begun,  in  1798,  and  es- 
pecially  after  this  had  been  increased  by  the  United  States  Journal, 
deposit  fund  in  1836,  public  education  had  steadily  de- 
clined. A  state  tax  was  still  maintained,  but  all  local  ef- 
fort was  paralyzed  through  lack  of  exercise.  No  doubt, 
too,  this  unwillingness  to  tax  the  locality  had  been  in- 
creased by  the  transferal  of  the  entire  management  of  the 
common  schools  from  the  town  to  the  'school  society,' 
which  was  a  species  of  district,  almost  identical  with  the 
oarish  of  each  Puritan  or  Congregational  church.  The  re- 


182  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

suits  of  this  ruinous  policy  had  been  revealed  in  an  inves- 
tigation made  by  the  legislature.  The  report  of  a  commit- 
tee showed  that  not  one-half  of  the  children  of  school  age 
were  attending  the  common  schools,  that  the  teachers 
were  poorly  trained  and  supervision  was  neglected,  that 
there  was  little  attention  given  to  courses  of  study,  build- 
ings, or  equipment,  and  that  there  was  little  general 
education  beyond  elementary  work. 

Add  to  this  the  fact  that  the  masses  of  the  people 
supposed  that  Connecticut  still  led  in  popular  education 
and  were  perfectly  satisfied,  and  it  can  be  seen  how  des- 
perate was  the  situation  to  be  overcome.    The  board  had 
little  authority,  except  to  inspect,  report,  and  stimulate 
the  common  schools  through  its  secretary.     In  his  re- 
ports, however,  Barnard  made  suggestions  for  a  complete 
plan  of  reformed  public  education,  gave  practical  advice 
concerning  school  buildings,  distribution  of  school  money, 
the  need  of  local  taxation,  uniform  schoolbooks,  grading 
of  schools,  a  public  seminary  for  secondary  instruction, 
the  duties  of  school  visitors,  and  the  professionalization 
and  permanency  of  teachers.     In  these  documents  and 
in  the  Connecticut  Common  School  Journal  that  he  estab- 
lished, he  began  his  rich  collection  of  material  bearing 
upon  popular  education  at  home  and  abroad.    But  Bar- 
nard was  more  a  scholar  and  literary  man  than  an  educa- 
tional statesman  like  Mann.     He  succeeded  in  getting 
and,  while  he  the  legislature  to  pass  several  reforms  and  a  general  revi- 
an  "attack  *  s^on  and  codification  of  the  school  laws,  and  in  arousing 
upon  the       several  towns  to  amend  their  educational  plans,  but  the 
cieties,'  the     crucial  difficulty  of  the  'school  societies'  could  not  be 
conservatives    touched  and  seems  to  have  been  carefully  avoided  in  all 

legislated  him  •* 

out  of  office,     his  discussions.    He  did,  however,  force  the  conservatives 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      183 

to  throw  off  the  mask  of  indifference  and  meet  him  with 
open  opposition.  At  the  end  of  four  years  they  suc- 
ceeded in  legislating  him  out  of  office  and  in  undoing  all 
his  reforms. 

Commissioner  of  Common  Schools  in  Rhode  Island.  —  After  collect' 

rrn  •  -r>  j  •*_  i  •     /•  •„       *n8  material 

Ims  gave  Barnard  an  opportunity  to  pursue  his  favorite  for  a  history 
investigations,  and  for  about  a  year  and  a  half  he  was  ?f  education 

0    .  '  J  in  the  United 

engaged  in  collecting  material  for  a  history  of  education  states  for  a 

in  the  United  States.     Then  he  was  persuaded  by  the  ^  a^ed  £e. 

governor  of  Rhode  Island  to  become  the  first  Commis-  came  the  first 

sioner  of  Common  Schools  for  that  state.    While  he  found  slower  of 


in  Rhode  Island  a  better  educational  sentiment  and  less  ^, 

Schools    for 


opposition  than  in  Connecticut,  the  actual  condition  of  Rhode   is- 

the   decentralized   and   individualistic   schools  was   far  there  wrought 

worse.1     But,   through  his  assemblies  of  teachers  and  rascal   re- 

.  .  .  forms     and 

parents  and  his  educational  treatises,  he  soon  began  to  published  ed- 


convince  the  people  of  the  unwisdom  of  district  organiza-    e 

tion,  untrained  teachers,  short  terms,  irregular  attend-  Rhode  island 

ance,  poor  buildings  and  ventilation,  and  meager  equip-  ^1°° 

ment.     He  also  continued  to  publish  his  collection  of 

educational   material    through    the    foundation    of    the 

Rhode  Island  School  Journal.    As  a  result  of  his  efforts, 

when  failing  health  compelled  him  to  resign  in  1849,  the 

state  no  longer  regarded  wilfulness  and  personal  opinion 

as  praiseworthy  independence,  and  he  could  honestly 

claim  that  Rhode  Island  had  at  the  time  one  of  the  best 

school  systems  in  the  United  States. 

State   Superintendent  of   Schools   in   Connecticut.  — 

But  the  clientele  that  Barnard  had  built  up  in  Connecti- 

cut continued  his  reforms  and  constructive  work  after  his 

departure,  and  improved  upon  them.    In  1851,  they  even 

1  See  pp.  1  1  if. 


1  84  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

succeeded  in  having  him  recalled  virtually  to  his  old  du- 

in  1851  he     ties.   He  was  designated  as  'State  Superintendent  of  Corn- 

to   Connect;-  mon  Schools,'  as  well  as  'Principal  of  the  State  Normal 

enable^  to"  SchooV  which  had  been  established  through  the  efforts 

carry  out  and  of  his  adherents.    The  state  had  now  learned  its  error  in 

reforms.          mingling  politics  with  education,  and  Barnard  was  able 

to  carry  out  his  reforms  unmolested.    Through  the  nor- 

mal school  he  sent  out  a  great  body  of  trained  teachers 

for  the  schools.    He  revised  the  school  code,  checked  the 

power  of  the  'school  societies/  or  districts,  consolidated 

and  simplified  the  organization  and  administration  of 

public  education,  made  a  more  equitable  distribution  of 

the  school  fund,  and  encouraged  local  taxation.     But 

his  most  distinctive  work,  as  might  be  expected,  was  on 

He  also  pre-  f-ne  literary  side.    He  prepared  a  valuable  series  of  doc- 

pared  docu-  m  L 

ments  upon     uments  upon  foreign  education,  normal  schools,  methods 

tion  and  other  °^  teaching,  school  architecture,  and  other  topics,  and  a 

topics,  and  a  long  report  upon  The  History  of  Legislation  in  Connecti- 

education    in  cut  Respecting  Common  Schools  up  to  1838.     This  last 

Connecticut,    document  was  not  merely  a  record  of  legislation,  but  a 

detailed  and  interesting  history  of  education  in  Connec- 

ticut, together  with  a  sketch  of  educational  effort  in  all 

the  other  states  that  had  made  any  progress 

While   still          Barnard's  American  Journal  of  Education.  —  It  was, 
founded  his     too,  during  the  last  days  of  his  Connecticut  superintend- 


of  ency  ^at  Henry  Barnard  suggested  the  establishment 
Education,  of  a  national  journal  of  education.  He  first  broached 
the  matter  to  the  '  American  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Education'  at  its  meeting  in  Washington, 
December,  1854.  But  the  association  soon  found  itself 
unable  to  pursue  this  enterprise  for  lack  of  financial 
support,  and  in  May  of  the  next  year  Barnard  undertook 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      185 

it  upon  his  own  responsibility.  In  a  general  circular  he 
announced  his  intention  to  supply  the  need  of  "a  series 
of  publications,  which  should,  on  the  one  hand,  embody 
the  matured  views  and  varied  experience  of  wise  states- 
men, educators,  and  teachers  in  perfecting  the  organiza- 
tion, administration,  instruction,  and  discipline  of  schools 
in  every  grade  through  a  succession  of  years,  under 
widely  varying  circumstances  of  government,  society,  and 
religion;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  expose  real  deficiencies, 
excite  to  prudent  and  efficient  action,  and  serve  as  a 
medium  of  free  and  frequent  communication  between 
the  friends  of  education  in  every  portion  of  these  great 
fields." 

This  was  the  beginning  of  the  epoch-making  work 
known  as  Barnard's  American  Journal  of  Education.    It 
was  planned  to  run  the  journal  for  five  years  only,  but 
the  period  of  publication  was  extended  from  time  to 
time  through  the  editor's  realization  of  its  importance. 
The  work  was  somewhat  interrupted  upon  occasions  by  which  even- 
other  duties,  but  it  continued  for  more  than  a  generation,  thirty-one 
until  at  length  thirty-one  large  octavo  volumes,  averaging  large    vo1; 

0  100    umcs;     ancj 

about  eight  hundred  pages  each,  had  been  issued.     In  fifty-two  spe- 
addition,  fifty-two  special  treatises  reprinted  from  articles  ".^"re-1305 
in  the  journal  brought  the  material  together  in  a  con-  printed  from 
nected  way.    Besides  giving  nearly  all  his  time  to  editing 
this  magnum  opus,  Barnard  sank  his  entire  fortune  of 
$50,000  in  its  publication.    Even  then  the  returns  were 
so  small  that  the  plates  were  kept  from  being  consigned 
to  the  melting-pot,  to  meet  his  indebtedness,  only  at  the 
eleventh  hour  by  the  formation  of  an  organization  of 
friends  to  save  them.     This  great  treasury  of  material  Jhf  7ork 

0 1  <  includes 

includes  every  phase  of  the  history  of  education  from  accounts  of 


i86  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

educational  the  earliest  times  down  into  the  latter  half  of  the  nine- 
contempora-  teenth  century.  It  furnishes  accounts  of  all  contem- 
neous  educa-  poraneous  systems  in  Europe  and  America,  descriptions 

tional  systems,  r 

of  professional  of  institutions  for  the  professional  training  of  teachers, 
teTchers  and  an(^  essays  upon  courses  of  study  for  colleges  and  tech- 
of  a  variety  of  nical  schools,  the  education  of  defectives  and  delinquents, 
physical  education,  school  architecture,  great  educators, 
and  a  large  variety  of  other  themes.  While  it  is  always 
most  reliable  in  its  treatises  upon  foreign  educational 
activity,  of  even  greater  value  is  its  practical  grasp  of 
educational  life  in  America  from  the  beginning.  It 
contains  the  greatest  collection  of  interesting  monographs 
upon  the  development  of  educational  ideals  and  organiza- 
tion in  the  various  states,  and  is  the  most  complete  de- 
scription in  literature  of  the  educational  life  of  a  nation. 
First  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education. — 
Barnard  was  at  various  times  offered  the  presidency  of 
institutions  of  higher  learning,  but,  with  the  exception  of 
brief  periods  in  the  headship  of  the  University  of  Wis- 
consin (1859-1861)  and  of  St.  John's  College,  Maryland 
(1866-1867),  he  always  declined  to  serve  in  this  capacity. 
He  must  have  learned  that  he  was  adapted  neither  by 
health  nor  temperament  to  an  administrative  position, 
and  his  interest  was  chiefly  in  the  common  schools  and 
educational  literature.  In  fact,  even  the  connection 
with  the  University  of  Wisconsin  appealed  to  him  mostly 
because  of  what  he  hoped  he  might  be  able  to  do  for 
popular  education  and  for  the  training  of  teachers 
through  the  accompanying  office  of  Agent  of  the  Board 
of  Normal  Regents.  His  work  at  St.  John's  College  had 
barely  started,  when  he  was  appointed  the  first  United 
States  Commissioner  of  Education.  This  office  Barnard 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      187 

had  been  constantly  trying  to  have  established  ever  since 

he  had  found,  as  Secretary  of  the  Connecticut  Board, 

how   absolutely   lacking   the   federal   government    was  He  had  hoped 

in  school  statistics  and  educational  documents.     Upon  government0 

several  occasions  he  is  recorded  to  have  brought  the  undertakethis 

work  of  pub- 

matter  before  a  national  organization  of  teachers.    He  Hcation 

hoped  especially  to  have  the  government,  with  its  larger  commissioner- 

influence  and  greater  means,  perform  the  sort  of  service  shiP  of  edu- 

.  cation,   and, 

that  he  afterward  undertook  at  his  own  expense  in  the  when  he  was 

American  Journal  of  Education.     In  this  way  facilities  c^led  !°  this 

J  J  omce,  he  sus- 

might  be  secured  to  collect  and  publish  reliable  educa-  pended  his 

tional  statistics,  and  to  issue  a  library  of  independent  useT^the 

treatises,  which  should,  when  complete,  form  an  ency-  Product  °f 

his   mvestiga- 

clopaedia  of  education.  tions  in  his 
The  bureau  was  not  created  for  many  years,  and  then         *1    re~ 


through  the  immediate  initiative  of  another,  but  when 

Henry  Barnard  was  called  as  first  commissioner  in  1867, 

he  organized  the  office  practically  upon  the  lines  he  had 

previously  suggested.   He  suspended  his  Journal  and  used 

the  product  of  his  investigations  in  the  annual  reports  of 

the  office.    His  wide  experience  with  European  and  Amer- 

ican educational  institutions  and  systems,  together  with 

his  splendid  library,  enabled  him  to  fill  his  publications 

with  rich  material  and  accomplish  the  work  rapidly.    He 

started  that  searching  inquiry  into  the  administration, 

management,  and  instruction  of  educational  institutions 

of  every  grade,  and  into  all  educational  societies,  school 

funds,    legislation,    architecture,    documents,    and   ben-  But   three 

ef  actions  that  have  since  been  maintained  by  the  Bureau  years  later 

of  Education.     However,  within  three  years  a  change  pfaced  in  the 

in  the  national  administration  brought  a  new  incum-  office  and  re- 

turned to  his 
bent  into  the  commissionership.    Barnard  then  gave  his  Journal. 


i88 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


This   was   his 
life  work  and 
marked  him 
as  the  repre- 
sentative of 
the    literary 
side   of   the 
educational 
awakening. 


It  is  not  a 
systematic 
account,  but 
a  great  the- 
saurus of  ma- 
terial. 


literary  efforts  once  more  to  his  beloved  Journal,  and 
until  his  death  a  generation  later  it  absorbed  his  entire 
attention. 

Value  of  Barnard's  Educational  Collections. — Hence 
an  experience  of  more  than  thirty  years  in  the  inspec- 
tion and  administration  of  schools  in  America  and  illu- 
minating visits  to  Europe  proved  only  introductory  and 
auxiliary  to  Barnard's  real  life  work  of  collecting  a  great 
educational  compendium.  By  temperament,  native 
ability,  and  habit,  he  proved  himself  well  fitted  to 
be  the  leading  representative  of  the  much  desiderated 
literary  side  of  the  awakening.  Through  his  work 
American  education  was,  in  its  period  of  greatest  devel- 
opment, granted  the  opportunity  of  looking  beyond  the 
partial  and  local  results  of  the  first  half  century  of 
national  life.  It  was  enabled  to  modify  and  adapt  to  its 
own  uses  the  educational  theories,  practices,  and  organ- 
izations of  the  leading  civilized  peoples,  and  to  bring 
together  for  a  comparative  view  sections  and  states  that 
were  widely  separated.  Those  who  have  criticized 
Barnard's  American  Journal  of  Education  on  the  ground 
of  its  being  confused,  unskillful,  and  careless  in  its 
editorship,  have  failed  to  understand  his  true  purpose. 
The  editor  did  not  intend  to  build  a  universal  encyclopae- 
dia of  education,  but  to  do  all  "with  special  reference  to 
the  conditions  and  wants  of  our  own  country."  To  that 
end  he  often  found  it  necessary  to  condense  important 
works  or  to  present  highly  scientific  methods  and  pro- 
found philosophic  systems  in  popular  form.  Nor  was  it 
possible  to  classify  and  work  out  a  connected  and  com- 
plete historical  account,  when  there  were  no  reliable 
records  or  collections  of  materials  in  existence.  It  was 


COMMON  SCHOOL  REVIVAL  IN  NEW  ENGLAND      189 

necessary  that  some  one  should  first  gather  the  infor- 
mation from  newspapers,  pamphlets,  memorials,  mon- 
ographs, and  plans,  and  publish  it  as  it  was  found.  In 
this  way  he  accomplished  a  more  valuable  work  than 
if  he  had  published  a  systematic  history  of  education 
in  the  United  States.  The  Journal  was  his  crowning 
work  and  a  means  of  international  repute.  The  exposi- 
tions of  Vienna  and  Paris,  as  well  as  those  in  this  country, 
decorated  him  with  medals,  and  he  was  lauded  by  educa- 
tors in  every  land.  This  great  thesaurus  of  information 
and  enlightenment,  in  connection  with  the  virile  efforts 
of  Mann  and  other  practical  leaders  in  education  through- 
out the  country,  has  made  the  American  educational 
awakening  one  of  the  most  fruitful  in  history,  and  has 
enabled  it  to  become  both  an  inspiration  and  a  guide 
in  the  remarkable  development  of  the  common  schools 
and  state  educational  systems  that  has  since  taken  place. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 

I.  SOURCES 

BARNARD,  H.    American  Journal  of  Education. 

MANN,  H.  Annual  Reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Massachusetts 
Board  of  Education  (1838-1849),  Common  School  Journal,  and 
Lectures  on  Education. 

MANN,  MARY.  Lectures  and  Annual  Reports  on  Education  of 
Horace  Mann  (Vol.  II  of  Atkinson's  Life  and  Works  of  Horace 
Mann). 

SUPERINTENDENTS  AND  COMMISSIONERS  OF  EDUCATION.  An- 
nual Reports  of  schools  in  the  various  states  of  New  England. 

II.  AUTHORITIES 

BOWEN,  F.  Mr.  Mann  and  the  Teachers  of  the  Boston  Schools 
(North  American  Review,  Vol.  LX,  pp.  224-246). 


igo  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

BOONE,  R.  G.    History  of  Education  in  the  United  States.    Chaps. 

VII-VIII. 

BROWNING,  O.     Henry  Barnard  (Encyclopedia  Britannica). 
COMBE,  G.    Education  in  America:  State  of  Massachusetts  (Edin- 
burgh Review,  Vol.  LXXIII,  pp.  486-502). 
DEXTER,    E.    G.    History   of   Education    in   the    United   States. 

Chaps.  VII-XIII. 

GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.    Chap.  XIII. 
HARRIS,  W.  T.    Horace  Mann  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  XII, 

pp.  105-119). 
HINSDALE,  B.  A.    Horace  Mann  and  the  Common  School  Revival  in 

the  United  States. 

MANN,  MARY.    Life  of  Horace  Mann. 
MARTIN,  G.  H.    Horace  Mann  and  the  Revival  of  Education  in 

Massachusetts   (Educational  Review,   Vol.   V,   pp.   434-450). 
MARTIN,  G.  H.    The  Evolution  of  the  Massachusetts  Public  School 

System.    Lects.  IV- VI. 
MAYO,  A.  D.    Horace  Mann  and  Henry  Barnard  (Report  of  the 

United  States  Commissioner  of  Education,  1896-1897.    Vol.  I, 

Chaps.  XV  and  XVI). 

MONROE,   W.   S.     The   Educational  Labors  of  Henry  Barnard. 
PARKER,  F.  W.    Horace  Mann  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  XII, 

pp.  65-74). 
WINSHIP,  A.  E.    Horace  Mann  the  Educator. 


CHAPTER  VII 

DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE 

Froebel  and  Herbart  as  Disciples  of  Pestalozzi.— 

Before  considering  the  educational  development  that 
took  place  later  as  a  result  of  the  awakening,  it  may 
now  be  well  to  take  up  some  of  the  wider  movements 
that  have  affected  modern  educational  practice  every- 
where. In  the  discussion  of  naturalism,  observation,  and 
industrial  training,  we  have  noted  great  improvements 
taking  place  in  educational  practice  and  have  witnessed 
the  rise  of  the  psychological  tendency  in  education.  The 
germs  of  this,  as  of  other  modern  educational  movements, 
were  found  in  the  suggestions  of  Rousseau,  and  were 
developed  into  more  constructive  and  practical  sugges- 
tions by  the  philanthropinists,  Pestalozzi,  and  Fellenberg. 
The  positions  of  Pestalozzi  were  somewhat  vague  and 
were  based  upon  sympathetic  insight  rather  than  sci- 
entific principles,  but,  besides  leaving  a  direct  influence 
upon  the  teaching  of  certain  subjects  in  the  elementary 
curriculum,  they  became  the  basis  of  the  elaborate 
systems  of  Herbart  and  Froebel.  And  the  development  Herbart  and 

f  •  1111  Froebel     may 

of  educational  practice  introduced  by  these  latter  edu-  be  considered 
cators  has  most  profoundly  affected  the  content  and  Jj°"c-p™f  r0a{ry 
method  of  the  course  in  all  stages  of  modern  training.  Pestalozzi. 
Herbart  and  Froebel  may  be  regarded  as  contemporary 
disciples  and  interpreters  of  the  Swiss  reformer,  who  was 
born  a  generation  before,  but  they  continued  his  work 

191 


IQ2  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

along  rather  different  lines.  Each  went  to  visit  Pesta- 
lozzi, and  it  would  seem  from  their  comments  upon  what 
they  saw  that  each  found  in  the  master  the  main  principle 
which  appealed  to  him  and  which  he  afterward  developed 
more  or  less  consistently  throughout  his  work. 

There  were  two  very  definite  aspects  to  Pestalozzi's 

positions,  which  may  at  first  seem  opposed  to  each  other, 

but  are  not  necessarily  contradictory.    On  the  one  hand, 

Pestalozzi  seems  to  have  held  that  education  should  be  a 

natural  development  from  within;  on  the  other,  that  it 

must  consist  in  the  derivation  of  ideas  from  experience 

Fhas!zed  l^e  w*tn  ^e  outside  world.    The  former  point  of  view  would 

aspect  of        logically  argue  that  every  characteristic  is  innate  and 

natural0^3  implicit  in  the  child  at  birth  in  the  exact  form  to  which  it 

veiopment       js  afterward  to  be  developed,  and  that  the  teacher  can 

from  within  t  A< 

and  stressed  at  best  only  assist  the  child's  nature  in  the  efforts  for 
his6  actividesl  its  own  unfolding.1  This  attitude  Pestalozzi  apparently 
borrowed  from  the  psychology  implied  in  Rousseau's 
naturalism.  The  other  conception  of  education  as  sense 
perception,  which  is  evident  in  Pestalozzi's  observational 
methods,2  depends  upon  the  theory  that  immediate  and 
direct  impressions  from  the  outside  are  the  absolute 
basis  of  all  knowledge,  and  holds  that  the  contents  of 
the  mind  must  be  entirely  built  up  by  the  teacher.  Some 
such  naive  interpretation  has  been  common  since  specula- 
tion began,  especially  among  teachers,  and  had  been 
formulated  in  Pestalozzi's  day  by  Locke,  Hume,  and 
others.  In  the  main,  Froebel  took  the  first  of  these 
Pestalozzian  viewpoints  and  rarely  admits  the  other,  but 

1  This  view  is  especially  revealed  in   the  quotations  concerning  his 
educational  aim,  given  in  Chapter  V,  pp.  i3?f- 

2  See  pp.  I39f. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        193 

the  latter  phase  was  developed  by  Herbart  to  the  almost  Hcrhart  in 
total  disregard  of  the  former.    Hence  the  one  educator  adopted    the 
laid  emphasis  upon  the  child's  development  and  activ-  V1T  of  edu~ 

1    _  cation  as  im- 

ities,  and  the  other  concerned  himself  with  method  and  pressions 
the  work  of  the  teacher.1    The  original  contributions  of    ™™  ™n_°ut' 
both  reformers  to  educational  practice,  however,  were  cerned  him- 

•  •  se'f    mainly 

large,  and  are  deserving  of  extended  description.     As  Wuh  method 
Herbart  began   to  formulate  his  principles   somewhat  ^jjj!16 
before  Froebel  became  interested  in  education,  he  will 
here  be  treated  first. 

The  Early  Career  and  Writings  of  Herbart. — Johann 
Friedrich  Herbart  (1776-1841)  both  by  birth  and  by  edu- 
cation possessed  a  remarkable  mind  and  was  well  calcu-  Herbart's  tra- 

•11-11  AH    ditions     were 

lated  to  become  a  profound  educational  philosopher.    All  aii  inteiiec- 
his  traditions  were  intellectual.    His  paternal  grandfather  )"al>  and  m 

the    gymna- 

was  rector  of  the  gymnasium  at  Oldenburg,  Herbart's  sium    and 

,  ,  .     f    .  i  i  ,        •  university   he 

native  town,  and  his  father  was  a  lawyer  and  privy  coun-  distinguished 
cilor  there.    Moreover,  the  mother  of  Herbart  is  known  nimstlf    m 

(Jreek,  matne- 

to  have  been  'a  rare  and  wonderful  woman,    who  was  matics,  and 
able  to  assist  her  son  in  his  favorite  studies  of  Greek, 
mathematics,  and  philosophy.    While  still  a  youth  in  the 

1  The  Riding  Principle  of  Method  by  Antonio  Rosmini-Serbati  (1797- 
1855)  represents  a  third  possible  development  of  Pestalozzi's  theories. 
It  seems  to  emphasize  Pestalozzianism  upon  the  emotional  side,  as  do 
the  doctrines  of  Herbart  and  Froebel  upon  the  cognitional  and  volitional 
sides  respectively.  His  professed  aim  was  a  natural  development  to 
moral  perfection  through  obedience  to  law,  human  and  divine,  natural 
and  revealed.  The  system  also  unites  the  ordered  evolution  of  Froebel 
and  the  apperception  of  Herbart.  Although  it  grew  out  of  his  subtle 
system  of  metaphysics,  and  is  not  fully  emancipated  from  the  scholastic 
effort  to  reduce  all  intellectual  processes  to  categories,  it  professes  to 
adopt  the  observational  attitude  of  modern  science  and  the  psychological 
method.  However,  outside  of  Italy,  there  were  few  schools  conducted 
upon  his  principles,  and  his  theories  have  exerted  little  influence  upon 
educational  practice. 


IQ4  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

gymnasium,  Herbart  distinguished  himself  by  writing 
essays  upon  moral  freedom  and  other  metaphysical  sub- 
jects. At  the  University  of  Jena,  under  the  inspiration 
of  Fichte,  he  produced  incisive  critiques  upon  the  trea- 
tises of  that  philosopher  and  of  the  other  great  idealist 
of  the  age,  Schelling.  He  was  also  influenced  here  by  the 
enthusiasm  for  Greek  displayed  by  the  advocates  of  '  new 
humanism.'  This  literary  movement  had  its  seat  near 
Jena,  at  Weimar,  the  abode  of  Herder,  Goethe,  and 
Schiller.  Herbart  became  an  ardent  student  of  the  Odys- 
Each  of  the  sey,  and  among  other  writings  produced  a  treatise  on 
C  destined  some  musical  aspects  of  the  epics  of  Homer.  Likewise, 


was 


to  play  a  part  foe  continued  his  interest  in  mathematics,  and  his  train- 

in     his    edu- 


>  .  . 

ing  in  each  of  the  three  subjects  was  destined  to  play  a 
part  in  his  educational  theories. 

Just  before  graduation,  however,  Herbart  left  the  uni- 
versity to  become  private  tutor  to  the  three  sons  of  Herr 
von  Steiger-Reggisberg,  Governor  of  Interlaken,  Switzer- 
land. During  the  period  of  almost  three  years  (1797- 
1799)  that  he  occupied  this  position,  he  obtained  a  most 
valuable  practical  experience.  He  was  required  by  his 
patron  to  make  bi-monthly  a  written  report  of  the  meth- 
ods he  used  and  of  his  pupils'  progress  in  their  studies  and 
conduct.  Five  of  these  letters  are  still  extant,  and  reveal 
the  germs  of  the  elaborate  system  that  was  afterward  to 
bear  the  name  of  Herbart.  The  youthful  pedagogue  seems 
to  have  recognized  the  individual  variations  in  children, 
and  to  have  shown  a  due  regard  for  the  respective  ages 
of  his  pupils,  who  were  eight,  ten,  and  fourteen  years  old. 
He  also  sought,  by  means  of  his  beloved  Odyssey,  to  de- 
velop in  them  the  elements  of  morality  and  a  'many- 
sided  interest.'  This  early  experience,  rather  than  his 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        195 

ingenious  system  of  psychology  and  metaphysics,  which  but  a  practi- 
he  afterward  developed  in  explanation,  was  the  real  as  a  private 
foundation  of  his  pedagogy,  and  furnished  him  with  the  tut,or  ™as  ^ 

0</ '  real     founda- 

concrete  examples  of  the  characteristics  and  individ-  tion  of  his 
ualities  of  children  that  appear  in  all  his  later  works.    He  **  agogy' 
ever  afterward  maintained  that  a  careful  study  of  the  de- 
velopment of  a  few  children  was  the  best  preparation 
for  a  pedagogical  career,  and  eventually  made  an  expe- 
rience of  this  kind  the  main  element  in  his  training  of 
teachers. 
While  still  in  Switzerland.  Herbart  met  Pestalozzi  and  "avil?g  Tet 

Pestalozzi    at 

was  greatly  attracted  by  the  underlying  principles  of  Burgdorf,   he 
that  reformer.    He  paid  a  visit  to  the  institute  at  Burg-  ^Stejret 
dorf  in  1700,  and  during  the  next  two  years,  while  at  and  suppie- 

.      J  .  .        ment     that 

Bremen  completing  his  interrupted  university  course,  he  reformer's 
undertook  to  advocate  and  render  more  scientific  the  PrmQPles    »» 

two   essays. 

thought  of  the  Swiss  educator.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
Herbart  wrote  a  sympathetic  essay  On  Pestalozzi' s  Latest 
Writing,  'How  Gertrude  Teaches  Her  Children,'  and  made 
his  interpretation  of  Pestalozzi' s  Idea  of  an  A  B  C  of  Ob- 
servation. In  the  former  work,  Herbart  describes  what 
he  saw  at  Burgdorf  and  defends  some  of  the  methods, 
which  had  been  severely  criticized.  He  also  suggests 
supplementing  the  observational  work  of  Pestalozzi  with 
a  study  of  triangles.  He  carries  this  idea  further  in  the 
latter  treatise,  and  attempts,  as  a  result  of  his  mathe- 
matical bent,  to  found  the  methods  of  Pestalozzi  upon  a 
definite  theory  of  mechanics.  While  in  Bremen  also  he 
made  public  addresses  in  which  he  tried  to  explain  and 
expand  the  Pestalozzian  practice. 

The  Moral  Revelation  of  the  World  and  The  Science 
of  Education. — Following  this  period,  from  1802  to  1809, 


196  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Herbart  lectured  l  on  pedagogy  at  the  University  of  Got- 
whiie  lectur-  tingen.  While  here,  among  other  pedagogical  works,  he 
formulated  his  final  position  On  the  Point  of  View  in  Judg- 
ing the  Pestalozzian  Method  of  Instruction,  and  published 
liis  ideas  On  the  Moral  Revelation  of  the  World  as  the  Chief 
Function  of  Education.2  By  this  time  he  seems  to  have 
lated  his  own  iarnrely  crystallized  his  own  system.  Pestalozzi  had  by 

Mural  Revela-       .  .  .          . 

tian  of  the  his  later  works  made  evident  the  faults  in  his  methods, 
^orkva^Tte  an<^  Herbart  no  longer  strives  to  conceal  their  vagueness 
and  want  of  system.  In  both  of  the  Gottingen  treatises 

.        •        .          .      .  ,,..  ., 

he  further  insists  upon  educative  instruction,  or  real 
ethical  training.  Sense  perception,  he  holds  with  Pesta- 
lozzi, does  supply  the  first  elements  of  knowledge,  but  the 
material  of  the  school  course  should  be  arranged  with 
reference  to  the  general  purpose  of  instruction,  which  is 
moral  self-realization.2  His  position  on  the  moral  aim  of 
education  was  made  even  more  explicit  in  his  standard, 
though  deeply  metaphysical,  work  on  The  Science  of  Ed- 
ucation,3 which  he  produced  shortly  afterward  (1806). 
His  Seminary  and  Practice  School  at  Konigsberg. — 
In  1809  Herbart  was  called  to  the  chair  of  philosophy  at 

1  His  position  was  at  first  that  of  a  Privaldocenl,  or  instructor  that  does 
not  receive  a  regular  salary,  but  is  given  a  percentage  of  the  fees  of  the 
students  attending  his  lectures. 

2  Ueber  die  asthctischc  Darslellung  der  Welt  als  Hauplgcschaft  der  Erzie- 
hung.    With  Herbart,  the  essence  of  the  moral  judgment  is  'aesthetic' 
at  bottom,  and  is  entirely  without  proof.    It  deals  with  such  relations 
among  volitions  as  please  or  displease.    This  work  was  originally  intended 
as  an  appendix  to  the  second  edition  of  his  Pcstalozzi's  Idea  of  an  A  B  C 
of  Observation,  but  it   proved   to  be  a  forerunner  of   The  Science  of 
Education.    It  contains  in  outline  all  the  positions  systematically  devel- 
oped in  the  more  elaborate  treatise. 

3  The  translation  of  the  title,  Allgemeine  Padagogik,  adopted  by  Felkin, 
is  used  here 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        197 

Konigsberg,  and  there  did  a  great  work  for  educational  As   Kant's 

....       .    .  .  ,  .        successor  at 

theory  and  practice.     He  soon  established  his  now  his-  Konigsberg, 


toric  pedagogical  seminary  and  the  small  practice  school  «  d 
connected  with  it.  This  constituted  the  first  attempt  at  famous  peda- 
experimentation  and  a  scientific  study  of  education  on  ^yl  and™ 
the  basis  now  generally  employed  in  universities.  The  practice 

...  .  school,    and 

students,  who  taught  in  the  practice  school  under  the  developed  a 
supervision  and  criticism  of  the  professor,  were  intending  s^stcehmj  o£ 
to  become  school  principals  and  inspectors,  and,  through  as  a  basis  for 
the  widespread  work  and  influence  of  these  young  Her- 
bartians,  the  educational  system  of  Prussia  and  of  every 
other  state  in  Germany  was  greatly  advanced.    In  his 
numerous  publications  at  Konigsberg,  Herbart  devoted 
himself  chiefly  to  works  on  a  system  of  psychology  as  a 
basis  for  his  pedagogy,  but  he  also  wrote  a  number  of 
minor  essays  and  letters  upon  education. 

The  Matured  System  in  His  Outlines  of  Educational  f-ate  in  life- 

.he  returned  to 

Doctrine.  —  The  conservatism  and  opposition  to  free  in-  Gottingen, 
quiry  in  Prussia,  however,  eventually  became  too  re-  j-Jl"^^ 
strictive  for  a  man  of  Herbart's  progressive  temperament,  tion  of  his 

.  „       .      ,  system  in  his 

After  serving  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  m  Konigsberg,  outlines  of 
he  accepted  a  call  to  a  professorship  of  philosophy  at 
Gottingen  and  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life  were  spent 
in  expanding  his  pedagogical  positions  and  lecturing  with 
great  approval  at  his  old  station.  Here,  in  1835,  he 
issued  the  first  edition  of  his  Outlines  of  Educational  Doc- 
trine.1 This  treatise  gives  an  exposition  of  his  educa- 
tional system  when  fully  matured.  It  contains  brief 
references  to  his  mechanical  metaphysics  and  psychology, 

1  The  title  is  that  used  in  Lange  and  De  Garmo's  translation.  In  1835 
he  published  his  Umriss  padagogischcr  Vorlcsungen,  but  six  years  later  he 
embodied  it  in  the  new  edition  of  his  Umriss  der  allgemeinen  Pddagogik. 


198 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


but  is  as  practical,  sensible,  and  well  organized  a  dis- 
cussion of  the  educational  process  as  has  ever  been  pub- 
lished. The  work  proved  to  be  his  swan's  song,  for, 
shortly  after  the  new  edition  appeared,  Herbart  died  at 
the  height  of  his  reputation. 

Herbart's    '  Ideas  '    and    '  Apperception    Masses.'— 

,          ,  ,  . 

Herbart  s  metaphysical  psychology  grew  out  of  his 
interest  in  philosophy,  and  was  probably  an  after- 
thought  to  his  educational  doctrines.  It  seems  to  have 
been  largely  developed  to  afford  a  scientific  basis  for 
tne  method  of  pedagogical  procedure  that  he  had  worked 

*. 

out  of  his  experience  as  a  tutor  and  his  acquaintance  with 
^e  Pestalozzian  practice.  But  some  explanation  of  his 
elaborate  psychology  may  serve  to  make  clearer  his 
educational  principles.  With  the  possible  exception  of 
Kant's  educational  theories,  Herbart's  was  the  first  real 
system  of  education  that  was  related  to  a  psychology 
invented  by  the  founder.  His  psychological  positions 
have  now  been  almost  entirely  abandoned  or  recon- 
structed, but  the  idea  of  justifying  educational  practice 
through  an  appeal  to  some  system  of  psychology,  and 
as  a  logical  deduction  from  the  laws  of  development  in 
the  child's  mind,  has  been  productive  of  a  marked  ad- 
vance in  pedagogy.  Herbart's  system  of  psychology 
was  largely  an  outgrowth  of  his  own  introspection.  For 
the  most  part  he  holds  that  the  mind  is  built  up  by  the 
outside  world,  and  he  is  generally  supposed  to  have  left 
no  place  for  instincts  or  innate  characteristics  and 
tendencies.1  With  him  the  simplest  elements  of  con- 

1  In  this,  however,  both  the  devotees  of  Herbart,  such  as  De  Garmo 
was,  or  those  more  critical,  like  Adams,  have  overlooked  the  'empirical' 
part  of  his  Psychology  and  the  whole  of  his  Applications  of  Psychology. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE       199 

sciousness  are  'presentations,'  or  ideas,  which  result 
from  the  varying  states  into  which  the  soul  is  thrown  in 
endeavoring  to  maintain  itself  against  external  stimuli. 
They  are  atoms  of  mind  stuff  thrown  off  from  the  soul 
as  the  product  of  its  contact  with  environment. 

The  main  function  of  the  soul  is  thus  to  become  the 
parent  of  ideas,  and  the  mind,  which  is  simply  the  ag- 
gregate of  the  ideas,  is  gradually  constructed  by  this 
'  psychological  mechanism.' 1  Once  produced,  the  ideas 
become  existences  with  their  own  dynamic  force,  and  con- 
stantly strive  to  preserve  themselves.  They  struggle  to 
attain  as  nearly  as  possible  to  the  summit  of  conscious- 
ness, and  each  idea  tends  to  draw  into  consciousness  or 
heighten  those  allied  to  it,  and  to  depress  or  force  out 
those  which  are  unlike.  Hence  in  the  constant  interaction  He  held  that 

...  'similar' ideas 

between  ideas  present  at  the  same  time  m  consciousness,  fusej    <dis- 
'  similar '  ideas  fuse  or  combine  into  a  homogeneous  whole.  Paratf ' ldeas 

combine,   and 

and  become  more  powerful  in  resisting  all  efforts  to  drive  'contrary' 
them  out  of  consciousness;  'disparate'  ideas,  or  those 
which  cannot  be  compared,  also  combine,  but  form  a  com- 
plex or  group  rather  than  an  indistinguishable  unity; 
while  'contrary,'  or  hostile,  ideas  produce  actual  opposi- 
tion, and  each  attempts  to  drive  the  other  out  of  con- 
sciousness. For  example,  'sweetness'  and  'whiteness' 
would  be  'disparate'  ideas,  since  they  are  not  of  the  same 

In  these  works  he  leaves  as  much  room  for  the  innate  as  could  be  asked, 
for  he  admits  that  the  'psychological  mechanism'  never  works  itself  out 
completely.  In  the  body,  which  is  somehow  joined  with  the  soul,  are 
innate  predispositions,  which  may  retard  or  stimulate  the  ideas,  and 
"the  psychological  mechanism  is  thus  interfered  with  in  characteristic 
fashion."  W.  H.  Kilpatrick  of  Columbia  University  has  probably  been 
the  first  to  point  out  Herbart's  position  in  this  matter, 
p.  200,  footnote  r. 


200  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

class  and  might  co-exist  in  our  idea  of  an  object,  but 
'whiteness'  and  'blackness'  are  so  'contrary'  that  one 
would  necessarily  contradict  and  drive  the  other  out. 
Each  new  idea  or  group  of  ideas  is,  therefore,  retained, 
modified,  or  rejected,  according  to  its  degree  of  harmony 
or  conflict  with  the  previously  existing  ideas.1  In  other 
words,  all  new  ideas  are  interpreted  through  those  al- 
ready in  consciousness. 
hence  we  This  principle  which  Herbart  called  apperception,  is 

have    apper- 

ception,' or     the  central  doctrine  in  his  whole  educational  system,  and 
ne  wor^s  it  out  mathematically  2  and  constantly  returns 


new    ideas      to  ft  from  many  different  angles.   In  accordance  with  '  ap- 

through  those  , 

already   in      perception    the  teacher  can  hope  to  secure  interest  and 
conscious-        j_he  attention  of  the  pupil  to  any  new  idea  or  set  of  ideas 

ness.  J 

and  have  him  retain  it,  only  through  making  use  of  his 
body  of  related  knowledge.  The  educational  problem 
thus  becomes  how  to  present  new  material  in  such  a  way 
that  it  can  be  '  apperceived  '  or  incorporated  with  the  old. 
Hence,  too,  the  mind  of  the  pupil,  which  is  thus  prac- 
tically built  up  by  environment,  must  be  largely  in  the 
hands  of  the  teacher,  since  he  can  make  or  modify  his 
'apperception  masses,'  or  systems  of  ideas. 
The  aim  of  The  Moral  and  Religious  Aim  of  Education.  —  In 

education     is  .  ....  r  ......... 

the  attain-     keeping  with  this  control  of  the  pupil  s  destiny  by  his 
mentofchar-  instructors,  Herbart  holds  that  the  aim  of  education 

acter. 

should  be  to  establish  the  moral  life  or  character.    His 
Outlines  opens  with  the  statement: 

1  See  p.  198,  footnote. 

2  Herbart  here  reveals  in  full  his  interest  and  training  in  mathematics, 
and  develops  a  complete  mechanics  of  ideas.    On  the  analogy  of  psychical 
tensions  to  physical  forces,  he  works  out  a  system  of  mental  statics  and 
dynamics  that  may  be  quantitatively  determined. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        201 

"The  term  'virtue'  expresses  the  whole  purpose  of  education. 
Virtue  is  the  idea  of  'inner  freedom,'  which  has  developed  into  an 
abiding  actuality  in  an  individual.  Whence,  as  inner  freedom  is  a 
relation  between  'insight'  and  'volition,'  a  double  task  is  at  once 
set  before  the  teacher.  It  becomes  his  business  to  make  actual 
each  one  of  these  factors  separately,  in  order  that  later  a  perma- 
nent relationship  may  result."  1 

In  other  words,  virtue  is  attained  by  the  pupil  when  This  comes 

.......  .     .  through'inner 

his  perception  of  what  is  right  and  wrong  is  in  complete  freedom'  or 

accord  with  his  deeds,  and  the  aim  of  education  should,  thf.  harmom- 

7  zation  of  con- 
therefore,  be  to  instil  such  ideas  as  will  develop  both  his  duct    with 

understanding  of  the  moral  order  and  a  conscientious 
spirit  in  carrying  it  out.  "To  induce  the  pupil  to  make 
this  effort,"  Herbart  admits,  "is  a  difficult  achievement. 
It  is  easy  enough,  by  the  study  of  the  example  of  others, 
to  cultivate  theoretical  acumen;  the  moral  application 
to  the  pupil  himself,  however,  can  be  successfully  made 
only  in  so  far  as  his  inclinations  and  habits  have  taken 
a  direction  in  keeping  with  his  insight."  To  make  clearer 
the  meaning  of  this  'inner  freedom'  and  the  moral  aim, 
Herbart  formulates  subsidiary  ethical  concepts,  which, 

together  with  the  main  ideal,  should  from  the  first  be  Morality  and 

•  relision  are 

incorporated  into  the  pupil  s  stock  of  ideas.     But  even  both  needed. 

the  attainment  of  moral  living  is  not  sufficient. 

"It  is  necessary  to  combine  moral  education  proper,  which  in 
everyday  life  lays  stress  continually  on  correct  self-determination, 
with  religious  training.  The  notion  that  something  really  worthy 
has  been  achieved,  needs  to  be  tempered  by  humility.  Conversely, 
religious  education  has  need  of  the  moral  also  to  forestall  cant  and 
hypocrisy."  - 

1  Outlines  (Lange  and  DeGarmo  edition),  p.  7. 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  14. 


202  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

*  Many-sided   Interest  '    and    the    '  Historical  '    and 

*  Scientific  '  Studies.  —  The  making  of  the  morally  reli- 

gious man  is,  therefore,  Herbart's  idea  of  the  end  of 

education.    His  ultimate  aim  must,  however,  be  attained 

through  instruction,  and  since  that  medium  has  to  deal 

with  the  human  mind,  the  more  immediate  purpose  must 

be  based  upon  psychology,  just  as  the  final  goal  is  depend- 

ent upon  ethics.    It  is  obvious  to  Herbart  that  existing 

instruction  has  not  succeeded,  because  it  is  based  upon  a 

false  theory.    According  to  his  psychology,  he  maintains 

that  "what  is  customarily  ascribed  to  the  action  of  the 

various  'faculties,'  takes  place  in  certain  groups  of  ideas." 

the  Amorally    ^he  mmd  is  not  possessed  of  certain  powers  or  forces,  but 

religious  man'  consists  merely  of  an  aggregate  of  ideas.    Hence  he  has  no 

be   made   of  sympathy    with    any    doctrine    of    'formal    discipline.' 

his  thought     Even  <wiH  '  upon  which  man's  character  rests,  is  not 

systems,  and  ' 

such  studies    to  be  regarded  as  an  'independent  faculty.'     "Volition 
to  Them^aTd  nas  its  root  in  thought,"  he  claims,  "not,  indeed,  in  the 


furnish  'a        details  one  knows,  but  certainly  in  the  combination  and 

moral   revela-  in-  ri  •       i  *  i          i»      * 

tion  of  the     total  effect  of  the  acquired  ideas.      A  careful  study  must, 
m    accordingly,  be  made  of  each  pupil's  thought  masses, 
temperament,  and  mental  capacity  and  processes,   to 
determine  how  instruction  may  furnish  a  'moral  revela- 
tion of  the  world.'    In  Herbart's  judgment: 

"Instruction  in  the  sense  of  mere  information-giving  contains 
no  guarantee  whatever  that  it  will  materially  counteract  faults 
and  influence  existing  groups  of  ideas  that  are  independent  of  the 
imparted  information.  But  it  is  these  ideas  that  education  must 
reach;  for  the  kind  and  extent  of  assistance  that  instruction  may 
render  to  conduct  may  depend  upon  the  hold  it  has  upon  them."  1 

There  is  not  much  likelihood  of  the  pupil's  receiving 
lOp.  at.,  p.  23. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        203 

ideas  of  virtue  that  will  develop  into  glowing  ideals  of 
conduct  when  his  studies  do  not  appeal  to  his  thought 
systems  and  are  consequently  regarded  with  indifference 
and  aversion.  They  must  coalesce  with  the  ideas  he 
already  has,  and  thus  touch  his  life ;  interest  must  be  felt 
in  order  that  will  may  be  aroused.  But  Herbart  does  not 
limit  'interest'  to  a  temporary  stimulus  for  the  perform- 
ance of  certain  school  tasks;  he  advocates  the  building 
up  by  education  of  certain  broad  interests  that  may  be- 
come permanent  sources  of  appeal  in  life.  Interest  as 
an  end  or  aim, — as  a  permanent  product  of  education, 
should  be  paramount  and  the  direct  result  of  interest  as  a 
means.  Instruction  must  be  so  selected  and  arranged  as 
not  only  to  relate  itself  to  the  previous  experience  of  the 
pupil,  but  as  also  to  reveal  and  establish  all  the  relations 
of  life  and  conduct  in  their  fullness.  To  expand  the 
mental  horizon  and  open  every  avenue  of  approach  to 
his  ideas,  interests,  and  will,  it  is  necessary  that  the  pupil 
should  be  given  as  broad  instruction  as  possible.  In  this 
way  only  can  a  wide  range  of  ideas  be  furnished  and  the 
necessary  'many-sided  interest'  created. 

In  analyzing  the  many-sided  interest,  Herbart  further  There   is 
holds  that  ideas  and  interests  spring  from  two  main  feeded  .a 

many-sided 

sources, — 'experience,'  which  furnishes  us  with  a  knowl-  interest.' 

edge   of  nature,  and  'social   intercourse,'  from   which  du'dse  ™ter-n~ 

come  the  sentiments  toward  our  fellow  men.     Interests  fsts  of  (0 

may,  therefore,  be  classed  as  belonging  to  (i)  'knowledge'  which    are 

or  to  (2)  'participation.'    These  two  sets  of  interests,  in  ^rapidoU'0 

turn,  Herbart  divides  into  three  groups  each.    He  classes  'speculative,' 

the  'knowledge'  interests  as  (a)  'empirical,'  appealing  fc"    and  C  of 

directly  to  the  senses;  (b)  'speculative,'  seeking  to  per-  (2)  Vrtlc|- 

J  r.          pation,' which 

ceive  the  relations  of  cause  and  effect;  and  (c)  'aesthetic,'  are  divided 


204 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


into  'sympa- 
thetic,'   'so- 
cial,'    and 
'religious.' 


Correspond- 
ing to  the  two 
groups   of 
interests, 
studies    are 
divided  into 

(1)  'histori- 
cal,' including 
history,  litera- 
ture, and  lan- 
guages,  and 

(2)  'scientific,' 
embracing 
sciences, 
mathematics, 
and    indus- 
trial training. 


resting  upon  the  enjoyment  of  contemplation.  The  'par- 
ticipation' interests  are  divided  into  (a)  'sympathetic,' 
dealing  with  relations  to  other  individuals;  (b)  'social,' 
including  the  community  as  a  whole;  and  (c)  'religious,' 
treating  one's  relations  to  the  Divine.  After  making  this 
analysis  of  the  six  types  of  interest  that  are  needed,  he 
also  dilates  upon  the  dangers  of  one-sidedness  in  each 
case,  and  endeavors  to  "bring  out  more  clearly  the  mani- 
fold phases  of  interest  that  must  be  taken  into  account." 
For  Herbart,  then,  just  as  religious  morality  is  the  final 
aim  of  education,  the  more  immediate  purpose  of  instruc- 
tion is  'many-sided  interest.'  "Instruction,"  he  de- 
clares, "will  form  the  circle  of  thought,  and  education  the 
character.  The  last  is  nothing  without  the  first.  Herein 
is  contained  the  whole  sum  of  my  pedagogy." 

Since  character  is  thus  to  develop  through  the  medium 
of  instruction  and  the  growth  of  concrete  knowledge,  which 
should  be  as  broad  as  possible,  the  subject-matter  of  the 
curriculum  should  cover  the  entire  range  of  known  ideas. 
Hence,  to  correspond  to  the  two  main  groups  of  interests, 
Herbart  divides  all  studies  into  two  main  branches, — the 
(i)  'historical,'  including  history,  literature,  and  lan- 
guages; and  the  (2)  'scientific,'  embracing  mathematics, 
as  well  as  the  natural  sciences.  Although  recognizing  the 
value  of  both  main  groups  of  interests  and  studies,  Her- 
bart especially  stressed  the  'historical,'  on  the  ground 
that  history  and  literature  are  of  greater  importance  as 
the  sources  of  moral  ideas  and  sentiments.  "Other  rea- 
sons aside,"  says  he,  "the  need  alone  of  counteracting 
selfishness  renders  it  necessary  for  every  school  that  un- 
dertakes the  education  of  the  whole  man  to  place  human 
conditions  and  relations  in  the  foreground  of  instruction. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        205 

This  humanistic  aim  should  underlie  the  study  of  the 
'historical'  subjects,  and  only  with  reference  to  this  aim 
may  they  be  allowed  to  preponderate."  And  elsewhere, 
when  dealing  with  moral  development  through  literature 
and  history,  he  argues: 

"  Give  to  children  an  interesting  story,  rich  in  incidents,  relation- 
ships, characters,  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  psychological 
truth,  and  not  beyond  the  feelings  and  ideas  of  children;  make  no 
effort  to  depict  the  worst  or  the  best,  only  let  a  faint,  half- 
unconscious  moral  tact  secure  that  the  interest  of  the  action  tends 
away  from  the  bad  towards  the  good,  the  just,  the  right;  then  you 
will  see  how  the  child's  attention  is  fixed  upon  it,  how  it  seeks  to 
discover  the  truth  and  thinks  over  all  sides  of  the  matter,  how  the 
many-sided  material  calls  forth  a  many-sided  judgment,  how  the 
charm  of  change  ends  in  preference  for  the  best,  so  that  the  boy,  who 
perhaps  feels  himself  a  step  or  two  higher  in  moral  judgment  than 
the  hero  or  the  author,  will  cling  to  his  view  with  inner  approbation, 
and  so  guard  himself  from  a  coarseness  he  already  feels  beneath 
him."  i 

The  best  starting-point  and  source  of  material  for  this 
moral  training  through  the  'historical'  subjects,  Herbart, 
with  his  'new  humanistic'  devotion  to  Greek  literature, 
felt  was  to  be  found  in  Homer's  Odyssey.  He  was  chiefly 
interested  in  the  work  of  the  secondary  school,  but  his 
principles  were  applied  especially  to  elementary  educa- 
tion by  his  followers.  Herbart  has  in  this  way  greatly 
influenced  both  stages  of  education  in  the  teaching  of 
history  and  literature  for  moral  training,  and  has  effected 
a  great  improvement  in  the  methods  of  teaching  these 
subjects. 

*  Correlation,'   *  Concentration,'   '  Culture  Epochs.'— 
But,  while  all  the  subjects, '  historical '  and  '  scientific/  are 

1  Science  of  Education  (Felkin  edition),  p.  89. 


206  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

But,  while  needed  for  a  'many-sided  interest'  and  the  various  stud- 
ness  is  desir-  ies  have  for  convenience  been  separated  and  classified 
able,  all  stud-  foy  themselves,  they  must  be  so  arranged  in  the  curricu- 

ies    must    be       J  J 

unified,  and     lum  as  to  become  unified  and  an  organic  whole,  if  the 
avoided^       unity  of  the  pupil's  consciousness  is  to  be  maintained. 
Concerning  this,  Herbart  holds: — 

"Scattering  no  less  than  one-sidedness  forms  an  antithesis  to 
many-sidedness.  Many-sidedness  is  to  be  the  basis  of  virtue;  but 
the  latter  is  an  attribute  of  personality,  hence  it  is  evident  that  the 
unity  of  self-consciousness  must  not  be  impaired.  The  business  of 
instruction  is  to  form  the  person  on  many  sides,  and  accordingly 
to  avoid  a  distracting  or  dissipating  effect.  And  instruction  has 
successfully  avoided  this  in  the  case  of  one  who  with  ease  surveys 
his  well-arranged  knowledge  in  all  of  its  unifying  relations  and 
holds  it  together  as  his  very  own."  1 

Hence  the          This  position  of  Herbart  forecasts  the  emphasis  upon 

Herbartians 

formulated      correlation,   or  the  unification  of  studies,   so   common 
and"  'concen-  among  his  followers.    The  principle  was  further  developed 
tration,'  and    by  later  Herbartians  under  the  name  of  concentration,  or 
epochstheory,'  the  unifying  of  all  subjects  around  one  or  two  common 
central  studies,  such  as  literature  or  history.     But  the 
selection  and  articulation  of  the  subject-matter  in  such  a 
way  as  to  arouse  many-sidedness  and  harmony  is  not 
more  than  hinted  at  by  Herbart  himself.    He  specifically 
holds,  however,  that  the  Odyssey  should  be  the  first  work 
read,  since  this  represents  the  interests  and  activities  of 
the  race  while  in  its  youth,  and  would  appeal  to  the  in- 
dividual during  the  same  stage.    He  would  follow  this 
epic  with  the  Iliad,  the  Philoctetes  of  Sophocles,  the  his- 
tories of  Xenophon,  Plato's  dialogues,  and  other  classics, 
in  the  order  of  the  growing  complexity  of  racial  interests 

1  Outlines,  p.  49. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        207 

depicted  in  them.1  This  tentative  endeavor  of  Herbart, 
in  the  selection  of  material  for  the  course  of  study,  to 
parallel  the  development  of  the  individual  with  that  of 
the  race,  was  continued  and  enlarged  by  his  disciples.  It 
especially  became  definite  and  fixed  in  the  culture  epochs 
theory  formulated  by  Ziller  and  others.2 

The  '  Formal  Steps  of  Instruction.' — But  to  secure 
this  broad  range  of  material  and  to  unify  and  systematize 
it,  Herbart  realized  that  it  was  necessary  to  formulate  a  In  the  educa- 
method  of  instructing  the  child.    Due  sequence  and  order  Herbart   dis- 
must  be  introduced  to  shape  the  material  into  a  well-  Anguished  be- 

-1  m  tween      ab- 

arranged  structure.  This  plan  of  instruction  he  wished  sorption,1  the 
to  conform  to  the  development  and  working  of  the  human  facts^and"  re- 
mind, and  in  this  connection  introduced  his  distinction  flection,'  the 

i  T  •  n  rr^i  •  r  assimilation 

between  absorption  and  reflection.  1  his  twofold  mental  Of  knowledge 
process  is  necessary  in  grasping  all  new  knowledge,  and  thus 
the  alternation  between  the  two  steps  has  sometimes  been 
described  as  the  '  breathing '  of  the  mind.  '  Absorption '  is 
giving  oneself  up  to  acquisition  or  contemplation  of  facts 
or  ideas,  and  'reflection'  is  the  unification  or  assimilation 
of  the  manifold  knowledge  gained  by  absorption.  As 
these  two  stages  are  mutually  exclusive,  the  pupil  passes 
in  psychical  development  from  one  to  the  other.  On  the 
basis  of  this  description  of  mental  activity  and  growth, 
Herbart  worked  out  the  outlines  of  his  logical  method  in 
instruction,  which  he  states  as  follows:— 

"We  prescribe  the  general  rule:  give  equal  prominence  to  ab- 
sorption and  reflection  in  every  group  of  objects,  even  the  smallest; 

1  Herbart's  attitude  on  the  development  of  interests  in  the  race  is 
most  fully  brought  out  in  his  Science  of  Education,  Introduction  and 
Chapter  V,    i. 

2  See  pp.  ii^l. 

3  See  Outlines,  §§  66-67,  arid  Science  of  Education,  Bk.  II,  Chap.  I,  §  i 


208 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


and    formu- 
lated the  four 
steps    in    his 
method  of  in- 
struction,— 
'  clearness,' 
'association,' 
'system,'  and 
'method,' 
which   have 
been  ex- 
panded and 
modified  by 
the  Herbart- 


that  is  to  say,  emphasize  equally  clearness  of  the  individual  per- 
ception, association  of  the  manifold,  coordination  of  the  associated, 
and  progress  through  exercise  according  to  this  coordination." 

Of  the  four  steps  indicated  in  this  method,  (i)  clear- 
ness, the  presentation  of  facts  or  elements  to  be  learned, 
is  purely  'absorption';  (2)  association,  the  uniting  of  these 
with  related  facts  previously  acquired,  is  mainly  '  absorp- 
tion,' but  contains  elements  of  'reflection';  (3)  system, 
the  coherent  and  logical  arrangement  of  what  has  been 
associated,  is  non-progressive  or  passive  'reflection';  and 
(4)  method,  the  practical  application  of  the  system  by  the 
pupil  to  new  data,  is  progressive  or  active  'reflection.' l 
The  formulation  of  this  method  was  made  only  in  prin- 
ciple by  Herbart,  but  it  has  since  been  largely  modified 
and  developed  by  his  followers.  It  was  soon  felt  that, 
on  the  principle  of  'apperception,'  the  pupil  must  first  be 
made  conscious  of  the  existing  stock  of  ideas  so  far  as 
they  are  similar  to  the  material  to  be  presented,  and  that 
this  can  be  accomplished  by  a  review  of  preceding  lessons 
or  by  an  outline  of  what  is  to  be  undertaken,  or  by  both 
procedures.  Hence  Herbart's  noted  disciple,  Ziller,  di- 
vided the  step  of  'clearness'  into  preparation  and  pres- 
entation, and  the  more  recent  Herbartian,  Rein,  added 
aim  as  a  substep  to  'preparation.'  The  names  of  the 
other  three  processes  have  been  changed  for  the  sake  of 
greater  lucidity  and  significance  by  the  later  Herbartians, 
and  the  five  formal  (i.  e.  'rational')  steps  of  instruction  are 
now  generally  given  as  (i)  preparation,  (2)  presentation, 
(3)  comparison  and  abstraction,  (4)  generalization,  and  (5) 
application.2  Herbart  also  made  numerous  other  suggcs- 

1  See  Outlines,  §§  66-67,  and  Science  of  Education,  Bk.  II,  Chap.  I,  §  i. 
3  Cf.  McMurry's  Method  of  the  Recitation. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        209 

tive  analyses  and  interpretations  of  the  mechanics  of 
instruction. 

The  Value  and  Influence  of  Herbart's  Principles.  —  Herbart  clan- 
On  all  sides,  then,  as  compared  with  Pestalozzi,  Herbart 


was  most  logical  and  comprehensive.    Where  Pestalozzi  instruction' 

L      •        i    i  •  i       i      r  i       .      .      .   ,  and  the  begin- 

obtamed  his  methods  from  a  sympathetic  insight  into  ning  with 
the  child  mind,  Herbart  sought  to  found  his  upon  scien-  ^jf^/p^a^ 
tine  principles.    The  former  was  primarily  a  philanthro-  lozzi>  through 
pist  and  reformer;  the  latter  a  psychologist  and  scientific  system    of 
educationalist.    Pestalozzi  succeeded  in  arousing  Europe  Psychol°gy. 

and  the  pnn- 

to  the  need  of  universal  education  and  of  vitalizing  the  tipie  of  'ap- 
prevailing  formalism  in  the  schools,  but  he  was  unable  a^made'  all 


\vith  his  vague  and  unsystematic  utterances  to  give  guid-  tend 

i      rt-    •  e  f  i       i       i   •    •   •          i      moral     devel- 

ance  and  efficiency  to  the  reform  forces  he  had  initiated,  opment. 
While  he  felt  the  need  of  'psychologizing  instruction'  and 
of  beginning  with  sense  perception  for  the  sake  of  clear 
ideas,  he  had  neither  the  time  nor  the  training  to  con- 
struct a  psychology  beyond  the  traditional  one  of  the 
times,  nor  to  analyze  the  way  in  which  the  material 
gained  by  observation  is  assimilated.  Herbart,  on  the 
other  hand,  did  create  a  system  of  psychology  that,  al- 
though subsequent  to,  and  possibly  not  altogether  con- 
sistent with,  his  educational  practice,  had  an  immediate 
bearing  upon  it.  While  his  psychological  system  is  fanci- 
ful and  mechanical,  and  applies  better  as  an  explanation 
of  the  process  of  instruction  than  as  a  description  of  hu- 
man thought,  it  largely  started  the  fruitful  research  in 
psycho-physics  of  modern  times,  and  has  worked  well  as 
a  basis  for  educational  theory  and  practice.  Moreover, 
it  undertook  to  show  how  ideas,  which  were  the  prod- 
uct of  the  Pestalozzian  'observation/  were  assimilated 
through  'apperception,'  and  maintained  the  possibility  of 


210 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


He    made 
Pestalozzi's 
emphasis 
upon    the 
physical 
world     a 
stepping- 
stone,  and, 
stressing 
history,  lan- 
guages,  and 
literature, 
through    his 
followers 
brought 
about     im- 
proved meth- 
ods of  teach- 
ing them. 


While   Her- 

bart's    prin- 
ciples   have 
tended    to- 
ward form- 
alization  and 
exaggeration 
in  the  hands 
of  his  dis- 
ciples, his 
own  attitude 
was  evidently 
more  sane  and 
flexible. 


making  all  material  tend  toward  moral  development 
through  'educative  instruction.'  This,  he  held,  could  be 
accomplished  by  use  of  proper  courses  and  methods.  In 
determining  the  subjects  to  be  selected  and  articulated, 
he  considered  Pestalozzi's  emphasis  upon  the  study  of  the 
physical  world  to  be  merely  a  stepping-stone  to  his  own 
'moral  revelation  of  the  world.'  While  the  former  educa- 
tor made  arithmetic,  geography,  natural  science,  reading, 
form  study,  drawing,  writing,  and  music  the  object  of  his 
consideration,  and  is  indirectly  responsible  for  the  mod- 
ern reforms  in  teaching  these  subjects,  Herbart  preferred 
to  stress  history,  languages,  and  literature,  and,  through 
his  followers,  brought  about  improved  methods  in  their 
presentation.  He  also  first  undertook  a  careful  analysis 
of  the  successive  steps  in  all  instruction,  and  by  his 
methodical  principles  has  done  much  to  introduce  order 
and  system  into  the  work  of  the  classroom. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  great  drawback  to  the  Herbartian 
doctrines  is  found  in  their  formalization  and  exaggera- 
tion. For  these  tendencies  his  enthusiastic  and  literal- 
minded  followers,  rather  than  Herbart  himself,  have 
probably  been  to  blame.  No  man  has  suffered  more  from 
the  elaborations  and  interpretations  of  dogmatic  disci- 
ples than  Herbart.  He  was  himself  too  keen  an  observer 
and  too  sane  a  teacher  to  allow  his  doctrines  to  go  upon 
all  fours.  He  is  ordinarily  credited  by  Herbartians  with 
a  psychology  that  takes  no  account  of  heredity  or  the 
innate  characteristics  of  each  mind,  but  holds  that  the 
mind  is  entirely  built  up  by  impressions  from  the  outside 
and  is  merely  a  product  of  environment.  While  this  is  the 
position  at  which  he  arrives  by  pure  speculation  in  his 
'rational'  psychology,  he  recognizes  in  his  'empirical' 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        211 

psychology  that  there  must  be  certain  native  predisposi- 
tions in  the  body  which  influence  the  soul  in  one  direction 
or  another.1  This  limitation  of  complete  plasticity  by 
the  pupil's  individuality,  and  of  the  consequent  influence 
of  the  teacher,  is  also  admitted  in  his  educational  doc- 
trine, and  he  declares  that,  "in  order  to  gain  an  adequate 
knowledge  of  each  pupil's  capacity  for  education,  obser- 
vation is  necessary — observation  both  of  his  thought 
masses  and  of  his  physical  nature.  The  study  of  the  lat- 
ter includes  that  of  temperament,  especially  with  refer- 
ence to  emotional  susceptibility."  -  Again,  while  Herbart 
holds  that  every  subject  should,  if  possible,  be  presented 
in  an  attractive,  interesting,  and  'almost  playlike'  way, 
he  does  not  justify  that  'sugar-coated  interest'  which 
has  so  often  put  Herbartianism  in  bad  odor.  "A  view 
that  regards  the  end  as  a  necessary  evil  to  be  rendered 
endurable  by  means  of  sweetmeats,"  says  he,  "implies 
an  utter  confusion  of  ideas;  and  if  pupils  are  not  given 
serious  tasks  to  perform,  they  will  not  find  out  what  they 
are  able  to  do."3  Often,  he  realizes,  "even  the  best 
method  cannot  secure  an  adequate  degree  of  apperceiv- 
ing  attention  from  every  pupil,  and  recourse  must  ac- 
cordingly be  had  to  the  voluntary  attention;  i.  e.  to  the 
pupil's  resolution."4  Similarly,  the  notion  of  some  Her- 
bartians  that  the  goal  of  teaching  is  attained  with  the 
securing  of  apperception  and  interest,  and  that  effortful 
memorizing  is  never  desirable,  finds  no  sanction  in  the 
master's  statement  that  "voluntary  attention  is  most 
frequently  demanded  for  memorizing,  for  which,  apart 
from  all  else,  the  presence  of  interest  is  not  always  a  per- 

1  See  footnote  on  p.  198.  3  Op.  cit.,  p.  96. 

*  Outlines,  p.  22.  *0p.  cit.,  p.  71. 


212  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

fectly  favorable  condition."  1  Again,  'correlation'  be- 
tween different  subjects,  as  well  as  between  principles 
within  the  same  subject,  was  advocated  by  Herbart,  but 
he  felt  that  such  ramifications  should  not  be  unlimited, 
and  held  it  "an  error  to  argue  that  one  who  is  being  ini- 
tiated in  to  one  subject  ought  to  combine  with  that  subject 
a  second,  third,  or  fourth,  on  the  ground  that  subjects 
one,  two,  three,  and  four  are  essentially  interrelated." 

Further,  while  Herbart  made  some  effort  in  shaping  the 
course  of  study  to  parallel  the  development  of  the  indi- 
vidual with  that  of  the  race,  it  was  Ziller  that  erected  this 
procedure  into  a  hard  and  fast  theory  of  'culture  epochs.' 
But  most  common  of  all  has  been  the  tendency  of  his  dis- 
ciples to  pervert  the  attempt  of  Herbart  to  bring  about 
due  sequence  and  arrangement  into  an  inflexible  schema 
in  the  recitation,  and  to  make  the  formal  steps  an  end 
rather  than  a  means.  These  steps  may  be  used  to  enable 
the  novice  in  teaching  to  prepare  himself  for  class  work 
by  arranging  the  materials  he  wishes  to  present  after  an 
organized  plan,  but  they  do  not  represent  definite  fixed 
stages  that  must  be  followed  without  exception  in 
every  recitation,  nor  do  they  correspond  to  the  steps 
taken  in  the  inductive  method  of  science  or  logical  rea- 
soning in  general,  as  has  sometimes  been  supposed. 
Moreover,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  Herbart  did  not 
intend  that  all  these  steps  should  be  carried  out  in  every 
recitation,  but  felt  that  they  applied  to  the  organization 
of  any  subject  as  a  whole,  and  that  years  might  even 
elapse  between  the  various  steps.3  In  this  respect,  as  in 

1Op.  cil.,  p.   71.  20p.  tit.,  p.  211. 

8  For  a  fair-minded  criticism  of  the  '  five-step  method,'  read  Dewey's 
How  We  Think  (New  York,  1910),  Chapter  XV. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        213 

the  others,  the  doctrines  of  Herbart  should  not  be  con- 
fused with  the  wooden  interpretations  of  certain  Her- 
bartians. 

The  Extension  of  His  Doctrines  through  Disciples  in  A  quarter  of  a 
Germany.  —  Thus   the   theoretical   foundations  of  Her-  * 


bart  were  laid  mostly  in  outline,  but  some  of  his  disciples  death>    his 

A  system   was 

undertook  to  fill  in,  extend,  and  somewhat  crystallize  his  popularized 
ideas.  They  reduced  his  theories  to  practice  and  applied  developed^ 
them  to  the  content  and  methods  of  the  elementary  and  a?d 
secondary  systems  of  Germany.  At  first  the  doctrines  of 
Herbart  were  little  known,  but  a  quarter  of  a  century 
after  his  death  there  sprang  up  two  flourishing  contem- 
porary schools  of  Herbartianism.  In  its  application  of 
Herbart's  theory,  the  school  of  Stoy  for  the  most  part 
held  closely  to  the  original  form;  but  that  headed  by  Zil- 
ler  gave  it  a  freer  and  more  extreme  interpretation,  and 
contributed  several  important  modifications  and  elabo- 
rations to  the  theories.  Tuiskon  Ziller  (1817-1883), 
both  as  teacher  in  a  gymnasium  and  as  professor  at  Leip- 
zig, did  much  to  popularize  and  develop  the  Herbartian 
system.  His  great  work,  The  Basis  of  the  Doctrine  of  Ed- 
ucative Instruction,  which  was  published  in  1865,  brought 
Herbartianism  into  prominence,  and  resulted  in  the  for- 
mation of  the  society  known  as  the  'Association  for  the 
Scientific  Study  of  Education,'  which  has  since  spread 
throughout  Germany.  Ziller  further  emphasized  Her- 
bart's division  of  the  curriculum  into  two  groups  of  stud- 
ies, and  made  clear  the  subordination  of  the  'scientific' 
studies  to  the  'historical.'  He  also  elaborated  the  doc- 
trines of  'correlation'  and  'concentration,'  and  was  the 
first  definitely  to  formulate  the  'culture  epochs'  theory. 
"Every  pupil  should,"  said  he,  "pass  successively 


214  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

through  each  of  the  chief  epochs  of  the  general  mental 
development  of  mankind  suitable  to  his  stage  of  develop- 
ment. The  material  of  instruction,  therefore,  should  be 
drawn  from  the  thought  material  of  that  stage  of  histor- 
ical development  in  culture,  which  runs  parallel  with  the 
present  mental  stage  of  the  pupil."  This  theory  of  cul- 
ture epochs,  like  the  biological  theory  of  'recapitulation,' 
of  which  it  is  a  pedagogical  application,  is  now  admitted 
by  most  educators  to  be  thoroughly  inconsistent.  While 
it  has  occasioned  much  academic  discussion,  few  edu- 
cators, beside  Ziller,  have  ventured  to  embody  it  com- 
pletely in  a  course  of  study.  But  Ziller  worked  out  all 
his  principles  practically  in  a  curriculum  for  the  eight 
years  of  the  elementary  school,  which  he  centered  around 
fairy  tales,  Robinson  Crusoe,  and  selections  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments.  He,  moreover,  developed  Herbart's 
'formal  stages  of  instruction'  by  dividing  the  first  step 
and  changing  the  name  of  the  last.1 
and  a  most  Karl  Volkmar  Stoy  (18115-1885),  the  founder  of  the 

influential  /     ^  .       °  '\ 

Herbartian  other  school,  gave  less  attention  than  Ziller  to  the  de- 
pedagogicai  Velopment  of  the  Herbartian  theories,  and  his  numerous 

seminary  and 

practice  educational  works  were  mainly  a  forceful  restatement  of 
started  ™at  the  master's  positions.  On  the  other  hand,  in  1874  he 
Jena  by  the  established  a  most  influential  pedagogical  seminary  and 

conservative  .  ...  . 

Stoy,  which     practice  school  upon  the  original  Herbartian  basis  at 
be^n  I8c80nha5  Jena>  where  he  had  become  a  professor.     And  eleven 
tinued  by  the  years  later,  Wilhdm  Rein  (1847-        )>  wno  nad  been  a 
Rein.  °          pupil  of  both  Stoy  and  Ziller,  succeeded  the  former  in  the 
direction  of  the  practice  school,  and  introduced  there  the 
elaborate  development  that  had  taken  place  since  Her- 
bart's time.    He  adopted  Ziller's  'concentration/  'cul- 
1  See  p.  208. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        215 

ture  epochs,'  and  other  features,  but  made  them  a  little 
more  elastic  by  coordinating  other  material  with  the 
'historical'  center  in  the  curriculum.  Rein  had  pre- 
viously worked  out  a  course  of  study  for  the  eight  years 
of  the  Volksschule  (i.  e.  elementary  school)  in  great 
detail,  and,  by  his  embodiment  of  this  in  the  practice 
school,  Jena  became  the  great  center  of  Herbartianism. 
Those  studying  the  Herbartian  methods  there  had 
each  lesson  illustrated  through  a  visit  to  a  class,  fol- 
lowed by  a  thorough  discussion  of  the  principles  and 
problems  involved  therein.  Most  of  the  prominent 
Herbartians  in  other  countries,  especially  the  United 
States,  obtained  their  first  interest  through  a  residence 
at  Jena. 

Other  Germans  to  influence  Herbartianism  have  been  Herbartian- 
Lange  and  Frick.  The  Apperception  of  Karl  Lange  is  an  b™n  j*s_  a 
excellent  combination  of  scientific  insight  and  popular  fluenced  by 

,      ,  .         Lange,  Frick, 

presentation.  It  treats  the  various  problems  of  education  and  others. 
on  the  basis  that  "all  learning  is  apperceiving."  Lange 
agrees  in  general  with  the  Herbartian  method,  but  warns 
against  its  possible  mechanics  and  formalism.  Otto  Frick, 
director  of  the  'Francke  Institutions'  at  Halle,1  inclining 
more  to  the  close  interpretation  of  Stoy,  devoted  him- 
self to  applying  Herbartianism  to  the  secondary  schools. 
An  organic  course  for  the  'gymnasium'  (i.  c.  the  classical 
secondary  school)  was  outlined  in  the  eighth  number  of 
the  Quarterly  Magazine,  which  he  edited.  A  throng  of 
other  German  schoolmasters  and  professors  have  further 
adapted  the  doctrines  of  Herbart  to  school  practice, 
and  while  their  theories  differ  very  largely  from  one 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  tfie  Transition,  pp.  3ooff.; 
Great  Educators,  pp.  68ff. 


2l6  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

another,  from  their  common  basis  they  are  all  properly 
designated  '  Herbar tian . ' 
The  content        Jn  consequence  of  this  continuous  propaganda  of  the 

and    methods    TT     i          •  i  •  i 

of  education  Herbartian  doctrines,  the  content  and  methods  of  the 
have,  through  scnooi  curricula  in  Germany  have  been  largely  modified. 

this    propa- 
ganda, been     Herbart's  emphasis  upon  the  importance  to  the  second- 

fiedaty  °  ary  scnools  °f  literary  and  historical  studies  as  a  moral 
training,  especially  through  the  medium  of  the  Greek 
writers,  has  not,  however,  been  as  strongly  felt  as  the 

intheeiemen-  adaptation  of  this  idea  to  the  elementary  schools  by  the 

tary    curricu-  ,.  .,.  .  11-  i  •      i 

lum  history  later  Herbartians  in  the  form  of  story  and  biographical 
has  attained  a  material.  Since  the  development  of  the  empire,  with  its 

more  promi- 
nent place,      stimulus  to  improvement  in  elementary  education,  there 

turai  features  has  been  a  wide  adoption  of  the  Herbartian  practice. 

of  the  subject  History  has  attained  a  more  prominent  place  in  the  cur- 
are stressed.  .  .*.  c 

nculum,  and  is  no  longer  auxiliary  to  reading  and  geogra- 
phy.   It  is  regarded  as  a  means  of  moral  development, 
and  the  cultural  features  in  the  history  of  the  German 
zilier's  'con-    people  are  stressed  more  than  the  political.    Ziller's  plan 
to  produce  a  for  concentrating  all  studies  about  a  core  of  history  and 
'  moral  reveia-  literature,  on  the  ground  of  thus  producing  'a  moral 

tion     is    seen  c 

in  the  course  revelation  of  the  world '  for  the  pupil,  is  in  evidence 
German  his-  everywhere.  A  twofold  course, — Jewish  history  through 
tory  in  the  Bible  stories,  and  German  history  in  the  form  of  legends 

form    of    leg-  _  .  ..    . 

ends,  and  in  and  tales,  appears  in  every  grade  of  the  elementary  school 
the  informal  after  faQ  fa.^  two  an(j  even  jn  these  lower  classes  there 

literary  mate- 
rial   of    the  is  some  attempt  to  utilize  literature  as  a  moral  training 

through  the  medium  of  fairy  stories,  fables,  moral  tales, 
Robinson  Crusoe,  and  the  various  contributions  of  the 
philanthropinists. l 

Herbartianism  in  the  United  States. — Next  to  the 

1  See  pp.  28ff. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        217 

land  of  its  birth,  the  United  States  has  been  more  influ- 
enced by  Herbartianism  than  any  other  country.    The 
movement  was  fostered  largely  by  American  teachers  in  the  United 
who  had  taken  the  doctor's  degree  at  Jena  during  the 


late  eighties,  and  during  the  last  decade  of  the  nineteenth  was  developed 

,  .  ,  during    the 

century  it  attained  almost  to  the  proportions  of  a  cult,  nineties  by 
The  movement  centered  chiefly  in  northern  Illinois,  and  '^^  ^~r 
was  especially  strong  in  the  normal  schools.    Much  of  the  bart  Society,1 
organization  of  the  practice  school  at  Jena  was  adopted  translations 
with  practically  no  modification  in  a  large  number  of  *ndt  Year 

Book. 

American  normal  schools.  In  1892  'The  National  Her- 
bart  Society'  was  founded  to  extend  the  scope  of  these 
principles  and  to  adapt  them  to  American  conditions,  and 
included  many  prominent  educators  in  its  membership. 
The  association  started  immediately  to  translate  the 
works  of  Herbart  and  various  German  Herbartians,  and 
since  1895  it  has  regularly  published  a  Year  Book.  In 
this  journal,  during  the  first  years  of  the  society,  it  repro- 
duced its  discussions  concerning  apperception,  interest, 
correlation,  educative  instruction,  and  other  purely  Her- 
bartian  themes.  Besides  these  efforts,  individual  mem-  individual 
bers  of  the  organization  have  been  active  in  discussing  tne  society, 
Herbartian  principles  and  their  embodiment  in  American  llb:  De^armo 

and     the 

methods  of  instruction.     Charles  DeGarmo,  for  sixteen  McMurrys, 
years  professor  of  Education  at  Cornell  University,  as  e'™" 


c0. 


early  as  1889  published  The  Essentials  of  Method,  which  tributions. 
embodied  the  Herbartian  theories,  and  gave  them  a  wide 
popularity.  He  became  the  first  president  of  the  Herbart 
Society  and  editor  of  its  publications,  and  has  utilized 
Herbartian  principles  as  the  basis  of  a  number  of  excel- 
lent text-books.  Charles  A.  McMurry  of  the  Illinois 
State  Normal  University,  and  his  brother,  Frank  M. 


2l8  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

McMurry  of  the  Columbia  Teachers  College,  both  by 
books  and  articles,  have  done  yeoman  service  for  Her- 
bartianism.  In  1897  they  published  jointly  The  Method 
of  the  Recitation.  Five  years  before  Charles  McMurry 
had  brought  out  a  General  Method,  and  since  then  he  has 
produced  a  number  of  works  on  special  method,  covering 
most  subjects  of  the  elementary  curriculum. 
Likewise,  Moreover,  many  who  would  hardly  consider  them- 

Herbartian  J  ,., 

features  have  selves  Herbartians  have  undertaken  to  modify  and  adapt 
bee^Tdopted  ^nese  principles,  especially  correlation  and  concentration, 
by  other  edu-  Francis  W.  Parker  of  Chicago,  among  the  phases  of  his 
the  case  of  educational  practice,  approached  Ziller's  principle  of  con- 
Parker,  jack-  centration  so  closely  as  to  center  the  entire  course  of 

man,  and  the 

Committee  of  study  around  a  hierarchy  of  natural  and  social  sciences. 
But,  as  a  rule,  the  more  moderate  type  of  correlation  sug- 
gested by  Herbart  himself  has  been  used,  and  such  inter- 
relations as  those  between  arithmetic  and  manual  train- 
ing, history  and  literature,  and  geography  and  history 
have  been  developed  by  many  educators.  A  correlation 
even  of  science  and  history  was  attempted  by  the  late 
Wilbur  S.  Jackman,  Colonel  Parker's  associate.  The 
Committee  of  Fifteen,  appointed  by  the  National  Educa- 
tion Association  to  report  upon  elementary  education, 
show  a  strong  Herbartian  influence  in  their  discussions 
of  correlation,  although  they  give  the  term  a  wider  inter- 
pretation. Various  other  types  of  unification  about  a 
center  of  literature,  history,  or  nature  study,  or,  through 
combination  with  Froebelianism,  of  social  activities,  have 
been  suggested. 

The     elemen-  iriii  <•  TT     i         • 

tary  curricu-  Largely  as  a  result  of  the  development  of  Herbartian- 
lum  has  re-  jsm  a  reform  jn  tne  content  of  the  curriculum  has  also  be- 

ceived  impor- 
tant  reforms  come  general  in  American  elementary  schools.    This  is 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        219 

especially  noticeable  in  the  increased  amount  and  larger  through  the 

utilization  of  historical  material.    Beside  the  Herbartian,  movement! 

other  factors  were  probably  responsible  for  this  develop- 

ment, but  the  work  of  the  disciples  of  Rein  undoubtedly 

played  a  leading  part  in  encouraging  a  broader  concep- 

tion of  the  function  of  history.    A  wide  appreciation  of  A_  ™lde  range 

*.r  of    history 

the  growth  of  morality,  culture,  and  social  life  in  general,  from  the  cui- 
rather  than  merely  the  development  of  patriotism,  be-  ^af  stand^° 
came  the  object  in  studying  this  subject.  English  and  p°int  has 

..'  ,,  i         A  •  i'ii  come  to  be 

German  history,  as  well  as  the  American,  which  alone  presented 

was  formerly  taught,  and  sometimes  Greek,  Roman,  and  f™1^  thre, 

Norse,    appear  in   the   curricula   of   many   elementary  up, 

schools,  and,  instead  of  being  confined  to  the  two  upper 

classes,  historical  material  is  often  presented  from  the 

third  grade  up.    Biographical  and  historical  stories  are 

largely  employed  in  the  lower  classes,  while  in  the  upper 

some  attempt  is  made  to  use  European  history  as  a  set- 

ting for  American,  and  throughout  there  is  made  as  broad 

a  study  of  social  conditions  as  possible,  rather  than  a 

mere  account  of  wars  and  political  changes.    A  similar  and  a  study  of 

development  in  the  amount  and  use  of  literature  also  ap-  worksoT  liter- 


pears  in  the  course  of  the  elementary  schools  as  a  result  ature  and  a 

•    n                                             r  wide  survey  of 

of  the  Herbartian  influence.    Instead  of  bnel  selections  the  great  Eng- 

from  the  best  English  and  American  writers,  or  even  the  ^v-e^akerT 

poorer  material  that  formerly  appeared  in  the  school  the  place  of 

readers,  complete  works  of  literature  have  begun  to  be  poor  material 

studied  in  the  elementary  curriculum,  and  a  wide  and  in  thc  clc~ 

•*               .                 '    t  mentary 

rapid  survey  of  the  great  English  classics  has  been  en-  course. 
couraged  in  the  place  of  merely  reading  for  the  sake  of 
oral  expression.    Even  in  the  lowest  grades  some  attempt 
to  introduce  the  classics  of  childhood  has  been  made. 
While  many  committees  and  individual  educators  have 


220  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

assisted  in  this  advance,  the  Herbartians  have  certainly 
been  most  prominent  in  the  movement. 
But  Herbar-        While  in  these  ways  all  elementary,  and  to  some  ex- 

tianism    itself  J  . 

has  been        tent  secondary,  schools  have  been  affected,  Herbartiamsm 
f0braI]esTed      Pure  and  smiple  nas  largely  been  abandoned  for  less  dog- 
dogmatic        matic  methods.    Even  the  Herbar t  Society  has  ceased  to 
exist  as  a  propaganda,  and  has  since  1902  been  known  as 
'The  National  Society  for  the  Scientific  Study  of  Educa- 
tion.'   But,  although  professed  Herbartians  are  now  al- 
most unknown  in  the  United  States,  no  other  system  of 
pedagogy,  except  that  of  Pestalozzi,  has  ever  had  so 
wide  an  influence  upon  American  education  and  upon  the 
thought  and  practice  of  teachers  generally. 

FroebePs  Early  Life. — Let  us  now  turn  to  Froebel, 
the  other  great  successor  of  Pestalozzi,  and  to  his  de- 
velopment and  extension  of  the  master's  principle  of 
'natural  development.'     Fricdrich  Wilhelm  August  Froc- 
Froebei's  reli-  bel  (1782-1852)  was  born  in  Oberweissbach,  a  village  in 
togU^d  early  the  Thtiringian  forest.     The  influence  in  his  home  was 
life  in  the     religious,  but,  owing  to  the  preoccupation  of  his  father 

forest  may  .  f 

have  started    and  step-mother,  he  spent  much  time  roving  about  the 
nTstkisiif       mysterious  woods.    Here  he  pondered  upon  the  plants, 
and  search  for  animals,  and  various  phenomena  of  nature,  and  there  be- 
gan within  him  a  vein  of  mysticism  and  search  for  hidden 
unity.    His  formal  schooling  was  very  scattering,  and  at 
fifteen  he  was  for  two  years  apprenticed  to  a  forester. 
His  master  was  not  able  to  afford  him  proper  instruction, 
but  the  youth  continued  his  religious  communion  with 
At  the  Uni-  nature,  and  further  enlarged  his  wood  lore  and  practical 
Jena  ^e  °was  acquaintance  with  plants.    At  length,  Froebel's  hunger 
affected  by     for  a  knowledge  of  the  natural  sciences  impelled  him  to 

the    idealistic  .    Cl     . 

philosophy,      enter  the  university  at  Jena.    The  atmosphere  about  this 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE         221 

institution  was  charged  with  the  idealistic  philosophy,  romanticism, 
the  romantic  movement,  and  the  evolutionary  attitude  in  attitude'in 
science.  Froebel  could  not  have  escaped  the  discussions  science- 
upon  Fichtian  philosophy,  which  were  current  upon  the 
street,  at  the  table,  and  in  every  informal  place  of  meet- 
ing, and  he  must  have  witnessed  the  academic  growth  of 
Fichte's  pupil  and  colleague,  Schelling.  He  must  like- 
wise have  fallen  under  the  spell  of  the  Jena  romanti- 
cists,— the  Schlegels,  Tieck,  and  Novalis,  and  possibly 
even  of  their  friends  and  protectors,  Goethe  and  Schiller. 
The  advanced  attitude  in  science  at  Jena  may  also  have 
impressed  the  youth.  While  much  of  the  science  instruc- 
tion failed  to  make  clear  that  inner  relation  and  mystic 
unity  for  which  he  sought,  he  must  occasionally  have 
caught  glimpses  of  it  in  the  lectures  of  the  professors.  Un- 
happily, after  a  couple  of  years,  all  this  enchanted  world 
was  closed  to  him  through  financial  difficulties,  and  he 
was  forced  to  return  home. 

His  Adoption  of  Teaching,  and  the  Crystallization  of 
His  Law  of  *  Unity.' — For  the  next  four  years,  Froebel  Thr°ugh 

.         .  Ciruner     he 

was  wandering  and  groping  for  a  niche  in  life.     Even-  stumbled 
tually,  in  1805,  while  beginning  the  study  of  architecture  ^  *J  life 
in  Frankfort,  he  met  Anton  Griiner,  head  of  a  Pesta-  teaching. 
lozzian  model  school,  who  persuaded  him  of  his  fitness  for 
teaching  and  gave  him  a  position  in  the  institution.    Here 
he  undertook  a  systematic  study  of  Pestalozzianism  under 
the  guidance  of  Gruner,  and  began  to  develop  his  own  prin- 
ciples and  methods.    Through  the  use  of  modeling  in  pa-  After  three 
per.  pasteboard,  and  wood  with  some  private  pupils,  he  ygars   of 

*  .    teaching,      he 

came  to  see  the  value  of  motor  expression  as  a  means  of  studied   with 
education.    After  three  years  in  Frankfort  he  withdrew  *'estalozzl   a* 

J  Yverdon,  and 

to  study  and  practice  at  Yverdon.     The  two  years  he  learned  much 


222  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

about  physi-   spent  there  proved  most  profitable.     He  gained  much 

ography,    na-    -  ..... 

ture  study,       from  the  training  in  physiography  and  nature  study  that 
children          ke  Save  ^e  PUP*1S  during  long  walks  in  the  country;  he 
training  by     found  an  opportunity  to  study  the  play  of  children  in  its 
music"5          effect  upon  intellectual  as  well  as  physical  development; 
he  first  came  to  attach  importance  to  that  earliest  train- 
ing of  a  child  by  its  mother;  and  his  knowledge  of  music, 
which  was  to  play  so  important  a  part  in  his  methods, 
was  greatly  enlarged.    As  a  further  result  of  his  stay  in 
Yverdon,  Froebel  began  to  see  more  than  ever  the  need 
of  a  broader  training,  if  he  were  going  to  unify  education, 
and  as  soon  as  possible  he  gave  up  his  work  in  Frankfort, 
and  renewed  his  university  studies.    He  went  first  to  G6t- 
He  next  stud-  tingen  in  1811,  but  was  the  next  year  attracted  to  Berlin 

ied      at      the       -  ,  .  r-r>r  ITT-'  •! 

University  of  by  the  reputation  of  Professor  Weiss  in  mineralogy. 
Bcrim  and     \yhj}e  with  Weiss,  he  became  fully  "convinced  of  the  de- 

crystallized  * 

his  mystic  monstrable  connection  in  all  cosmic  development,"  and 
m  y'  declared  that  "thereafter  my  rocks  and  crystals  served 
me  as  a  mirror  wherein  I  might  discern  mankind,  and 
man's  development  and  history."  Thus  he  crystallized 
that  mystic  law  of  'unity'  with  which  he  had  long  been 
struggling. 

The  School  at  Keilhau  and  the  Education  of  Man. — 

Except  for  a  year  of  service  in  the  Prussian  army,  where 

he  met  his  enthusiastic  young  friends  and  lifelong  as- 

in  1816,  with  sistants,  Langethal  and  Middendorf,  Froebel  remained  at 

and  Midden-  Berlin  for  four  studious  years.    But  he  never  lost  sight 

d°rf'  he<fTa^t"  of  his  original  purpose  of  educational  reform.    While  at 

ed  his     Uni- 
versal Ger-     the  university  he  continued  his  study  of  child  nature  by 

uite'   atSU      teaching  in  the  Pestalozzian  school  of  Plamann,1  and,  in 
Keilhau.          i8i6,  he  undertook  the  education  of  five  young  nephews, 

1  See  footnote  i  on  p.  146. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE       223 

with  the  hope  of  working  out  his  pedagogical  theories. 

In  this  venture  he  was  soon  joined  by  Middendorf  and 

Langethal,  and  with  them  he  founded  'The  Universal 

German  Institute  of  Education'  at  the  Thuringian  vil- 

lage of  Keilhau.    The  education  there  aimed  to  develop  There  he 

the  pupils  harmoniously  in  all  their  powers  through  the 


exercise  of  their  own  activity  in  subjects  whose  relations  expression 

.  through  play, 

wyith  one  another  and  with  life  had  been  carefully  thought  construction, 
out.    Self-expression,  free  development,  and  social  par-  an^romlnces 
ticipation  were  the  ruling  principles  of  the  school.    Much  and    ballads; 
of  the  training  was  obtained  through  play,  and,  except 
that  the  pupils  were  older,  the  germ  of  the  kindergarten 
was  already  present.    There  was  much  practical  work  in 
the  open  air,  in  the  garden  about  the  schoolhouse,  and  in 
the  building  itself.    The  children  built  dams  and  mills, 
fortresses  and  castles,  and  searched  the  woods  for  ani- 
mals, birds,  insects,  and  flowers.    They  learned  to  work 
out  practical  problems  in  form  and  number,  and  had  the 
world  of  imagination  opened  to  them  through  romances, 
ballads,  and  war-songs. 

To  popularize  the  institute.  Froebel  published  in  1826  and>  to  P°PU- 

,     ,         ,  .        .          „    ...  .       larize    his 

a  complete  account  of  the  theory  practiced  at  Keilhau  in  principles,  in 

his  famous  Education  of  Man.    While  this  work  is  com-  j1.^  p^.~ 

pressed,  repetitious,  and  vague,  and  its  doctrines  had  af-  Education   oj 

terward  to  be  corrected  by  experience,  it  contains  the 

most  systematic  statement  of  his  educational  philosophy 

that  Froebel  ever  made.    It  describes  Froebel's  interpre- 

tation of  the  universe  and  the  consequent  meaning  of 

human  life,  makes  an  exposition  of  his  chief  principles 

of  education,  and  applies  them  to  the  various  stages 

of  life  and  to  the  chief  school  subjects.    But  the  times 

were    not    ripe    for   the    radical    educational   methods 


224  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

practiced  in  the  community  at  Keilhau.  The  in- 
stitute was  suspected  of  socialistic  tendencies,  and  the 
government  inspector  of  schools  was  ordered  to  in- 
vestigate. This  official,  however,  reported  that  he  "found 
here  a  closely  united  family  of  some  sixty  members  held 
together  in  mutual  confidence  and  every  member  seeking 
the  good  of  the  whole.  .  .  .  That  this  union  must  have 
the  most  salutary  influence  on  instruction  and  training 
and  on  the  pupils  themselves,  is  self-evident.  .  .  .  No 
slumbering  power  remains  unawakened;  each  finds  the 
stimulus  it  needs  in  so  large  a  family.  .  .  .  The  aim  of 
the  institution  is  by  no  means  knowledge  and  science 
merely,  but  free  self-active  development  of  the  mind 
from  within." 

reasons  Froe-      Development  of  the  Kindergarten  and  Froebel's  Later 
bei    trans-      Works.  —  Nevertheless,   gossip  and  detraction  did  not 

ferred    his 

work   to        cease,  and,  for  various  reasons,  the  school  soon  found  it- 

Switzerland;  ir  •  •  •,          T»        i_    i  ii 

while  there!     se^  m  serious  straits.    Froebel  then  strove  to  secure  some 
he  began  to  place  where  he  might  not  only  rehabilitate  himself,  but 

devise    play-  .  . 

things,  even  extend  his  work  and  give  it  a  firmer  basis.    He  went 

andeSrno^e-SS>  to  Switzerland,  and  for  five  years  (1832-1837)  he  con- 

ments,   as  a  tinued  his  educational  experiments  in  various  locations 

training;0  and  there.     Eventually,  in  1835,  while  conducting  a  model 

m    1837    he  scnool  at  Burgdorf,  it  became  obvious  to  him  that  "all 

started  his  °  .  ... 

'Kinder-          school  education  was  yet  without  a  proper  initial  founda- 
'  an<^  t-nat>  until  the  education  of  the  nursery  was  re- 


and  six  years  formed,  nothing  solid  and  worthy  could  be  attained." 

Hshed    his  The  School  of  Infancy  of  Comenius  l  had  been  called  to 

^°lherN  Pl*y  his  attention  and  "the  necessity  of  training  gifted  and 

Songs.  capable  mothers"  had  been  growing  upon  him.    The  ed- 

1  For  Comenius  and  The  School  of  Infancy,  see  Graves,  History  oj 
Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  27$f.;  Great  Educators,  pp.  33f. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        225 

ucational  importance  of  play  now  appealed  to  him  more 
strongly  than  ever.  He  began  to  study  and  devise  play- 
things, games,  songs,  and  bodily  movements  that  would 
be  of  value  in  the  development  of  small  children,  although 
at  first  he  did  not  organize  his  materials  into  a  system. 
Then,  two  years  later,  when  his  wife's  failing  health  com- 
pelled him  to  return  to  Germany,  he  actually  established 
a  school  for  children  between  the  ages  of  three  and  seven. 
This  institution  was  located  at  Blankenburg,  two  miles 
from  Keilhau,  in  one  of  the  most  romantic  spots  in  the 
Thiiringian  Forest,  and  was  before  long  appropriately 
christened  'Kindergarten.'1  Here  he  put  into  use  the 
material  he  had  invented  in  Switzerland,  added  new  de- 
vices, and  developed  his  system.  The  main  features  of 
this  were  the  'play  songs'  for  mother  and  child;  the  series 
of  six  'gifts/  consisting  of  the  sphere,  cube,  and  other 
geometrical  forms;  and  the  'occupations,'  which  applied 
to  different  constructions  the  principles  the  child  had 
learned  through  the  'gifts.'  During  his  seven  years  in 
Blankenburg,  he  constantly  expanded  his  principles  and 
added  new  material,  and  the  accounts  of  these  additions 
have  been  collected  in  the  works  known  generally  as  Peda- 
gogics of  the  Kindergarten  and  Education  by  Development. 
By  1843  he  had  also  enlarged  his  collection  of  songs  into 
that  attractive  and  popular  book  known  as  Mother  Play 
and  Nursery  Songs.  This  work  was  intended  to  illustrate 
concretely  the  principles  and  methods  suggested  in  the 
Education  of  Man. 

1  That  is  to  say,  a  '  garden '  in  which  '  children '  are  the  unfolding  plants. 
Froebel  at  first  called  the  institution  by  the  cumbersome  and  uneupho- 
nious  name  of  Klcinkinderbeschafligungsanstalt  or  Anstaltfur  Kleinkinder- 
pflcge,  and  the  term  Kindergarten  came  to  him  like  an  inspiration  one 
day  while  walking  in  the  forest. 


226  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

His  want  of      The  kindergarten  attracted  considerable  attention,  and 
ability  forced  many  teachers  came  to  Blankenburg  to  study  the  system, 


him  to  close     j-^j.  FrOebel's  want  of  financial  ability  compelled  him  to 

the  school,  .  . 

and,  after  five  close  the  institution  after  an  existence  of  only  seven 
turing^he60  vears-  The  next  five  years  he  spent  largely  in  travelling 
settled  down  about  Germany  and  lecturing  upon  his  system,  with 

at     Lieben-  •    11        U    t  t  i-V. 

stein.  much  success,  especially  before  groups  of  mothers  and 

women  teachers.  In  1849  ne  settled  down  near  the  fa- 
mous mineral  springs  at  Liebenstein  in  Saxe-Meiningen, 
and  married  his  favorite  kindergartner.1  During  this 
period  Froebel  obtained  the  friendship  and  support  of 

Through         tne  Baroness  Berthe  von  Marenholtz-Biilow,  who  brought 

Baroness  von  ,-,....,  ,.., 

Billow,    he  a  large  number  of  people  of  distinction  in  the  political 

influential1^  an<^  educational  world  to  see  his  work  in  operation, 

Wends,  but  and  secured  a  magnificent  seat  for  his  institution  upon 

sk  *  issued"1  a  the  neighboring  estate  of  Marienthal.     She  also  wrote 

decree  against  most  interesting  Reminiscences  of  Froebel's  activities 

kindergartens,  ° 

and  Froebel  during  the  last  thirteen  years  of  his  life,  and  after  his 
strain"  6  death  she  spread  his  principles  throughout  most  of  Eu- 
rope. Froebel's  closing  days  now  bade  fair  to  be  most 
happy  and  successful,  but  in  1851,  through  a  confusion 
of  his  principles  with  the  socialistic  doctrines  of  his 
nephew  Karl,  a  decree  was  promulgated  in  Prussia  by  the 
minister  of  education,  closing  all  kindergartens  there. 
Froebel  never  recovered  from  this  unjust  humiliation, 
and  died  within  a  year. 

His  underly-  Froebel's  Fundamental  Principle  of  '  Unity  '  and  Its 
ing  principles  Applications.  —  Such,  in  brief,  is  the  historical  develop- 

go     back     to  r  ,     ,,  ..  ,  iij 

Pestabzzi  and  ment  of  Froebels  positions,  as  they  were  expanded  and 
imt^his11'  n  corrected  by  application  to  practical  teaching,  and  came 
ception  and  to  their  culmination  in  the  kindergarten.  While  his 

#• 

1  His  first  wife  had  died  in  1839. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        227 

underlying   principles   go   back    to    the   developmental  statement  oi 

aspect  of  Pestalozzi's  doctrines  and  even  to  Rousseau's  product  of 

naturalism,  his  conception  of  them,  his  imagery,  and  b°yhood  exj 

0     J  •  penences,  the 

statement,  seem  to  be  a  joint  product  of  the  religious  idealism,  the 

influences  of  his  boyhood  and  possibly  his  early  com-  a 


munion  with  nature.1  combined  with  the  idealistic  philos-  tific  thought 

.......of  the  times 

ophy,  the  romantic  movement,  and  the  scientific  spirit 
of  the  day.  These  latter  tendencies  seem  to  have  been 
assimilated  by  Froebel  not  only  through  his  residence  in 
Jena  and  Berlin,  but  through  the  influence  of  Langethal, 
Middendorf,  and  his  first  wife.  His  conclusions  as  to 
educational  theory  and  practice  would  have  been  pos- 
sible as  inferences  from  a  very  different  point  of  view, 
but  as  he  developed  them  logically  and  consistently 
with  his  metaphysical  position,  it  may  be  of  value  to 
consider  briefly  the  groundwork  of  the  Froebelian  philos- 
ophy. This  would  seem  the  more  important  because  at 
least  one  class  of  his  present-day  followers  have  deemed 
his  philosophy  absolutely  essential  to  a  proper  under- 
standing of  his  practices. 

From  idealism  Froebel  probably  took  that  interpreta- 
tion of  the  universe  which  holds  to  the  unity  of  nature 
with  the  soul  of  man.  The  'Absolute/  or  God,  he  regarded 
as  the  self-conscious  spirit  from  which  originated  both 
man  and  nature,  and  he  consequently  adopted  an  organic 
and  unitary  view  of  life.2  This  was  probably  emphasized 

1  It  seems  likely  that  Froebel  has  exaggerated  the  impression  made  on 
him  by  these  boyhood  experiences.     Probably  the  chief  influences  in 
shaping  his  philosophy  were  those  with  which  he  came  in  contact  at  the 
University  of  Jena. 

2  Froebel  is  unconsciously  following  Schelling,  when  he  talks  of  nature, 
symbolism,  or  aesthetics;  and  Fichte,  when  he  deals  with  will,  duty, 
personality,  and  morality.    Most  striking  is  his  resemblance  to  Schelling, 


228  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

through  the  scientific  thought  of  the  times,  in  which  ap- 
pear a  feeling  of  unity  and  inner  relation  and  a  concep- 
tion of  ordered  evolution.1  Similarly,  the  weird  religious 
experiences  of  his  youth  may  have  drawn  him  to  the 
mysticism  and  symbolism  of  the  current  romanticism. 
Hence,  while  his  writings  are  scientific  in  form,  they  ap- 
pear vague  and  sentimental,  and  are  filled  with  an  ex- 
He  holds  to  treme  symbolism.  His  fundamental  view  of  organic 

orsamc  .  .      ,  .  ,  .... 

'unity1  in  the  unity  appears  in  his  general  conception  of  the  universe, 
rse>         and  the  Education  of  Man  opens  with  the  statement: — 

"In  all  things  there  lives  and  reigns  an  eternal  law.  .  .  .  This 
law  has  been  and  is  enounced  with  equal  clearness  and  distinctness 
in  nature  (the  external),  in  the  spirit  (the  internal),  and  in  life, 
which  unites  the  two.  This  all-controlling  law  is  necessarily  based 
on  an  all-pervading,  energetic,  living,  self-conscious,  and  hence 
eternal  Unity.  .  .  .  This  Unity  is  God.  All  things  have  come 
from  the  Divine  Unity,  from  God,  and  have  their  origin  in  the 
Divine  Unity,  in  God  alone.  All  things  live  and  have  their  being  in 
and  through  the  Divine  Unity,  in  and  through  God.  The  divine 
effluence  that  lives  in  each  thing  is  the  essence  of  each  thing.2 

and  from  it       This   fundamental   mystic   conception    Froebel   con- 

denvesanum-  .  . 

her   of   sub-  stantly  reiterates  in  various  forms,  and  from  it  derives  a 
cational6        number  of  educational  ideals.    But  as  these  subsidiary 

especially  as  he  seems  to  have  borrowed  some  of  his  phraseology  from 
the  pupil  of  Schelling,  his  friend  Krause. 

1  See  pp.  aaof.    One  of  the  science  lecturers  at  Jena  seems  to  have  had 
some  idea  of  the  "interrelations  of  all  animals"  and  to  have  foreshadowed 
Darwinism  in  his  conception  of  man  as  "but  a  more  developed  type 
which  all  the  lower  forms  are  striving  to  realize."    Judging  from  the 
strong  similarity  of  Froebel's  works  in  thought  and  diction  to  those  of 
Oken,  it  may  well  be  that  the  school  of  Natur philosophic  was  more 
influential  than  either  idealism  or  romanticism  in  shaping  his  point  of 
view.    An  unpublished  paper  by  W.  H.  Kilpatrick  of  Columbia  Univer- 
sity makes  this  relation  very  likely. 

2  Education  of  Man  (Hailmann  edition),  pp.  i  and  2. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE         229 

conceptions  do  not  play  a  prominent  part  in  the  actual 
practice  of  his  system,  it  is  sufficient  to  give  them  in 
outline  only.  As  corollaries  of  the  unity  of  man  and  na- 
ture, Froebel  holds  to  continuity  in  creation  and  progres-  continuity, 
sive  development  from  the  lower  to  the  higher  grades 
of  being  both  in  the  history  of  the  race  and  in  the  life 
of  the  individual.  On  the  one  hand,  he  holds,  "God 
develops  the  most  minute  and  imperfect  elements, 
through  ever-rising  stages,  according  to  a  law  eternally 
founded  in  itself";  on  the  other,  "it  is  highly  pernicious 
to  consider  the  stages  of  human  development — infant, 
child,  boy  or  girl,  man  or  woman — as  really  distinct, 
and  not,  as  life  shows  them,  as  continuous  in  themselves 
in  unbroken  transitions."  In  carrying  out  the  former  of 
these  interpretations  of  'continuity,'  Froebel  approaches 
the  Herbartian  theory  of  'culture  epochs'  by  holding  culture 

"  .  .         epochs, 

that  each  successive  generation  and  each  successive 
human  being,  inasmuch  as  he  would  understand  the  past 
and  present,  must  pass  through  all  preceding  phases  of 
human  development  and  culture."  And  the  latter  con- 
ception he  elaborates  into  the  declaration  that  "the 
vigorous  complete  development  of  each  successive  stage 
depends  on  the  vigorous,  complete,  and  characteristic 
development  of  each  and  all  preceding  stages  of  life," 
and  maintains  that  "the  child,  the  boy,  the  man  indeed 
should  know  no  other  endeavor  but  to  be  at  every  stage 
of  development  wholly  what  this  stage  calls  for."  In 
this  he  would  seem  to  revert  from  the  general  Pestaloz- 
zian  principle  of  'development'  to  the  more  fixed  and 
set  Rousselian  theory  of  'delayed  maturing.'  1  Froebel  delayed  ma- 

1M  ,  ...  ,        turing, 

likewise  insists  not  only  upon  a    unity    in  age  periods, 
1  See  pp.  22!. 


230 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


connected- 
ness, 


but  at  all  periods  upon  a  unity  in  intellectual,  physical, 
and  moral  life,  and  in  the  relations  of  the  mental  phases 
of  knowing,  feeling,  and  willing. 

Moreover,  he  extends  his  principle  of  'unity'  to  the 
subject-matter  of  the  school,  and  maintains  that  there 
should  be  a  connectedness  in  the  course  of  study.  "  Human 
education,"  he  declares,  "requires  the  knowledge  and  ap- 
preciation of  religion,  nature,  and  language  in  their  inti- 
mate riving  reciprocity  and  mutual  interaction.  Without 
the  unity  of  the  three,  the  school  and  we  ourselves  are  lost 
in  the  fallacies  of  bottomless,  self-provoking  diversity." 
He  holds  that  this  interrelation  of  studies  should  exist  be- 
cause of  their  mutual  dependence  upon  the  divine  efflu- 
ence. Nature  study,  for  example,  gives  acquaintance 
with  the  handiwork  and  manifestation  of  God,  mathe- 
matics makes  clear  the  reign  of  law  in  the  universe,  and 
language  must  be  connected  with  religious  instruction,  in 
order  that  words  may  be  joined  with  real  ideas  in  life. 
Furthermore,  there  should  be  a  '  connectedness '  between 
the  home  and  school  life,  and  the  means  of  education 
should  combine  domestic  and  scholastic  occupations. 
Hence,  while  these  pedagogical  conclusions  are  drawn 
from  his  mystic  philosophy,  they  do  not  differ  in  spirit 
and  correia-  frOm  the  'correlation'  and  'concentration'  based  upon 

tion  and  con-  . 

centratbn.       the  Herbartian  psychology. 

His  general        '  Self-activity  *  and    '  Creativeness.' — But   the  most 

that  of  'self-  fruitful  consequence  of  this  law  of  'unity'  is  Froebel's 

activity,' 


inference  as  to  the  proper  procedure  in  education, 
holds: 


He 


"In  every  human  being,  as  a  member  of  humanity  and  as  a  child 
of  God,  there  lies  and  lives  humanity  as  a  whole;  but  in  each  one 
it  is  realized  and  expressed  in  a  wholly  particular,  peculiar,  per- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        231 

sonal,  and  unique  manner,  and  it  should  be  exhibited  in  each  in- 
dividual human  being  in  this  wholly  peculiar,  unique  manner."  1 

Hence  he  maintains  that  there  is  in  every  person 
at  birth  a  coordinated,  unified  plan  of  his  mature  char- 
acter, and  that,  if  it  is  not  marred  or  interfered  with, 
it  will  develop  naturally  of  itself.  While  he  is  not  en- 
tirely consistent,  and  at  times  implies  that  this  natural 
development  must  be  guided  and  even  shaped,  in  the 
main  he  reiterates  Rousseau's  doctrine  that  'nature  is 
right,'  and  clearly  stands  for  a  full  and  free  expression 
of  the  instincts  and  impulses.  Moreover,  since  the  nat- 
ural or  unmarred  impulses  are  in  accord  with  this 
unique  implicit  character,  and  may  be  interfered  with 
or  thwarted  by  an  unwise  education,  he  insists  that 
"education  in  instruction  and  training  should  necessarily 
be  passive,  following;  not  prescriptive,  categorical,  inter- 
fering," -  and  thus  presents  Rousseau's  idea  of  'negative 
education'  with  but  slight  disguise. 

But  in  his  conclusion  as  to  the  proper  method  for 
accomplishing  this  'development/  Froebel  naturally 
holds  that  it  "should  be  brought  about  not  in  the  way  of 
dead  imitation  or  mere  copying,  but  in  the  way  of  living, 
spontaneous  self-activity,"  3  for  "the  eternal  divine 
principle  as  such  demands  and  requires  free  self-activity 
and  self-determination  on  the  part  of  man,  the  being 
created  for  freedom  in  the  image  of  God."  4  And  this 
principle  of  self-activity  as  the  method  of  education  is 
most  distinctively  Froebelian  and  has  proved  most  im- 
portant and  influential.  By  it  Froebel  implies  more 
than  mere  activity.  It  is  not  simply  activity  in  response 

lOpcit.,  p.  18.  3Op.  cit.,  p.  18. 

2  Op   cit.,  p.  7.  *0p.  cit.,  p.  n. 


232 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


pression. 


to  suggestion  or  instruction  from  parents  or  teachers 
that  he  seeks,  but  activity  of  the  child  in  carrying  out 
his  own  impulses  and  decisions.  Individuality  must  be 
developed  by  such  activity,  and  selfhood  given  its  right- 
ful place  as  the  guide  to  the  child's  powers  when  exer- 
cised in  learning.  It  is  not  sufficient  that  the  learner 
shall  do  all  for  himself,  but  the  activity  must  enlist  the 
entire  self  in  all  its  phases  of  being. 

Froebel,  therefore,  advocates  not  only  motor  activity, 

but    self-expression    as    the    chief    aim    of   educational 

method.    Hence  with  this  idea  of  development  through 

with  which  is  <  self-activity  '  is  connected  his  principle  of  creativeness. 

connected  his  .  .         . 

principle  of  by  which  new  forms  and  combinations  are  made  and 
x-  expression  is  given  to  new  images  and  ideas.  Here  also 
he  at  first  gives  his  theory  a  mystic  garb  and  states  it  in 
religious  language.  He  declares  that  "since  God  created 
man  in  his  own  image,  man  should  create  and  bring  forth 
like  God  ;  this  is  the  high  meaning,  the  deep  significance, 
the  great  purpose  of  work  and  industry,  of  productive 
and  creative  activity."  *  But  when  he  comes  to  deal 
with  constructive  handwork  in  the  school,  like  Rousseau 
he  bases  his  position  upon  psychological  grounds  and 
says:— 

"To  learn  a  thing  in  life  and  through  doing  is  much  more  devel- 
oping, cultivating,  and  strengthening,  than  to  learn  it  merely 
through  the  verbal  communication  of  ideas.  Similarly,  plastic 
material  representation  in  life  and  through  doing,  united  with 
thought  and  speech,  is  by  far  more  developing  and  cultivating  than 
the  merely  verbal  representation  of  ideas."  2 

The  Sodal  AsPect  of  Education.—  His  emphasis 
upon  this  psychological  principle  of  motor  expression 


aspects   of 


1Op.  cit.,  p.  31. 


2  Op.  ciL,  p.  279. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        233 

under  the  head  of  'self-activity'  and  'creativeness'  is  education, 
the  chief  characteristic  of  Froebel's  method.     Rousseau  sdf-realiza-  * 
had  recommended  motor  activity  as  a  means  of  learning,  tion  comes 

J  '    through  so- 

but  he  had  insisted  upon  an  isolated  and  unsocial  educa-  rial  participa- 
tion for  Emile.  Froebel,  however,  stresses  the  social  t 
aspects  of  education  quite  as  clearly  as  he  does  the  prin- 
ciple of  self-expression,  and  seems  to  hold  that  the  one 
is  essential  to  the  other.  The  increasing  self-realization, 
or  individualization  through  'self-activity,'  must  come 
through  a  process  of  socialization.  The  life  of  the  in- 
dividual is  necessarily  bound  up  with  participation  in 
institutional  life.  Each  one  of  the  various  human  insti- 
tutions in  which  the  mentality  of  the  race  has  manifested 
itself — the  home,  the  school,  the  church,  the  state,  and 
society  at  large — becomes  a  medium  for  the  activity  of 
the  individual,  and  at  the  same  time  a  means  of  social 
control.  The  social  instinct  is  primal,  and  the  individual 
can  be  truly  educated  only  in  the  company  of  other 
human  beings. 

Hence,  Froebel  held  that  in  education  'self-activity' 
should  be  used  to  enable  the  child  to  enter  into  the  life 
about  him  and  to  find  the  connection  between  himself  and 
the  activities  of  others.  As  far  as  he  enters  into  the  sur- 
rounding life,  he  is  to  receive  the  development  needed  for 
the  present,  and  thereby  also  to  be  prepared  for  the  fu- 
ture. Through  imitation  of  cooperative  activities  in  play, 
he  obtains  not  only  physical,  but  intellectual  and  moral 
training.  Hence  Froebel  rhetorically  asks: 

"Justice,  moderation,  self-control,  truthfulness,  loyalty,  broth- 
erly love,  and  again,  strict  impartiality — who,  when  he  approaches 
a  group  of  boys  engaged  in  such  games,  could  fail  to  catch  the  fra- 
grance of  these  delicious  blossomings  of  the  heart  and  mind,  and 


234  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

of  a  firm  will;  not  to  mention  the  beautiful,  though  perhaps  less 
fragrant,  blossoms  of  courage,  perseverance,  resolution,  prudence, 
together  with  the  severe  elimination  of  indolent  indulgence?"  * 

Such  a  moral  and  intellectual  atmosphere  Froebel 
sought  to  cultivate  at  Keilhau  by  cooperation  in  domestic 
labor, — 'lifting,  pulling,  carrying,  digging,  splitting,' 2  and 
through  cooperative  construction  out  of  blocks  of  a  chapel, 
castle,  and  other  features  of  a  village;3  and  such  an  educa- 
tive participation  was  conceded  to  exist  by  the  inspector  of 
schools  sent  there  with  hostile  intent.4  Similarly,  Baron- 
ess von  Btilow  tells  us,  the  kindergarten  was  intended 
to  "represent  a  miniature  state  for  children,  in  which  the 
young  citizen  can  learn  to  move  freely,  but  with  con- 
sideration for  his  little  fellows,"  5  and  thus  obtain  mental 
and  moral  preparation  for  life. 
These  basal  The  Kindergarten,  and  Its  Mother-Play,  Gifts,  and 

principles     of 

motor  expres-  Occupations. — Thus  throughout  all  Froebel  s  educa- 
si.on  an?.  .I30'  tional  works  and  experiments,  his  basal  principles  of 

cial   partici- 
pation   Froe-  motor    expression    and    social    participation    are    con- 
to  realize  in°a  stantly  implied  and  illustrated.    But  Froebel  also  made 
school    with-  a  third  contribution   to  educational  practice  in  advo- 

out  books  and  . 

set  tasks,  and  eating  as  a  means  of  realizing  these  principles  a  school 
a  Third  Treat  w^hout  books  or  set  intellectual  tasks,  and  permeated 
contribution  with  play,  freedom,  and  joy.  Even  in  the  Education  oj 

to  educational    ....  ,      .  ,  .  .  .      . .          .    . 

practice.         Man  he  declares  that  the  systematic  use  of  self-activity 
and  '  creativeness '  has  been  neglected  in  the  education 
of  the  day.     He  consequently  advocates  development 
through  drawing,  domestic  activities,  gardening,  build- 
ing of  dams,   houses,   fortresses,  paper-cutting,  paste- 

1  Op.  cil.,  pp.  H3f.  3  Op.  cil.,  pp.  noff. 

2  Op.  cil.,  pp.  loif.  4  Sec  p.  224. 

5  Reminiscences,  p.  13. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        235 

board  work,  modeling,  and  other  forms  of  creation.  It 
was  not,  however,  until  the  period  of  Froebel's  kinder- 
garten at  Blankenburg  that  these  means  of  expression 
and  socialization  obtained  their  definite  school  organiza- 
tion. In  the  kindergarten,  'self-activity'  and  'creative- 
ness/  together  with  social  cooperation,  found  complete 
application  and  concrete  expression,  and  Froebel  de- 
voted the  rest  of  his  life  to  developing  and  describing  the 
course  of  this  new  educational  institution.  The  training  The  training 
has  always  consisted  of  three  coordinate  forms  of  ex-  garten  has 
pression:  (i)  song,  (2)  movement  and  gesture,  and  c.hie^  con~ 
(3)  construction;  and  mingled  with  these  and  growing 
out  of  each  is  the  use  of  language  by  the  child.  But 
these  means,  while  separate,  often  cooperate  with  and 
interpret  one  another,  and  the  process  is  connected  as 
an  organic  whole.  For  example,  when  the  story  is  told 
or  read,  it  is  expressed  in  song,  dramatized  in  movement 
and  gesture,  and  illustrated  by  a  construction  from 
blocks,  paper,  clay,  or  other  material  by  modeling  or 
drawing.  By  thus  embodying  the  ideas  in  objective 
form,  imagination  and  thought  are  stimulated,  the  eye 
and  hand  trained,  the  muscles  coordinated,  and  the  mo- 
tives and  sentiments  elevated  and  strengthened. 

The  Mother  Play  and  Nursery  Songs  were  believed  songs  and  the 

,        „        .     ,  -11  MI  •  PI-  accompany- 

by  Froebel  to  contain  the  best  illustration  of  his  system.  ing  games  and 

Of  them  he  says,  "I  have  here  laid  down  the  fundamen-  sestures> 
tal  ideas  of  my  educational  principles."  This  work 
consists  of  an  organized  series  of  carefully  selected  songs, 
games,  and  pictures,  and  is  intended  to  make  clear  and 
direct  the  educational  instinct  of  the  mother.  The  songs 
should  enable  her  to  see  that  the  child's  education  begins 
at  birth,  and  should  awaken  her  to  the  responsibility  of 


236  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

motherhood.  They  should  likewise  exercise  the  infant's 
senses,  limbs,  and  muscles,  and,  through  the  loving 
union  between  mother  and  child,  draw  both  into  in- 
telligent and  agreeable  relations  with  the  common  ob- 
jects of  life  about  them.  For  the  culture  of  the  maternal 
consciousness,  Froebel  prefixed  to  the  'play  songs'  seven 
'mother's  songs,'  in  which  he  depicts  the  mother's  feel- 
ings in  viewing  her  newborn  infant,  and  her  hopes  and 
fears  as  she  witnesses  the  unfolding  physical  and  mental 
life  of  the  child.  The  fifty  'play  songs'  are  each  con- 
nected with  some  simple  nursery  game,  like  'pat-a-cake,' 
'hide-and-seek,'  or  the  imitation  of  some  trade,  and  are 
intended  to  correspond  to  a  special  physical,  mental,  or 
moral  need  of  the  child.  The  selection  and  order  of  the 
songs  were  determined  with  reference  to  the  child's  devel- 
opment, which  ranges  from  almost  reflex  and  instinctive 
movements  up  to  an  ability  to  represent  his  perceptions 
with  drawings,  accompanied  by  considerable  growth  of 
the  moral  sense.  Each  song  contains  three  parts:  (i)  a 
motto  for  the  guidance  of  the  mother;  (2)  a  verse  with 
the  accompanying  music,  to  sing  to  the  child ;  and  (3)  a 
picture  illustrating  the  verse.  A  more  complete  com- 
mentary is  afforded  by  the  'closing  thoughts'  and  the 
'explanations'  furnished  by  Froebel  at  the  end  of  the 
work.1 
The  most  original  and  striking  of  the  kindergarten 

1  For  a  description  of  the  songs,  see  especially  Wiggin  and  Smith's 
Kindergarten  Principles  and  Practice,  pp.  42-61  and  92-108;  or  White's 
Educational  Ideas  of  Froebel,  Chap.  IX.  Frances  and  Emily  Lord  have 
rendered  the  Midtcr-Spiel  und  Kosc-lieder  into  English  under  the  title  of 
Mother's  Songs,  Games,  and  Stories,  while  Susan  E.  Blow  has  translated 
The  Songs  and  Music  and  The  Mottoes  and  Commentaries  in  separate 
volumes. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        237 

materials  are  the  so-called  'gifts'  and  'occupations.'  and  of  the 
The  distinction  between  these  two  types  of  media  is  'occupations.' 
rather  arbitrary,  as  they  are  both  intended  to  stimulate 
motor  expression  and  are  closely  connected  in  use.  The 
'occupations'  represent  activities,  while  the  'gifts'  fur- 
nish ideas  for  these  activities.  The  'gifts'  combine  and 
rearrange  certain  definite  material,  but  do  not  change 
the  form,  while  the  'occupations'  reshape,  modify,  and 
transform  their  material.  The  products  obtained  from 
the  one  are  transient,  but  from  the  other  are  more  per- 
manent. The  emphasis  in  kindergarten  practice  has 
come  to  be  transferred  from  the  'gifts'  to  the  'occupa- 
tions,' which  have  been  largely  increased  in  range  and 
number.  Froebel  strove  to  carry  out  his  principle  of 
'development'  in  the  order  and  gradation  of  the  'gifts.' 
They  are  so  arranged  as  to  lead  from  the  properties  or 
activities  of  one  to  those  of  the  next,  and,  while  intro- 
ducing new  impressions,  repeat  the  old.  Every  new  '  gift ' 
is  used  alternately  with  the  old,  and  the  use  of  the  new 
makes  the  play  with  the  old  freer  and  more  intelligent. 
The  first  'gift'  consists  of  a  box  of  six  woolen  balls  of 
different  colors.  They  are  to  be  rolled  about  in  play, 
and  thus  develop  ideas  of  color,  material,  form,  motion, 
direction,  and  muscular  sensibility.  A  sphere,  cube, 
and  cylinder  of  hard  wood  compose  the  second  'gift.' 
Here,  therefore,  are  found  a  known  factor  in  the  sphere 
and  an  unknown  one  in  the  cube.  A  comparison  is 
made  of  the  stability  of  the  cube  with  the  movability 
of  the  sphere,  and  the  two  are  harmonized  in  the  cylinder, 
which  possesses  the  characteristics  and  powers  of  each. 
The  third  'gift'  is  a  large  wooden  cube  divided  into 
eight  equal  cubes,  thus  teaching  the  relations  of  the 


238  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

parts  to  the  whole  and  to  one  another,  and  making  pos- 
sible original  constructions,  such  as  armchairs,  benches, 
thrones,  doorways,  monuments,  or  steps.  The  three 
following  'gifts'  divide  the  cube  in  various  ways  so  as 
to  produce  solid  bodies  of  different  types  and  sizes,  and 
excite  an  interest  in  number,  relation,  and  form.  From 
them  the  children  are  encouraged  to  construct  geomet- 
rical figures  and  'forms  of  beauty'  or  artistic  designs. 
The  exercise  the  gifts  afforded  was  not  unlike  the  inven- 
tional  drawing  of  Pestalozzi,  except  that  actual  material 
was  used  instead  of  outlining  with  a  pencil.  The  most 
surprising  ingenuity  in  invention  was  often  displayed  by 
the  pupils  in  Froebel's  kindergarten.  In  addition  to  the 
six  regular  'gifts/  he  also  introduced  additional  play 
with  'tablets,'  'sticks,'  and  'rings,'  sometimes  known 
as  'gifts  seven  to  nine.'  This  material  introduces  sur- 
faces, lines,  and  points  in  contrast  with  the  preceding 
solids,  and  brings  out  the  relations  of  area,  outline,  and 
circumference  to  volume.  It  offers  innumerable  oppor- 
tunities for  the  invention  of  symmetrical  patterns  and 
artistic  design.1 

The  'occupations/  which  apply  to  practice  what  has 
been  assimilated  through  the  'gifts/  comprise  a  long  list 
of  constructions  with  paper,  sand,  clay,  wood,  and  other 
materials.  These  require  greater  manual  dexterity  and 
include  considerable  original  design.  They  should  not 
be  undertaken  until  after  the  'gifts/  as  one  must  be 
conscious  of  ideas  before  attempting  to  express  them. 

1  Pictures  of  the  'gifts'  and  a  more  complete  account  of  their  use  can 
be  found  in  Froebel's  Pedagogics  of  Ike  Kindergarten  (translated  by  Jarvis), 
Chaps.  IV-XIII;  White's  Educational  Ideas  of  Frocbcl,  Chap.  VIII; 
Wiggin  and  Smith's  Froebel's  Gifts;  and  especially  Kraus-Bolte's  Kinder- 
garten Guide,  First  Volume. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        239 

Corresponding  with  the  'gifts'  that  deal  with  solids, 
may  be  grouped  'occupations'  in  clay  modeling,  card- 
board cutting,  paper  folding,  and  wood  carving;  and 
with  those  of  surfaces  may  be  associated  mat  and  paper 
weaving,  stick  shaping,  sewing,  bead  threading,  paper 
pricking,  and  drawing.1 

The   Value   of   Froebel's   Principles. — For  one  pur- 

...  .  ,.,„       ,  superficial 

suing  destructive  criticism,  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  faults  are 
find  flaws  in  both  the  theory  and  practice  of  Froebel.  obvious'— 
The  more  superficial  defects  of  his  practice  are  singularly 
obtrusive,  as,  for  example,  in  the  material  of  the  Mother  the  pictures, 
Play.    In  this  work  the  pictures  are  rough  and  poorly  verses'  of  his 
drawn,  the  music  is  crude,  and  the  verses  are  lacking  in  Play  s™gs 

are    crude; 

rhythm,  poetic  spirit,  and  diction.     They  are  difficult 
to  memorize,  and  their  arrangement  and  sequence  seem 
at  times  to  lack  consistency.    But  the  illustrations  and 
songs  served  well  the  interests  and  needs  of  those  for 
whom  they  were  produced,  and  Froebel  himself  was  not  but  he  gave 
insistent  that  they  should  be  used  after  more  satisfactory  example^ 
compositions  were  found.    He  wished  only  to  afford  ex- 
amples of  how  the  mother  might  aid  in  the  development 
of  her  child,  and  no  other  collection  of  children's  songs 
has  ever  been  devised  to  compare  with  his  in  educa- 
tional value.     Other  criticism  of  his  material  has  been  H;s   materiai 
made  on  the  ground  that  it  was  especially  adapted  to  '!  to°  much 
German   ideals,    German   children,    and    the   relatively  locality  and 
simple  village  life  of  his  experience,  and  that  it  needs  ^  much' of 
considerable  modification  to  suit  other  countries  and  the  hjs  practice 
industrial  organization  of  society  to-day.     Also  the  ar- 

1  An  excellent  account  of  the  'occupations'  is  given  in  Wiggin  and 
Smith's  Frocbd's  Occupations,  and  even  greater  details  in  Kraus-Bolte's 
Kitidcrgartcn  Guide,  Second  Volume. 


240  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ogy,  but  his  gument  of  'formal  discipline'  for  care  and  accuracy  in 
disciples  have  the  use  of  the  gifts,  and  the  insistence  upon  the  employ- 
held  to  the  ment  of  every  part  of  each  gift  upon  all  occasions  in 

spirit  and  not 

the  letter  of  the  exact  order  mentioned  by  Froebel,  have  been  shown 
to  violate  the  principles  of  modern  psychology.  This 
would  not  be  conceded  by  the  literal  followers  of  the 
master  or  those  inclined  to  make  a  cult  or  mystery  of 
Froebelianism.  But  his  more  liberal  disciples  realize 
that  it  is  the  spirit  of  his  underlying  principles,  and  not 
the  letter  of  his  practice,  that  should  be  followed,  and 
have  constantly  struggled  to  keep  the  kindergarten 
matter  and  methods  in  harmony  with  the  times  and 
the  environment. 

But  the  great-       The  greatest  hindrance  to  the  acceptance  of  Froebel- 

est  weakness      ...  ...  .   . 

of  Froebel-  lanism,  however,  has  not  arisen  from  a  skepticism  con- 
cernmg  the  value  of  the  material  used  in  his  practice  so 


of  the  prac-  much  as  from  the  modern  antipathy  to  his  bizarre  philos- 
basis  of  mysti-  ophy.  Froebel  was  quite  ignorant  of  the  laws  of  child  de- 
cismandsym-  velopment  now  known  to  modern  science,  and,  in  ex- 

bohsm,  rather  ... 

than  by  means  plaining  his  educational  practice,  substituted  principles 

child6  devei-°    °^  mysticism  and  symbolism  that  grew  out  of  the  weird 

opment-          religious  experience  of  his  youth  and  the  intellectual 

movements  of  the  times.    Hence  he  often  resorts  to  most 

fantastic  and  strained  interpretations.     Since  all  things 

live  and  have  their  being  in  and  through  God  and  the  di- 

vine principle  in  each  is  the  essence  of  its  life,  everything 

nd  in  conse-  *s  ^able  to  be  considered  by  Froebel  as  symbolic  in  its 

quence,  many  very  nature  and  as  made  by  God  to  reveal  and  express 

fantastic,  and  himself  .    Thus  with  Froebel  the  sphere  becomes  the  sym- 

vague  doc-      fool  of  diversity  in  unity  -  the  faces  and  edges  of  crystals 

tnnes     are  .  . 

offered.  all  have  mystic  meanings,2  and  the  numbers  three  and 

1  Education  of  Man,  §69.  20p.  cit.,  §§70-72 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        241 

five  reveal  an  inner  significance.1  At  times  this  symbol- 
ism descends  into  a  literal  and  verbal  pun,  where  it 
seems  to  a  modern  that  Froebel  can  hardly  be  in  earnest, 
or  is  struggling  for  a  suggestive  system  of  mnemonics. 
Such  is  his  explanation  of  the  'nursling'  as  a  great  ap- 
propriating 'eye,' and  the  'boy '  as  one  who  strives  to  'an- 
nounce' himself.2  His  theory  of  knowledge  is  likewise 
peculiar.  He  implies  that  general  conceptions  are  im- 
plicit in  the  child,  and  each  of  these  can  be  awakened  by 
'adumbration,'  that  is,  by  presenting  something  that  will 
symbolically  represent  that  particular  'innate  idea.' 
Thus  in  treating  the  gifts  and  games,  he  maintains  that 
from  a  ball  the  pupil  gathers  an  abstract  notion  of  a  '  self- 
dependent  whole  and  unity,'  while  to  the  same  child  a 
cube  represents  a  'developing  manifold  body.'3  Simi- 
larly, his  cosmology  leads  him  to  curious  conclusions. 
Since  God  is  the  self-conscious  spirit  that  originated  both 
man  and  nature,  Froebel  held  that  everything  is  inter- 
connected, and  each  part  of  the  universe  may  throw  light 
on  every  other  part.  Hence  he  takes  seriously  every  va- 
riety of  poetic  analogy  between  physical  phenomena  and 
mental  or  social.  He  constantly  holds  that  a  knowledge 
of  external  nature, — such  as  the  formation  of  crystals, 
will  enable  one  to  comprehend  the  laws  of  the  mind  and  of 
society. 

Unfortunately,  this  mystic  symbolism,  vague  and  ex- 
treme as  it  is,  is  regarded  by  the  strict  constructionists 

1  This  is  seen  in  his  description  of  plants  and  flowers,  while  in  his 
treatment  of  the  family  he  especially  vents  an  eccentric  disquisition  on 
the  number  five. 

2  Sdugling  is  interpreted  as  one  who  (S)  angt,  and  Kind  as  the  stage 
where  he  (ver)  kutidigt.    See  op.  cit.,  pp.  24  and  50. 

3  Pedagogics  of  the  Kindergarten,  pp.  32  and  105. 


242  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Unfortu-  among  the  kindergartners  as  the  most  essential  feature 

mystic    sym-  in  Froebelianism,  and  they  expect  the  innocents  in  their 

'    b  Fe  cnar§e  to  reveal  the  symbolic  effect  of  the  material  upon 

con-  their  minds.    There  is  no  real  evidence  for  supposing  that 

ost  sucn  associations  between  common  objects  and  abstract 

essential  fea-  conceptions  exist  for  children.     But  such  an  imaginary 

ture,  and  this  11.  .  ,  . 

often  tends  to  symbolic  meaning  may  be  forced  upon  an  object  by  the 
foster  msm-  ^Q^Q^QY.  Hence  pupils  in  conservative  kindergartens, 

centy    and 

sentimental-  without  appreciating  the  underlying  principles,  soon 
pupil!  learn  to  adopt  the  phrases  and  attitudes  that  will  satisfy 

the  teacher.  This  often  tends  to  foster  insincerity  and 
sentimentalism  rather  than  to  inculcate  abstract  truth 
through  symbols.  Had  Froebel  possessed  the  enlarged 
knowledge  of  biology,  physiology,  and  psychology  that 
is  available  for  one  living  in  the  twentieth  century,  it  is 
unlikely  that  he  would  have  insisted  upon  the  symbolic 
foundations  for  his  pedagogy.  His  real  principles  in  edu- 
cation are  heavily  handicapped  by  these  interpretations, 
and  while  quite  consistent  with  his  type  of  philosophy, 
might  as  easily  have  been  inferred  from  very  different 
positions  in  modern  psychology. 
But  Froebel  jjut  wnatever  may  be  said  of  his  philosophy,  incon- 

has,  upon  the  J 

whole,  had  a  sistencies,  or  other  shortcomings,  Froebel  has  had  a  most 
effect  upon  happy  effect  upon  education  as  a  whole.  In  some  re- 
education, spects  he  utilized  features  from  other  reformers.  We 

He    has    cor-  111  r  i         M       i   •        • 

roborated  or    have  seen  that  he  adopted  many  of  Pestalozzi  s  objective 
mTnl^i1  the  methods  in  geography,  natural  history,  arithmetic,  Ian- 
best  features  guage,  drawing,  writing  and  reading,  and  constructive 
PestaW.^r"'  geometry;  he  reiterated  Rousseau's  views  upon  the  in- 
and  Herbart;  fallibility  of  nature,  negative  education,  and  theory  of 
maturing;  and  advocated  the  physical  training  and  ex- 
cursions and  walks  as  a  means  of  study  that  are  stressed 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        243 

by  both  these  reformers.  In  his  hint  at  correlation  and 
culture  epochs,  and  especially  in  his  use  of  stories,  leg- 
ends, fables,  and  fairy-tales,  he  paralleled  his  contem- 

porary, Herbart,  in  his  influence  upon  the  curriculum.  _£ 

But  in  his  emphasis  upon  motor  expression,  and  upon  the  and  in  his  em- 

.    i  r  .  ..  phasis  upon 

social  aspects  of  education,  together  with  his  advocacy  of  motor    ex- 

a  school  without  books  or  set  tasks,  Froebel  was  unique,  P.ression>  t  so; 

'  cial  aspects  of 

and  made  a  most  distinctive  contribution  to  educational  education, 

practice.    Pestalozzi  had  in  his  earlier  career  developed  formaiYchooi, 

motor  activity  as  a  means  of  education  through  indus-  he  made  dis~ 

•    •         i  •  tractive    con- 

trial  training,  but  the   observation,  which  he  introduced  tritmtions   to 


at  the  same  time,  was  rather  passive  and  but  little 
connected  with  constructive  expression.  And  while  his 
use  of  drawing,  music,  and  modeling  provided  a  means 
of  expression,  it  remained  for  Froebel  to  organize  these 
and  other  subjects  into  the  school  procedure  and  to  make 
motor  expression  essential  instead  of  incidental.  In  his 
emphasis  upon  this  factor  of  education,  he  might,  how- 
ever, seem  to  be  reverting  to  Rousseau,  except  that, 
quite  in  opposition  to  that  reformer,  Froebel  also  held 
that  the  training  should  not  be  given  to  isolated  indi- 
viduals, but  should  operate  through  social  participation. 
These  two  underlying  and  associated  principles,  worked 
out  as  they  were  through  activities  and  informal  school- 
ing, have  become  most  distinctive  of  the  Froebelian 
method,  and  have  been  most  fruitful  in  their  influence 
upon  subsequent  education. 

Whenever  the  real  significance  of  his  principles  has  His      inc!_ 
been  comprehended,  they  have  been  recognized  as  the  p^s   compre- 
most  essential  laws  in  the  educational  process,  and  are  most  essen. 
valued  as  the  means  of  all  effective  teaching.     Froebel  tlal   laws   o{ 

education     at 

himself  never  worked  out  his  theories  in  connection  with  all  stages. 


244  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

the  schooling  beyond  the  kindergarten,  although  there  id 
reason  to  believe  that  he  intended  to  do  so  when  he  had 
time.  But,  in  harmony  with  Froebel7  all  stages  of  edu- 
cation are  coming  to  realize  the  value  of  discovering  and 
developing  individuality  by  means  of  initiative,  execu- 
tion, and  cooperation,  and  spontaneous  activities,  like 
play,  construction,  and  occupational  work  have  become 
more  and  more  the  means  to  this  end.  For  example,  the 
'^^  work/  'whittling/  ' clay-modeling,'  and  'sloyd/ 
•have  sprung  which  have  during  the  past  generation  found  a  place  in 
'whittling0'1  '  the  grades  of  American  schools,  together  with  the  more 
'clay-model-  advanced  types  of  'manual  training,'  which  have  been  in- 

ing,'     'sloyd,'  ,.,,.,,, 

and  'manual  troduced  into  the  high  schools  and  sometimes  become  the 
staple  of  a  special  type  of  secondary  institution,  have  to 
a  large  degree  sprung  from  the  influence  of  Froebel. 

Uno  Cygnaeus  (1810-1888),  who  started  the  manual 
training  movement,  owed  his  inspiration  to  Froebel  and 
his  own  desire  to  extend  the  kindergarten  occupations 
through  the  grades.  As  a  result  of  his  efforts  Finland  in 
1866  became  the  first  country  in  the  world  to  adopt  man- 
ual training  as  an  integral  part  of  the  course  in  the  elemen- 
tary and  training  schools.  In  1874,  through  the  visit  of 
Otto  Salomon  (1849-1907)  to  Cygnaeus,  Sweden  trans- 
formed its  sloyd  from  a  system  of  teaching  elementary 
trades  and  industrial  training  to  the  more  educative 
method  of  manual  training.  This  use  of  constructive  and 
occupational  work  for  educational  purposes  rather  than  for 
industrial  efficiency  soon  spread  throughout  Europe,  and, 
together  with  other  forms  of  manual  training,  was  first 
suggested  to  the  United  States  by  the  Centennial  Exposi- 
tion of  1876  at  Philadelphia.  Various  types  of  modern 
educational  theory  and  practice,  especially  those  asso- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        245 

dated  with  experiments  made  in  the  United  States,  also  re- 
veal large  elements  of  Froebelian  influence.    Among  these  The  educa- 

0  .  °  tional  work  oi 

might  be  included  the  work  of  Colonel  Parker  and  of  Pro-  Colonel  Par- 
fessor  John  Dewey.  Parker's  adaptation  of  part  of  Her-  fejJ^Dewey 
bartianism,  especially  concentration,  has  already  been  reveal  Iar8e 

,     ,  ,_,,,.  .  elements    of 

noted,  but  the  Froebelian  emphasis  upon  motor  expres-  Froebelian  in- 
sion,  the  social  aspect  of  education,  and  informal  schooling  fluence- 
are  evident  throughout  his  wrork  in  the  elementary  school, 
and  are  even  extended  so  as  to  include  speech  and  the 
language-arts.  Similarly,  Dewey's  occupational  work 
and  industrial  activities,  which  were  used  through  the  en- 
tire course  of  his  'experimental  school'  in  Chicago,1  al- 
though not  copied  directly  from  Froebel,  closely  ap- 
proached the  modified  practice  of  the  kindergarten. 
Moreover,  in  all  these  modern  systems  and  materials 
where  the  factor  of  motor  expression  is  prominent,  em- 
phasis is  also  laid  upon  informality  of  training  and  the 
social  aspect  of  education.  Thus  the  influence  of  all 
three  of  the  Froebelian  contributions  is  everywhere 
patent. 

The    Spread    of    Froebelianism    through    Europe. —  Froebei's 
Froebelianism   and   the  kindergarten,   then,   contained  ^e°  spread 
principles  that  were  destined  to  disseminate  themselves  by  Baroness 

F  •          i         i  ic    von   Billow 

by  virtue  of  their  educational  value.    But  the  spread  of  throughout 
the  kindergarten  itself  began  directly  after  the  death  of  Eur°Pc> 
Froebel  through  the  reformer's  devoted  followers.    Froe- 
bei's widow,  Middendorf,  and  the  Baroness  von  Billow 
especially  became  the  heirs  of  his  spiritual  possessions, 
and  proceeded  at  once  to  make  the  heritage  productive. 
Middendorf  did  not  long  survive  the  master,  and  Frau 
Froebei's  part  in  the  wide  evangelization  was  somewhat 
1  See  pp.  37gff. 


246  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

limited  by  her  education.  It  remained  for  the  intelleo 
tual  and  cultured  noblewoman,  by  means  of  her  social 
position  and  knowledge  of  modern  languages,  to  become 
the  great  apostle  of  Froebel  throughout  Europe.  Shortly 
after  his  death,  having  failed  to  obtain  a  revocation  of  the 
edict  in  Prussia  from  either  the  ministry  or  the  king,  the 
baroness  turned  to  foreign  lands.  She  visited  France, 
Belgium,  Holland,  Italy,  Russia,  and  nearly  every  other 
section  of  Europe,  and  in  1867  was  invited  to  speak  before 
the  'Congress  of  Philosophers'  at  Frankfort.  This  dis- 
tinguished gathering  had  been  called  to  inquire  into  con- 
temporary educational  movements,  and  after  her  eluci- 
dation of  Froebelianism,  a  standing  committee  of  the 
Congress,  known  as  the  'Froebel  Union/  was  formed  to 
study  the  system. 

and  the  kin-       AS  a  result  of  the  labors  of  the  baroness,  the  propa- 
bcen  every-     ganda  was  everywhere  eagerly  embraced.    Kindergar- 


*ens>  trainmg  schools,  and  journals  devoted  to  the 
cept  in  Ger-  movement  rapidly  sprang  up  on  all  sides.  While  the 
kindergarten  was  not  generally  adopted  by  the  govern- 
ments, it  was  widely  established  by  voluntary  means 
throughout  western  Europe,  and  has  since  met  with  a 
noteworthy  growth.  Instruction  in  Froebelian  princi- 
ples is  now  generally  required  in  most  normal  and 
teacher  training  institutions  of  Europe.  Sometimes,  as 
in  France  and  England,  it  has  been  combined  with  the 
infant  school  movement,1  and  has  lost  some  of  its  most 
vital  characteristics,  but  even  in  these  cases  the  cross- 
fertilization  has  afforded  abundant  educational  fruitage. 
Only  in  Germany,  the  native  land  of  the  kindergarten, 
has  serious  hostility  to  the  idea  remained.  The  deaden- 

1  See  pp.  63  and  69. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        247 

ing  effects  of  the  decree  in  Prussia  hung  over  the  German 
states  for  a  decade;  and  even  since  the  removal  of  the  ban, 
kindergartens  have,  with  few  exceptions,  never  been  rec- 
ognized as  genuine  schools  or  part  of  the  regular  state  sys- 
tem. Even  to-day  the  German  kindergarten  is  regarded 
as  little  more  than  a  day  nursery  or  convenient  place  to 
deposit  small  children  and  have  them  amused.1 

The  Kindergarten  in  the  United   States.—  The  de-  The  kinder- 
velopment  and  influence  of  the  kindergarten  have  been  had  its  wid- 


more  marked  in  the  United  States  than  in  any  other  coun-  fst 

J  in  the  United 

try,  and  its  history  there  demands  consideration  in  some  states. 
detail.    The  first  attempts  at  kindergartens  in  America 
were  made  shortly  after  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury.   Educated  Germans,  who  had  emigrated  to  Amer- 
ica because  of  the  unsettled  conditions  at  home  resulting 
from  the  revolutionary  days  of  1848,  established  private 
schools,  which  usually  included  kindergartens,  for  their 
children.    In  1860  Elizabeth  P.  Peabody  and  others  be-  it  was  in- 
came  interested  in  accounts  of  Froebel's  system  made  by  Boston   by 


Mrs.  Carl  Schurz,  and,  without  a  proper  knowledge  of  the  hzth  p< 
details,  undertook  to  open  a  kindergarten  in  Boston.  Not- 
withstanding the  immediate  success  of  this  institution  and 
the  evident  enjoyment  of  the  children,  Miss  Peabody  felt 
that  she  had  not  succeeded  in  getting  the  real  principles 
and  spirit  of  Froebel,  and  in  1867  she  went  to  study  with 
his  widow,  who  had  been  settled  in  Hamburg  for  several 
years.  Upon  her  return  the  following  year  Miss  Peabody 

1  When  Professor  Payne  of  the  London  College  of  Preceptors  visited 
the  kindergartens  in  six  German  cities  in  1874,  he  found  that,  while  the 
theory  was  just,  natural,  and  all-sided,  the  teachers  were  inefficient,  and 
the  rooms  were  often  small,  unsanitary,  and  ill-lighted.  (See  Payne, 
Lectures  on  the  History  of  Education,  pp.  203-271.)  Even  now,  forty 
years  later,  the  same  general  conditions  seem  to  obtain. 


248  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

corrected  the  errors  in  her  work  and  established  a  periodi- 
cal to  explain  and  spread  Froebelianism.  The  remainder 
of  her  life  was  spent  in  interesting  parents,  philanthro- 
pists, and  school  boards  in  the  movement,  and  a  service 
was  done  for  the  kindergarten  in  America  almost  equal 
to  that  of  Baroness  von  Billow  in  Europe.  In  1868 
through  Miss  Peabody  the  first  training  school  for  kin- 
dergartners  in  the  United  States  was  established  at 
in  New  York  Boston.  A  similar  institution  was  opened  in  New  York 
Bolte,  and  in  by  1872  in  charge  of  Maria  Bolte.1  Fraulein  Bolte  had 


by    studied  with  Frau  Froebel,  and  had  been  induced  to  settle 
Blow.  in  New  York.    Through  her  pupils  and  those  of  other 

German  kindergartners,  the  cause  was  rapidly  promoted. 
The  same  year  saw  the  beginning  of  Susan  E.  Blow's 
great  work  in  St.  Louis,  where  her  free  training  school 
for  kindergartners  was  opened.  Two  years  later  S.  H. 


Support  was    jjjn  of  Florence,  Massachusetts,  started  a  munificent 

work  by  s.  H.  provision  for  free  kindergartens  in  his  vicinity,  and  four 

Quinc^A       years  after  that  Mrs.  Quincy  A.  Shaw  began  establish- 

Shaw  and       ing  them  at  various  locations  in  the  neighborhood  of 

Boston,  until  she  was  supporting  at  least  thirty  such 

institutions.      Many   other   philanthropic   persons   be- 

came much  interested,  and  over  one  hundred  voluntary 

associations  were  soon  organized  to  found  and  maintain 

Emma  Mar-    kindergartens.    Through  the  work  of  Emma  Marwedel, 

wedcl   devel- 

oped  it  in        who  was  invited  to  California  in  1876  by  the  'Froebel 

California;       Union/  successful  training  classes  were  established  at  Los 

Angeles,  Oakland,  and  Berkeley.    Voluntary  kindergar- 

tens were  also  rapidly  opened,  and  there  was  organized 

in  1878  the  'Golden  Gate  Association'  at  San  Francisco, 

1  She  afterward  became  widely  known  as  Mrs.  Maria  Kraus-Bolte,  and 
is  still  (1913)  living  in  New  York  City. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        249 

which  at  its  height  supported  forty-one  free  institutions  and  voiun- 
and  an  excellent  training  school.    In  Milwaukee,  Cincin-  t;0ns  sprang 
nati,  Detroit.  Pittsburg,  Baltimore.  Philadelphia.  Cleve-  "p  ™  fi^'e 

'  >°;  ;  *  hundred  cen- 

land,  Washington,  Chicago,  Louisville,  and  other  centers,  ters  before 
between  1870  and  1890  subscriptions  were  raised  by  the  century.0 
churches  and  other  philanthropic  agencies,  and  the  work 
everywhere  grew  apace.   By  the  close  of  the  century  there 
were  about  five  hundred  such  voluntary  associations. 

But  philanthropy  and  private  foundations,  after  all,  II   s0011   be- 

.,.,.,  came  a  part  of 

are  restrictive,  and  it  was  not  until  the  kindergartens  be-  the    public 
gan  to  be  adopted  by  the  school  systems  that  the  move-  school  sys- 
ment  became  truly  national  in  the  United  States.    Boston  Louis,   San 
in  the  early  seventies  added  a  few  kindergartens  to  her  BostoiT^and 
public  schools,  but  after  several  years  of  trial  gave  them  other  cities- 
up  on  account  of  the  expense.    The  first  permanent  estab- 
lishment under  a  city  board  was  made  in  1873  a^  St.  Louis 
through  the  efforts  of  Miss  Blow  and  Dr.  William  T.  Har- 
ris, then  city  superintendent  of  schools.    Twelve  kinder- 
gartens were  organized  at  first,  but  others  were  opened 
as  rapidly  as  competent  directors  could  be  prepared  at 
Miss  Blow's  training  school.    Within  a  decade  there  were 
more  than  fifty  public  kindergartens  and  nearly  eight 
thousand  pupils  in  St.  Louis.    San  Francisco  authorized 
the  incorporation  of  kindergartens  in  the  public  schools 
in  1880;  and  between  that  date  and  the  end  of  the  century 
New   York,   Boston,   Philadelphia,   Buffalo,   Pittsburg, 
Rochester,   Providence,    Milwaukee,    Minneapolis,    and 
most  other  progressive  cities  and  even  many  smaller  mu- 
nicipalities made  the  work  an  integral  part  of  their  system. 
In  some  states  the  adoption  of  kindergartens  was  delayed 
by  the  necessity  of  securing  special  legislation  to  admit 
children  to  school  under  the  age  of  five  or  six.    Statutes, 


250  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

however,  were  eventually  passed  in  most  states  where 
they  were  needed,  and  by  1900  there  were  some  two  hun- 
dred cities  that  included  this  stage  of  education  in  their 
schools.  That  indicated  a  total  of  about  fifteen  hundred 
public  kindergartens,  with  nearly  twice  as  many  teachers 
and  considerably  over  one  hundred  thousand  pupils. 
About  twenty  of  the  cities  employed  a  special  supervisor 
to  inspect  the  work.  Excellent  training  schools  for  kin- 
dergartners  are  now  maintained  by  half  a  hundred  public 
and  quasi-public  normal  institutions.  A  large  number  of 
extensive  treatises,  manuals,  and  periodicals  devoted  to 
the  subject  of  kindergarten  work  are  published,  and  have 
a  wide  circulation  in  every  state  of  the  Union. 

The  Influence  of  Herbart  and  Froebel. — It  is  now  ob- 
vious how  large  a  part  in  the  development  of  modern 
educational  practice  has  been  played  by  Herbart  and  i 
Few   tenden-  Froebel.    There  are  few  tendencies  in  the  curricula  and 

cies    in    edu- 
cational prac-  methods  of  the  schools  to-day  that  cannot  be  traced  back 

cannot  be*     to  them,  or  to  Pestalozzi,  their  master.    But  the  reforms 
traced  back  to  of  all  three  find  their  roots  in  Rousseau.    By  his  insist- 

Herbart     and  . 

Froebel,  or     ence  upon  a    natural    education,  he  started  the  modern 
ter  'pesta^  social,  psychological,  and  scientific  movements  in  educa- 
lozzi,  and  all    tion,  and  opened  the  road  for  the  present-day  improve- 
thelr2  roots       men ts  in  organization,  method,  and  content.    This 'nat- 
in  Rousseau,    uralism'  was  continued  by  Pestalozzi's  '  development ' 
and  'sense  perception,'  and  these  aspects  were  further 
elaborated  by  Froebel  and  Herbart  respectively.  Through 
his  own  'observation'  methods,  Pestalozzi  greatly  im- 
proved the  teaching  of  arithmetic,  language  work,  geog- 
raphy,  elementary  science,   drawing,   writing,   reading, 
and  music,  and,  by  means  of  Fellenberg's  work,  developed 
industrial  and  philanthropic  training.     As  a  result  of 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE       251 

Herbart's  moral  and  religious  aim,  marked  advances  in 
the  teaching  of  history  and  literature  have  taken  place, 
and,  through  his  carefully  wrought  educational  doctrines, 
order  and  system  have  everywhere  been  introduced  into 
instruction.  From  Froebel's  mystic  interpretation  of 
'natural  development,'  we  have  obtained  the  kinder- 
garten training  for  a  period  of  life  hitherto  largely  neg- 
lected, and  the  informal  occupations,  manual  training, 
and  other  studies  of  motor  expression,  together  with  psy-  The  reforms 

....  ......  it*  °f   Pestalozzi, 

chological  and  social  principles  that  underlie  every  stage  Froebel,   and 


of  education.  - 

in  the 


Pestalozzi's  reforms  were  felt  in  Europe  throughout  nineteenth 
the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  but  did  not  [^Europe  and 
have  any   wide   effect   upon    the   United    States  until  the  United 

.      .  r™        States,    and 

after   the     Oswego   movement    L  in    the   sixties.     The  have  pro- 
influence  of  Froebel  appeared  in  Europe  shortly  after  the  duecaetd  ^  ulse 
middle  of  the  century,  and  began  to  rise  to  its  height  in  in  the  psycho- 
America  about  1880.    The  Herbartian  theory  and  prac-  sociological 
tice  became  popular  in  Germany  between  1865  and  1885,  movements 
while  the  growth  of  Herbartianism  in  the  United  States  education. 
began  about  five  years  after  the  latter  date.    Hence  the 
development  of  modern   educational  practice,   due  to 
these  three  great  reformers,  falls  distinctly  within  the 
period  of  the  nineteenth  century.     Owing  to  them  the 
past  century  witnessed  a  mighty  impulse  in  both  the 
psychological  and  sociological  movements  in  education. 
1  See  pp.  isaf. 


252  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

SUPPLEMENTARY   READING 
I.  SOURCES 

A.  Herbart 

ECKOFF,  W.  J.  Herbert's  A  B  C  of  Sense  Perception  and  Minor 
Pedagogical  Works. 

FELKIN,  H.  M.  and  E.  Herbart's  Letters  and  Lectures  on  Educa- 
tion. 

FELKIN,  H.  M.  and  E.   Herbart's  Science  of  Education. 

LANGE,  A.  F.,  and  DEGARMO,  C.  Herbart's  Outlines  of  Educa- 
tional Doctrine. 

LANGE,  K.    Apperception.     (Translated  by  Herbart  Club.) 

MULLINER,  B.  C.  Herbarfs  Application  of  Psychology  to  the  Science 
of  Education. 

SMITH,  M.  K.    Herbart' s  Text-Book  in  Psychology. 

VAN  LIEW,  C.  C.,  and  I.  J.    Rein's  Outlines  of  Pedagogics. 

B.  Froebel 

FROEBEL,  F.  W.  A.  Autobiography  (translated  by  Michaelis  and 
Moore);  Education  by  Development  (translated  by  Jarvis); 
Education  of  Man  (translated  by  Hailmann) ;  Letters  (edited 
by  Heinemann);  Letters  on  the  Kindergarten  (translated  by 
Poesche,  and  edited  by  Michaelis  and  Moore) ;  Mother  Songs, 
Games,  and  Stories  (translated  by  F.  and  E.  Lord);  Mottoes 
and  Commentaries  of  Mother  Play  (translated  by  Eliot  and 
Blow) ;  Pedagogics  of  the  Kindergarten  (translated  by  Jarvis) ; 
Songs  and  Music  of  Mother  Play  (translated  by  Blow). 

LANGE,  W.  Froebcl's  Gcsammcltc  Pddagogischc  Schriftcn  (three 
volumes)  and  Reminiscences  of  Frocbcl  (American  Journal  oj 
Education,  Vol.  XXX,  pp.  833-845). 

MARENIIOLTZ-BULOW,  BERTHE  M.  von.  Reminiscences  of  Friedrich 
Froebel. 

SEIDEL,  F.    Froebel's  Mutter-Spiel  und  Kosc-Lieder. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        253 

II.  AUTHORITIES 
A.  Herbart 

ADAMS,  J.  The  Herbartian  Psychology  Applied  to  Education. 
Chap.  III. 

DARROCH  ,  A.  Herbart  and  the  Herbartian  Theory  of  Education. 
Lect.  V. 

DEGARMO,  C.    Essentials  of  Method. 

DEGARMO,  C.  German  Contributions  to  the  Coordination  of 
Studies  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  422-437);  and 
A  Working  Basis  for  the  Correlation  of  Studies  (Educational 
Review,  Vol.  V,  pp.  451-466). 

DEGARMO  ,  C.    Herbart  and  the  Herbartians. 

FELKIN,  H.  M.,  and  E.  An  Introduction  to  Herbarfs  Science  and 
Practice  of  Education. 

GILBERT,  C.  B.  Practicable  Correlations  of  Studies  (Educational 
Review,  Vol.  XI,  pp.  313-322). 

GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.     Chap.  X. 

HARRIS,  W.  T.  Herbart  and  Pestalozzi  Compared  (Educational 
Review,  Vol.  V,  pp.  417-423);  Hcrbarfs  Doctrine  of  Interest 
(Educational  Review,  Vol.  X,  pp.  71-81). 

HARRIS,  W.  T.  The  Psychological  Foundations  of  Education. 
Chap.  XXXVI. 

HERBART  SOCIETY.    Year  Book.   Nos.  I  and  II. 

JACKMAN,  W.  S.  The  Correlation  of  Science  and  History  (Edu- 
cational Review,  Vol.  IX,  pp.  464-471). 

LUKENS.  H.  T.  The  Correlation  of  Studies  (Educational  Re- 
view, Vol.  X,  pp.  364-383). 

McMuRRY,  C.  A.    The  Elements  of  General  Method. 

McMuRRY,  F.  M.     Concentration  (Educational  Review,  Vol.  IX, 

PP-  27-37)- 
PARKER,  F.  W.    Talks  on  Pedagogics.    An  Outline  of  the  Theory  of 

Concentration. 
PARKER,    S.    C.      History    of    Modern    Elementary    Education. 

Chap.  XVII. 
REIN,  W.    Pestalozzi  and  Herbart  (The  Forum,  Vol.  XXI,  pp.  346- 

360). 


254  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

SMITH,  M.  K.  Herbarfs  Life  (New  England  Journal  of  Education^ 
Vol.  XXIX,  pp.  isQff.). 

TOMPKINS,  A.  Herbart's  Philosophy  and  His  Educational  Theory 
(Educational  Review,  Vol.  XVI,  pp.  233-243). 

UFER,  C.  Introduction  to  the  Pedagogy  of  Herbart.  (Translated  by 
J.  C.Zinser). 

VANDEWALKER,  NINA  C.  The  Culture  Epoch  Theory  (Educational 
Review,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  374-391). 

VAN  LIEW,  C.  C.  Life  of  Herbart  and  Development  of  his  Peda- 
gogical Doctrine. 

B.  Froebel 

BARNARD,  H.  (Editor).    Kindergarten  and  Child  Culture. 

BLOW,  SUSAN  E.  Educational  Issues  in  the  Kindergarten;  Kin- 
dergarten Education  (Monographs  on  Education  in  the  United 
States,  edited  by  N.  M.  Butler,  No.  I);  Letters  to  a  Mother; 
and  Symbolic  Education, 

BOWEN,  H.  C.    Froebel  and  Education  by  Self-activity. 

BUTLER,  N.  M.  Some  Criticisms  of  the  Kindergarten  (Educa- 
tional Review,  Vol.  XVIII,  pp.  285-291). 

EUCKEN,  R.    The  Philosophy  of  Froebel  (The  Forum,  Vol.  XXX, 

pp.    I72ff.). 

GOLDAMMER,   H.      The   Kindergarten    (Translated    by    Wright). 
GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.     Chap.  XL 
HAILMANN,  W.  N.   Kindergarten  Culture. 
HANSCHMANN,  A.  B.     The  Kindergarten  System  (Translated  by 

Franks). 

HARRISON,  ELIZABETH  A.    A  Study  of  Child  Nature. 
HOPKINS,  LOUISA  P.    The  Spirit  of  the  New  Education. 
KRAUS-BOLTE,  MARIA,  and  KRAUS,  J.     The  Kindergarten  Guide. 

Two  volumes. 
MARENHOLTZ-BULOW,   BERTHE  M.  von.     The  Child  and  Child 

Nature. 

MEIKLEJOHN,  J.  M.  D.    The  New  Education. 
MONROE,  P.    Textbook  in  the  History  of  Education.     Chap.  XL 
MUNROE,  J.  P.    The  Educational  Ideal.    Chap.  VIII. 
PARKER,  S.  C.    History  of  Modern  Elementary  Education.    Chap. 

XVIII. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  EDUCATIONAL  PRACTICE        255 

PAYNE,  J.   Froebel  and  the  Kindergarten. 

PEABODY,  ELIZABETH  P.    Education  in  the  Home,  the  Kinder- 
garten, and  the  Primary  School;  Lectures  in  the  Training 

School  for  Kinder  gar  tners. 

POLLOCK,  LOUISE.    National  Kindergarten  Manual. 
POULSSON,  EMILIE.    Love  and  Law  in  Child  Training. 
SCHAEFFER,  MARY  F.    A  Cycle  of  Work  in  the  Kindergarten. 
SHIRREFF,  EMILY.    A  Short  Sketch  of  the  Life  of  Friedrich  Froebel 

and  The  Kindergarten  System. 
SNIDER,  D.  J.    Froebel' s  Mother  Play  Songs;  The  Life  of  Froebel; 

and  The  Psychology  of  Froebel' s  Play  Gifts. 
THORNDIKE,  E.  L.    The  Psychology  of  the  Kindergarten  (Teachers 

College  Record,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  377-408). 

VANDEWALKER,  NINA  C.    Kindergarten  in  American  Education. 
WEAVER,  EMILY  A.   Paper  and  Scissors  in  the  Schoolroom. 
WIGGIN,  KATE  D.    Children's  Rights. 
WIGGEN,  KATE  D.  (Editor).    The  Kindergarten. 
WIGGIN,  KATE  D.  and  SMITH,  NORA  A.    Froebel' s  Gifts;  Froebel' s 

Occupations;  Kindergarten  Principles  and  Practice;  and  The 

Republic  of  Childhood. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES 

The  'revival'      Common  Schools  in  New  England  since  the  Revival.  — 

in  New  Eng-  .     , 

land  was  part  We  may  now  return  to  our  account  of  the  progress  in 


American  public  education.     The  development  of  corn- 
but  the  effects  mon  schools  that  took  place  in  1835-1860  was  not  con- 
there6'  fined  to  New  England.   The  new  ideals  of  democracy  were 


have   been     coming  to  be  felt  in  American  education,  and  during  this 

most  staking.  .        ,  . 

period  a  rapid  advance  was  taking  place  in  the  evolution 
of  that  unique  product,  the  American  common  school. 
The  'revival'  in  New  England  has  been  most  empha- 
sized by  historians,  but  the  movement  was  general  and 
did  not  have  its  sole  source  there.  The  work  of  Horace 
Mann  and  his  predecessors  and  associates  was  but  part 
of  a  much  wider  tendency.  A  little  study  reveals  the 
fact  that  the  influence  of  the  awakening  was  felt  in  the 
education  of  practically  every  state,  and  that  New  Eng- 
land is  simply  typical  of  the  country  at  large.  It  is  true, 
however,  that,  owing  to  the  decadence  which  had  taken 
place  in  the  schools  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
since  colonial  days,  the  effects  of  the  awakening  have 
been  most  profound  and  striking  there.  In  Massachu- 
setts Horace  Mann  has  been  succeeded  in  the  central 
administration  by  seven  scholarly  and  experienced 
educators,  who  have  believed  as  firmly  as  he  that  all 
stages  of  education  below  the  college  should  be  open  at 

256 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     257 

public  expense  without  let  or  hindrance  to  the  richest 
and  poorest  child  alike,  and  that  the  smallest  town  should 
possess  as  good  opportunities  as  the  largest.    Since  the 
revival  the  state  has  likewise  seen  a  steady  growth  of  sen-  in  Massa- 
timent  for  universal  education  and  improved  schooling,  versai  S 


and  never  again  has  such  an  upheaval  of  the  educational 

/  school  sup- 

strata  been  necessary.  The  income  of  the  state  school  port,  build- 
fund  and  additional  appropriations  have  been  steadily  ^'t  ec^'11" 
increased,  their  apportionment  among  the  towns  has  schools,  super- 

i  ,  .  .  vision,    nor- 

been  rendered  more  equitable  from  time  to  time,  and  an  mai  schools, 
effort  has  constantly  been  made  to  distribute  them  in  the  training  of 

J  teachers,    and 

such  a  way  as  to  encourage  local  effort  and  cooperation,  the  organiza- 
The  school  term  has  been  lengthened  to  ten  months  and  s|°te  °  system 
the  average  attendance  of  a  pupil  to  seven  years.  The  havc  hcen 

1   .  J  constantly 

amount  of  truancy  and  irregularity  has  become  almost  increasing 
negligible   through   strictly   enforced    attendance   laws.  ?nngd  j^he 
The  improvements  in  school  buildings,  sanitation,  and  district  sys- 
equipment  begun   by   Mann   have   steadily   advanced.  forced  out 
The  district  system  died  hard.    Mann's  official  successors  of  existeQce. 
all  strove  tactfully  to  abolish  it,   but  not  until   1882 
was  it  altogether  forced  out  of  existence.     Most  of  the 
academies,  which  proved  such  a  hindrance  to  the  develop- 
ment of  public  secondary  education,  gradually  died  or 
were  merged  in  the  public  system  as  high  schools.    By 
means  of  state  aid,  it  has  been  possible  since  1903  for 
the  smallest  towns  to  afford  a  high  school  training  for 
their  children  at  public  expense.     Supervision  has  also 
become    universal    during    the    past    quarter    century. 
Springfield  first  introduced  a  superintendent  of  schools 
in  1841,  Gloucester  in  1850,  Boston  in  1851,  and  the  other 
cities  much  later,  but  since   1888,   through  increasing 
state  aid  and  the  combination  of  smaller  towns  into  a 


258 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


A    similar 
development 
has  taken 
place  in 
Connecticut, 
Rhode  Is- 
land, and  the 
other  New 
England 
states. 


district  superintendency,  expert  supervision  has  become 
possible  everywhere,  and  during  the  last  decade  it  has 
been  compulsory.  The  normal  schools,  which  have  now 
increased  to  ten,  have  brought  about  a  striking  improve- 
ment in  teaching.  It  is  practically  impossible  at  present 
for  an  untrained  teacher  to  secure  a  position  in  the 
primary,  intermediate,  or  grammar  schools  of  Massachu- 
setts, and,  through  a  system  of  examinations  and  inves- 
tigations, teachers  of  exceptional  ability  have,  since 
1896,  been  granted  an  extra  weekly  allowance  by  the 
state.  Since  the  middle  of  the  century,  the  state  board 
has  been  permitted  to  appoint  a  number  of  agents,  to 
assist  in  inspecting  and  improving  the  schools,  especially 
in  the  smaller  towns  and  rural  districts. 

The  course  of  development  since  the  awakening  has 
been  very  similar  in  the  other  New  England  states.  Bar- 
nard was  succeeded  in  the  central  administration  both 
in  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  by  a  series  of  skilled 
and  earnest  educators,  and,  while  their  reports  lacked 
his  literary  touch,  they  were  of  a  rather  more 
practical  character.  Until  1856,  under  John  D.  Phil- 
brick,  Barnard's  immediate  successor,  Connecticut  made 
no  attempt  to  return  from  the  parish  to  the  town 
organization.  Even  this,  as  well  as  all  subsequent 
legislation  on  the  subject,  was  'permissive,'  and  not  until 
the  twentieth  century  was  the  'school  society/  or  district 
system,  given  up  in  half  of  the  towns.  In  Rhode  Island, 
even  after  Barnard's  reforms,  almost  one-third  of  the 
districts  did  not  own  their  school  buildings,  owing  to  the 
survival  of  the  method  in  use  when  the  schools  were 
private,  but  this  condition  has  gradually  been  remedied. 
Likewise  the  number  of  towns  levying  sufficient  local 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     259 

taxes  to  secure  a  share  in  the  state  apportionment  rapidly 
grew,  and  the  state  appropriation  itself  doubled  and 
quadrupled  within  a  generation.  The  odds  against  the 
rapid  development  of  public  education  in  the  three  other 
New  England  states  were  much  greater  than  in  Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut.  In  Vermont, 
New  Hampshire,  and  Maine  the  amount  of  wealth  was 
small,  the  soil  infertile,  the  population  sparse,  and  large 
cities  few  in  number.  But  while  effective  education 
could  be  reached  only  by  slow  and  cautious  steps,  it  was 
at  last  attained.  These  states  have  gradually  followed 
the  example  of  the  older  commonwealths,  and  centralized 
their  educational  administration  through  the  abolition 
of  the  district  system  and  the  creation  at  various  times 
of  a  state  superintendent,  a  state  commissioner,  or  a 
state  board  and  secretary.  This  reorganization  and 
renewed  educational  spirit  has  resulted  in  increased  state 
school  funds  and  appropriations,  more  systematic  statis- 
tics and  reports  from  the  schools,  and  great  advances 
in  universalizing  all  stages  of  education  at  public  expense, 
regularity  of  attendance,  length  of  school  term,  material 
equipment,  course  and  methods,  text-books,  supervision, 
and  training  of  teachers. 

Influence  of  the  Awakening  upon  the  Middle  States. — 
Thus  the  New  England  states,  responding  to  the  call  of 
Horace  Mann,  Henry  Barnard,  and  their  forerunners, 
contemporaries,  and  successors,   rose  to  the  enlarged 
ideals  of  the  time,  and  therein  furnish  a  typical  represen-  The  enthu. 
tation  of  the  democratic  process  by  which  the  American  siasm  for  pub- 
state  moves  toward  educational  reform.    But  this  awak-  was  likewise 
ened  sentiment  for  education  and  progress  in  the  common  ^j1  J"  ne"iy 

r      °  all  the  other 

schools  was  not  peculiar  to  New  England,  although  the  states. 


260  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

effects  have  been  most  patent  and  spectacular  there. 

Nearly  all  of  the  other  states  seem  to  have  exhibited  a 

similar  enthusiasm  during  the  period  and  to  have  felt 

the  influence  of   the   awakening  afterward.     In   close 

conjunction  with  the  awakening  in  New  England,  the 

movement  appeared  in  New  York,  especially  the  western 

part,  and  was  more  or  less  evident  in  Pennsylvania, 

New  Jersey,  and  Delaware.   But  because  of  its  cosmopoli- 

New  York     tanism  and  the  need  of  fusing  so  many  different  political, 

its  people  and  religious,  and  industrial  traditions,  the  older  parts  of 

made  great     £jew  York,  where  the  school  system  had  until  the  awak- 

advances   in 

administra-      ening  been  rather  in  advance  of  other  states,  did  not 
£     progress  as  rapidly  in  the  development  of  public  educa- 


nonnai  train-  tion  as  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  with  their  more 
school  funds;  homogeneous  population.  It  had,  however,  by  the  time 
of  the  Civil  War,  succeeded  in  working  over  its  hetero- 
geneous people  into  a  unified  civilization  and  in  causing 
their  children  to  be  educated  together  for  a  common 
citizenship.  The  most  distinct  advances  during  this 
period  of  final  organization  were  in  the  administration 
and  supervision  of  the  system,  the  establishment  of  state 
normal  schools,  in  the  place  of  subsidized  academies, 
for  training  teachers,  and  in  the  methods  of  state  support 
of  education.  In  1842  county  supervision  had  been 
provided,  but,  after  a  contest  of  three  years,  this  pro- 
vision was  abolished,  and  was  not  restored  until  1856, 
when  it  took  the  form  of  district  superintendence.  In 
this  latter  year  school  commissioners  were  established 
for  the  supervision  of  cities  and  villages.  Two  years 
before  (1854),  the  state  superintendency  had  once  more 
been  separated  from  the  secretaryship  of  state,  with 
which  it  had  been  combined  for  thirty-five  years.  The 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     261 

governor,  secretary  of  state,  and  others  for  several  years 
urged  the  establishment  of  state  normal  schools,  and  at 
length,  in  1844,  the  first  was  opened  at  Albany.  This 
pioneer  institution  was  eventually  followed  by  ten 
others.  In  1856,  after  considerable  agitation,  a  three- 
quarters  of  a  mill  tax  was  placed  upon  the  property 
valuation  of  the  state,  and  during  the  next  dozen  years 
many  improvements  were  made  in  the  disbursing  and 
accounting  of  public  funds.  At  length,  in  1867,  the  long  and  finally 
fight  that  had  been  made  for  entirely  free  education  was  education 
successful.  Until  then  nearly  fifty  thousand  children  ent,irelisf  fn;e> 

and  allowed 

had  been  deprived  of  all  education,  because  their  parents  New   York 
were  too  proud  to  secure  payment  of  their  tuition  fees 


by  confessing  themselves  paupers.    It  was  during  this  era  board  of 

-NT  /->•  •  education, 

of  progress,   too,   that  New  York  City  was,  in   1842,  into  which 


allowed  to  place  the  direction  of  its  schools  in  the  hands  r", 

school     Soci- 

of  a  board  of  education,  elected  by  the  people,  instead  etywasmerg- 
of  giving  over  the  city's  share  of  the  state  funds  to  a 
quasi-public  society,  controlled  by  a  close  corporation. 
For  eleven  years,  however,  the  Public  School  Society 
refused  to  give  up  its  work,  but  by  1853  it  decided  to 
disband  and  merge  its  buildings  and  funds  with  those  of 
the  city.1 

Pennsylvania  was  slower  than  New  York  in  showing  thane  N°Jcr 
the  effects  of  the  educational  awakening,  but  the  leaven  York- .  Penn- 
was  at  work.    While  a  number  of  progressive  governors  through' 
and  other  statesmen  continually  recommended  the  devel-  Burrows  ^nd 
opment  of  public  education,  and  the  'Pennsylvania  So-  other  states- 
ciety  for  the  Promotion  of  Common  Schools'  had  been  ^discon^ 

organized,  the  towering  leader  in  this  movement  was  tmue  ap- 
propriations 
Thomas  H.  Burrowes.    As  secretary  of  state  and  ex  officio  to  private  in- 

1  See  pp.  gyf. 


262 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


stitutions 
(1843)  and  to 
abolish    the 
'permissive' 
feature  of  the 
first    public 
school    law 
(1848),   and 
finally  (1854) 
established    a 
complete 
state  system 
of  education. 
This  was  vir- 
tually a   sep- 
arate  depart- 
ment,  and 
soon   (1857) 
came   under 
the  care  of  an 
independent 
superintend- 
ent. 


A  system  of 
normal 
schools  was 
also  provided 
(1857). 


superintendent  of  schools  ( 1 83  6- 1 83 8) ,  as  a  private  citizen, 
public  speaker,  and  educational  journalist  (1838-1860), 
and  as  state  superintendent  (1860-1862),  he  constantly 
urged  a  complete  system  of  public  education,  the  estab- 
lishment of  normal  schools,  a  separate  state  department 
of  education,  and  the  organization  of  state  and  county  su- 
pervision. In  the  interest  of  common  schools,  he  visited, 
interviewed,  and  circularized  every  portion  of  the  state, 
organized  meetings,  and  wrote  articles  and  treatises. 
By  1843  school  directors  of  counties  and  boroughs  were 
empowered  to  examine  and  certify  teachers  and  to  ap- 
point a  salaried  inspector  of  schools,  and  the  appropria- 
tions to  colleges,  academies,  and  seminaries  were  cut  in 
two,  preparatory  to  discontinuing  them  altogether.  Five 
years  later  the  'permissive'  feature  of  the  law  of  1834 
was  abolished,1  and  the  two  hundred  districts  that  had 
thus  far  refused  to  establish  public  schools  were  forced  to 
do  so  under  its  provisions.  In  1854  a  revised  school 
law  was  passed,  which,  after  twenty  years,  now  made 
the  state  system  of  education  complete.  It  established 
in  the  secretary  of  state's  office  a  deputy  superintendent 
of  schools,  who  had  virtually  a  separate  department; 
provided  for  county  superintendents;  and  improved  the 
teachers'  examinations,  graded  schools,  introduced  uni- 
form text-books,  and  defined  the  limits  of  a  school  dis- 
trict as  coterminous  with  the  township.  The  next  six 
years  constituted  a  period  of  great  activity  in  educational 
reform,  and  in  1857  the  state  educational  department  was 
made  absolutely  independent  under  the  care  of  a  super- 
intendent, and  a  system  of  normal  schools  was  pro- 
vided. Twelve  of  these  institutions  were  to  be  estab- 
1  See  p.  102. 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     263 

lished  at  first  by  private  enterprise  and  without  state 
subsidy.  By  1877  they  were  in  operation  in  ten  counties 
and  were  maintained  largely  by  the  state,  and  a  number 
of  others  have  at  various  times  since  been  added. 

Educational  progress  in  New  Jersey  also  took  some  New  Jersey 
time  to  get  under  way,  but  when  the  reforms  once  started,  pi;ed   its 
they  continued  until  an  excellent  system  of  common  sta*f.  fun^s  ^ 

public  schools 

schools  had  been  inaugurated.     In  1838  the  limitation  only  and  ai- 
of  state  funds  to  the  education  of  the  poor  was  removed,  to 


and  the  apportionment  of  the  income  from  them  was  taxes 
thereafter  applied  only  to  public  schools.  The  townships  state  su- 


were  allowed  to  levy  local  taxes  to  the  amount  of  twice 

what  they  received  from  the  state,  but  for  about  a  decade  lished  (1848), 

not  more  than  one-half  to  two-thirds  of  them  adopted  a 


tax,  and  the  state  money  was  spent  so  wastefully  that  sreatly  in- 

1  .  creased,     a 

nearly  four-fifths  of  the  cost  of  public  schools  had  to  state   normal 


be  paid  by  tuition  fees.    After  1848,  when  a  state  super- 
intendency  was  established,  the  development  was  more  and  county 

•  i        TTT«  i  •  i  i  •  supervision 

rapid.     Within  a  dozen  years,  the  appropriations  were  Was   intro- 
greatly  increased,   the  expenditures  in  the   townships  duced- 
rose  to  more  than  twelvefold,  one-quarter  of  the  schools 
became  absolutely  free,  a  state  normal  school  was  estab- 
lished at  Trenton,  and  county  supervision  was  introduced. 
Thus  before  the  Civil  War  New  Jersey  had  been  brought 
out  of  the  depressing  educational  conditions  of  the  past. 

Delaware 

Delaware,  on  the  other  hand,  failed  to  live  up  to  the  did  not  es- 
possibilities  under  her  early  'permissive'  laws.1    Even  the  ^^  ^cm 
organization  of  the  friends  of  common  school  education,  until  after  the 
under  the  presidency  of  Judge  Willard  Hall,   showed  then  the  su- 
itself  very  conservative,  and  would  not  advocate  the  pc™^11  was 

*  m  left    incom- 

introduction  of  a  state  superintendent  or  the  establish-  piete. 
1  See  p.  103. 


264  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ment  of  state  normal  schools.  As  in  most  of  the  Southern 
states,  Delaware  did  not  establish  a  completely  organized 
state  system  until  after  the  war.  Even  then,  while  a 
state  board  and  state  superintendency  were  established 
in  1875,  there  were  no  county  superintendents,  and  when 
county  supervision  was  introduced  in  1888,  the  state 
superintendency  was  abolished. 
Ohio  Indiana,  public  Education  in  the  West.—  The  budding  of  a 

and    Illinois 

were  enabled  common  school  system,  which  had  just  begun  to  appear 
1  tne  new  commonwealths  of  the  Northwest  before  1840, 


of  public  edu-  rapidly  unfolded  into  full  blossom  through  the  nurture 
shortly  after  of  this  educational  springtime.  The  common  school 
the  middle  of  advocates  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois  were  thereby 

the   century 

fully  realized  greatly  aided  in  their  struggle  to  overcome  the  opposi- 
a°nd  f  reT  com"  tion  of  settlers  from  the  states  not  committed  to  pub- 
mon  schools,  ijc  education.1  Their  efforts  to  unify  the  cosmopolitan 

and    estab-  ... 

Hshed  a  state  peoples  of  the  state  in  the  interest  of  common  schools 
commission-  were  greatly  stimulated  by  this  awakening,  and  were 

ership  or  su-  J  J 

perintend-  favored  to  some  extent  by  further  accessions  in  the  way 
of  emigrants  from  the  home  of  the  public  school  move- 
ment. During  the  decade  just  preceding  the  middle  of 
the  century,  there  was  a  decided  elevation  of  public 
sentiment  going  on.  Under  the  leadership  of  Samuel 
Lewis  and  Samuel  Galloway  in  Ohio,  Caleb  Mills  in 
Indiana,  and  Ninian  W.  Edwards  in  Illinois,  the  friends 
of  public  education  had  marshalled  themselves  for  battle. 
Reports  and  memorials  were  constantly  presented  to 
the  legislatures  of  these  states,  and  public  addresses 
in  behalf  of  common  schools  were  frequent  in  most 
large  communities.  A  group  of  devoted  schoolmen  ap- 
peared, who  were  as  successful  in  lobbying  for  good 

1  See  pp.  ii3ff. 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     265 

legislation  as  they  were  with  institutes  and  public  lec- 
tures. While  reactions  occasionally  happened,  like  that 
in  Ohio  between  1840  and  1845,  when  the  state  superin- 
tendency  was  temporarily  abolished,  public  education 
gradually  came  to  be  regarded  as  something  more 
than  merely  free  education  for  the  poor,  and  public 
school  funds  were  no  longer  granted  as  a  subsidy  to 
private  institutions.  After  a  quarter  century  of  'per- 
missive' laws,  local  taxation  and  free  common  schools 
were  fully  realized  in  all  three  states  early  in  the  fifties. 
In  1853  Ohio  once  more  obtained  a  separate  state  de- 
partment of  education  under  the  care  of  an  elected  '  com- 
missioner ' ; l  the  year  before,  Indiana  eliminated  all 
option  concerning  taxation  on  the  part  of  the  counties, 
and  organized  universal  education;  and  in  the  year  fol- 
lowing, a  system  of  public  education  with  a  state  super- 
intendent was  established  by  Illinois.  The  contest,  of 
course,  was  not  ended,  as  reactionary  elements,  with 
selfish,  local,  and  sectarian  interests,  still  remained,  but 
their  contentions  have  never  again  been  more  than  par- 
tially successful.  New  features  of  the  common  schools, 
such  as  efficient  teachers  for  the  rural  districts,  county 
supervision,  state  normal  training,  and  free  higher  educa- 
tion in  state  universities,  have  gradually  rendered  the 
state  systems  more  consistent  and  complete. 

In  Michigan,  on  the  other  hand,  where  there  was  From  the  be- 
not  such  a  mixture  of  population,  and  a  complete  sym-  statehood 
pathy  with  the  common  school  idea  appeared,  there  was  ^lchl^n  pro- 

*  vidcu   for   a 

almost   unhampered   progress   from    the   beginning   of  school  fund 

1  This  method  was  not  changed  until  the  constitutional  convention  of 
1912,  when  it  was  arranged  that  a  'state  superintendent'  should  be 
appointed  by  the  governor. 


266  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and  a  local  statehood.  Under  the  first  constitution  (1837),  there 
d  v'eioped  was  provision  made  for  a  permanent  school  fund  and  for 
•union'  ano  a  \OCSi\  £ax  in  every  district.  There  was  also  provided 

high     schools  .          %  r 

to  fit  for  the  a  system  of  '  branches'  of  the  university,  whereby  a 
liberal  grant  was  made  for  an  academy  in  any  county 


came  free,  and  faafc  would  furnish  suitable,  buildings  and  a  sum  equal 

founded   a  ...  rr<1  ..... 

state  normal  to  the  appropriation  from  the  state,     inis  dissipation 

of  the  university  funds,  however,  was  gradually  stopped, 

and  between  1852  and  1860  'union'  and  high  schools  were 

rapidly  developed  to  supply  the  means  of  fitting  for  the 

university.    This  latter  institution  became  virtually  free 

in  1842,  and  in  1850  a  state  normal  school  was  founded. 

In  all  the  other  territory  acquired  or  purchased  by 

Similar  rapid-  the  United  States  in  its  westward  expansion,  the  educa- 

tional  devel-  tional  history  has  been  very  similar  to  that  in  the  first 

opment  has     states  of  the  Northwest.     Progress  in  common  school 

occurred   in 

the  other       sentiment  has  been  made  pari  passu  with  the  settlement 
°^  tne  country.    Each  state,  upon  admission,  has  received 


mitted,  and  in  jts  sixteenth  section  of  school  land  and  two  townships 

the  West  the  .  .  . 

triumph  of  for  a  university,  and  in  the  states  admitted  since  1848 
thu  c?I?mon  the  endowment  of  schools  has  been  increased  to  two 

school  idea 

has  been  most  sections,  while  Texas,  which  had  been  an  independent 
Md  consist-  republic  (1836-1845),  stipulated  before  becoming  a  state 
ent-  that  it  should  retain  sole  possession  of  its  public  lands, 

and  has  set  aside  for  education  nearly  two  and  one-half 
millions  of  acres.  Hence  in  the  first  constitution  per- 
manent school  and  university  funds  have  generally  been 
provided,  and  a  regular  organization  of  the  schools  of 
the  state,  with  a  central  authority  of  some  sort,  has 
simultaneously  appeared  with  the  entry  of  new  states. 
In  few  cases  have  sectarian  interests  been  able  to  delay 
or  injure  the  growth  of  common  schools  in  any  of  the 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     267 

later  commonwealths,  and  the  interpretation  of  public 
education  as  schools  for  the  children  of  paupers  has  never 
seriously  influenced  the  West.  The  triumph  of  the 
common  school  idea  has  been  made  complete,  but  it 
has  been  rendered  more  consistent  in  the  West  and  has 
there  developed  original  elements  of  the  greatest  value. 

Organization  of  State  Systems  in  the  South. — Thus 
through  the  awakening  of  common  schools  that  occurred 
throughout  the  union  from  1835  to  1860  was  the  old-time 
country  and  city  district  school  of  the  North  lifted  up 
to  the  present  system  of  graded  free  elementary,  second- 
ary, and  normal  schools,  together  with  city  and  state 
universities.    But  these  results  were  not  at  first  as  fully  while   the 
realized  in  the  South,  because  of  the  approach  and  was  strongly 
precipitation  of  the  dreadful  internecine  conflict  that  lelt  ,in  thf 

South    and 

weighed  down  and  finally  prostrated  the  resources  of  there   were 
that  section  of  the  United  States.     During  the  earlier  eLrtf  toTsy 
years  of  the  awakening,  and  in  some  states  up  to  the  tabiish  sys- 

.      .         _.    .'    ,,T          ,  terns  of   pub- 

very  verge  of  the  Civil  War,  however,  great  progress  iic  schools,  as 
in  public  education  was  noticeable.  The  attendance  ^^^d  ap~ 
in  the  common  schools,  established  in  several  states  by  educational 

f  ..,,.,.  iji  •  n  •          c        progress    was 

permissive    legislation,  had  been  rapidly  growing  for  forced  to  give 
a  score  of  years,  and  there  was  an  increasing  body  of  way  to  fhe 

.  preservation 

prominent  men  desirous  of  enlarging  popular  education,  of  state  and 
During  the  early  forties  there  were  many  efforts  and  sug-  a°t™re'thenwar 
gestions  for  a  system  of  public  schools,  and  several  con-  educational 

......  .  .  facilities  were 

ventions  were  held  in  the  interest  of  such  institutions.  a  wreck. 
North  Carolina,  moreover,  established  a  public  school 
system  in  1839,  and  state,  county,  and  local  administra- 
tive organization  was  well  provided  for  and  support  ob- 
tained through  the  'literary  fund'  and  local  taxation. 
Tennessee  (1838-1843)  and  Kentucky  (1838)  made  similar 


268  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

efforts  toward  state  organizations,  which,  while  less  suc- 
cessful, were  maintained  for  some  time.  As  late  as  1858 
Georgia  took  a  distinct  step  forward  in  this  direction;  while 
Charleston  (1856)  and  other  leading  cities  of  the  South 
greatly  strengthened  their  public  school  systems.  The 
Southern  states  generally  seem  to  have  been  profoundly 
stirred  by  the  vigorous  movement  that  was  going  on. 
Such  leaders  as  Barnard  and  Mann  were  greatly  esteemed 
in  the  South,  and  their  advice  was  not  infrequently 
sought  in  various  commonwealths.  Even  in  their  seces- 
sion conventions  some  states,  like  Georgia,  adopted 
resolutions  or  constitutional  amendments  looking  to 
the  education  of  the  people,  and  North  Carolina  in  1863, 
with  the  union  army  actually  at  its  doors,  undertook 
to  grade  the  schools  and  provide  for  the  training  of 
teachers.  But,  in  general,  as  the  impending  conflict  drew 
near,  attention  to  educational  progress  was  forced  to 
give  way  to  the  preservation  of  state  and  home,  and  after 
the  war,  which  crushed  and  ravaged  nearly  every  portion 
of  the  South,  educational  facilities  had  for  the  most  part 
been  totally  wrecked. 

caused  ^he""       Nevertheless,  in  the  end  the  war  served  as  a  stimulus 
South  to  real-  to  common  schools.    It  brought  about  a  complete  over- 

ize  more  fully  .  i  •     i  •    i  110 

than  ever  the  turn  of  the  old  social  and  industrial  order,  and  the  South 
uca"  reau>zed  more  fully  than  ever  that  it  could  arise  from  its 


tion,  and  by  desperate  material  and  educational  plight  only  through 
thl°  Southern  the  institution  of  universal  education.  As  early  as  1865, 
states,  de-  school  systems  were  organized  in  the  border  states,— 

spite    their  J 

poverty  and  Maryland,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  West  Virginia,  and 
cies"  had^be-  even  during  the  harsh  and  unhappy  days  of  'reconstruc- 
gun  a  system  tion'  (1867-1876),  1  efforts  were  made  in  other  states  to 

of  public  edu- 

cation. *  The  presidential  plan  of  reconstruction  (1865-1867),  which  sought  to 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     269 

build  up  systems  of  free  public  education.1  The  organi- 
zation of  education  became  more  thorough  and  manda- 
tory than  before  the  war.  All  children,  white  and  black, 
were  to  attend  school  between  six  and  twenty-one,  and 
the  term  was  to  last  from  four  to  six  months  each 
year.  Property  and  poll  taxation  were  established  for 
the  support  of  the  schools.  A  state  superintendent  and 
state  board  of  education,  and  county  commissioners  and  a 
county  board  and  trustees  in  each  district,  were  provided 
for.  Text-book  commissions  were  often  established,  and 
free  books  were  granted  to  poor  children.  The  foundation 
for  a  real  system  was  thus  laid.  This  was  a  tremendous 
undertaking,  and  it  shows  the  greatest  courage  and 
executive  ability  upon  the  part  of  the  South  to  have 
brought  it  to  pass.  Property  had  been  diminished  in 
valuation  to  the  extent  of  nearly  two  billion  dollars, 
and  there  were  two  million  children  to  be  educated. 
Moreover,  under  the  reconstruction  regime,  the  tax 
on  property  was  often  not  collected,  and  the  appropria- 
tions for  education  remained  on  paper.2  Indifference 
and  inexperience  were  aggravated  by  the  fear  that 
'mixed'  schools  would  be  forced  upon  the  white  popula- 
tion by  a  reconstruction  legislature  or  a  Congress  with 

enlist  the  cooperation  of  the  native  white  citizens,  was  too  quickly 
supplanted  by  the  congressional  plan  to  have  much  effect  upon  educa- 
tion. 

1  E.  g.  Tennessee  in  1867,  North  and  South  Carolina  in   1868,  and 
Virginia  and  Georgia  in  1870. 

2  E.  W.  Knight  has  shown  in  his  Influence  of  Reconstruction  on  Educa- 
tion in  the  South  (New  York,  1913)  that  undue  credit  has  been  given  the 
reconstruction  regime  for  interest  in  popular  education.     "The  legisla- 
tures were  indeed  most  liberal  in  making  appropriations  for  schools;  but 
the  appropriations  seem  not  to  have  been  paid  fully  or  even  in  large 
part." 


270  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

millennial  zeal  in  behalf  of  universal  brotherhood.    These 

and  many  other  obstacles  for  fully  a  decade  constituted 

were  aided  by  an  enormous  stumbling-block.    Several  factors,  however, 

the  Peabody    aidec[  and  encouraged  the  South  in  its  efforts.    Of  these 

Educational 

Fund,  and  the  most  important  was  the  foundation  in  1867  of  the 
have  since3  Peabody  Educational  Fund  of  $2,000,000,  well  character- 
been  contrib-  ized  as  "a  gift  to  the  suffering  South  for  the  good  of  the 

uted  for  simi-    _      .         ,, 

lar  purposes.  Union.  George  Peabody,  the  donor,  while  a  native 
of  Massachusetts,  had  lived  for  a  time  in  the  South,  and 
realized  that  the  nation  could  not  prosper  while  such  an 
untoward  educational  situation  existed  anywhere.  Under 
a  board  of  trustees,  composed  of  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  the  nation,  and  through  the  direct  management 
of  the  wisest  and  most  sympathetic  agents,  this  fund 
performed  a  magnificent  service.  By  an  appeal  to  the 
higher  sentiment  of  the  communities  and  states,  it 
awakened  and  stimulated  educational  effort  by  granting 
the  necessary  assistance.  When  it  proved  insufficient 
for  the  great  task,  the  trustees  pleaded  with  Congress 
for  an  additional  subsidy,  and  made  the  whole  country 
aware  of  the  crying  needs  of  education  in  the  South. 
Mr.  Peabody  hoped  that  his  example  might  be  followed 
by  others,  and  such  has  been  the  case,  for  more  than  ten 
million  dollars  have  been  contributed  for  similar  purposes 
from  several  sources.  Aid  has  thus  been  granted  to 
various  grades  of  public  education,  institutions  to  train 
teachers  for  the  new  schools  have  been  established,  and 
both  white  and  colored  children  are  being  given  oppor- 
tunities for  a  thorough  public  school  education, 
while  the  Despite  the  tremendous  rally  during  the  seventies, 
struggle  was  however,  the  struggle  for  public  education  in  the  South 

not    won    for 

twenty  years,  was  not  won  for  twenty  years,  but  complete  systems 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     271 

of  common  schools  have  now  at  length  been  generally  the  sentiment 

established.     Even   the  first  results  of   this  universal 

education    were    gratifying,    especially    in    the    poorer 

districts,    and    advanced    features   have   rapidly   been  since   1890 

added.     With  the  cessation  of  the  reconstruction  in- 

fluence  and  the  subsidence  of  the  dread  of  mixed  schools, 

attendance  and  appropriations  have  greatly  increased, 

girls  have  come  to  be  given  equal  opportunities  with  the 

boys,  the  education  of  colored  children  has  been  ade- 

quately supported,  and  provision  has  been  made  for  train- 

ing and  stimulating  teachers  of  both  races.   Separate  state 

institutions  for  higher  education,  cultural  and  vocational, 

have  been  established  to  furnish  a  broad  education  for 

both  whites  and  negroes.     Since   1890  there  has  been 

no  evidence  of  any  widespread  hostility  to  public  educa- 

tion, and  the  expenditures  and  intensive  improvement 

of  the  schools  have  been  constantly  progressing.    Thus 

in  the  Southern  states  there  has  been  a  continual,  though 

somewhat  fluctuating,  growth  of  a  sentiment  for  common 

schools  from  the  time  of  its  initiation  by  the  broad- 

visioned  Jefferson  to  the  universal  sentiment  of  to-day. 

It  evolved  through  long  years  of  varied  success  and  fail- 

ure, and  broke  its  chrysalis  after  the  wreck  of  the  Civil 

War,  and  gradually  attained  to  its  present  proportions. 

Its  achievements  during  the  past  two  decades  seem  al- 

most unparalleled  in  history. 

With  its  final  development  in  the  South  during  the  last 
decade  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  distinctly  American 


public  school  system  may  be  said  to  have  been  fully  elab-  in  the  South, 

,        _,  .  -i-ii  T   •  •  t'16  American 

orated.     Ine  educational  ideals  and  traditions  imported  pubiic  school 


from  Europe  have  gradually  been  modified  and  adapted 

to  the  needs  of  America.    Schools  have  become  pub-  elaborated, 


272  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

lie  and  free  in  the  modern  sense.  The  control  of  education 
has  passed  from  private  parties  and  even  quasi-public 
societies  to  the  state.  The  schools  have  likewise  come  to 
be  supported  by  the  state,  and  are  open  to  all  children 
alike  without  the  imposition  of  any  financial  obligation. 
This  latter  step  has  been  taken  very  slowly,  and  it  was  not 
accomplished  in  most  states  until  after  the  Civil  War.  In 
secondary  education,  the  academies,  which  supplanted 
the  '  grammar  '  schools,  first  became  '  free  academies  '  and 
made  no  charge  for  tuition  from  local  patrons,  though  re- 
maining close  corporations,  and  then  were  in  time  replaced 
by  the  true  American  secondary  institution,  —  the  high 
school.  Colleges  became  largely  nonsectarian,  even  when 
not  nominally  so,  and  state  universities  were  organized  in 
all  except  a  few  of  the  oldest  commonwealths.  Thus  has 
the  idea  of  common  schools  and  the  right  to  use  the  public 
wealth  to  educate  the  entire  body  of  children  into  sound 
American  citizenship  been  made  complete.  Although  the 
system  is  still  capable  of  much  improvement,  it  is  expres- 
sive of  American  genius  and  development.  It  is  simply 
the  American  idea  of  government  and  society  applied  to 
education.  It  is  the  educational  will  of  the  people  ex- 
pressed through  the  majority,  and  the  resultant  of  the 
highest  thinking  and  aspirations  of  a  great  nation  made 
up  of  the  most  powerful  and  progressive  elements  of  all 
and  marks  an  civilized  peoples.  This  development  marks  an  advanced 
phase  of  the  phase  of  the  modern  sociological  tendency  in  education. 


it  may  at  times  appear  unscientific,  illogical,  and 
tendency  in     disordered,  no  short  cut  is  possible  for  this  characteristic 
evolution  of  American  civilization.    The  process  of  edu- 
cating public  opinion  and  of  directing  public  adminis- 
tration is  slow  and  tortuous.    Nor  is  the  system  to  be 


LATER  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PUBLIC  EDUCATION     273 

wedded  to  any  fixed  organization  or  practice,  but  it 
should  be  allowed  to  move  with  the  expanding  vision  of 
the  people.  Each  state  may,  therefore,  constantly  adapt 
to  its  own  use  whatever  seems  of  value  in  other  common- 
wealths or  countries,  and  under  the  American  plan  reap 
the  benefit  of  the  broadest  educational  experience  every- 
where. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  SOURCES 

•  Revised  constitutions,  statutes,  and  legislative  documents,  and 
the  reports  of  Superintendents,  Commissioners,  and  Boards  of 
Education,  of  the  various  states,  1835  to  the  present;  and  the 
Annual  Reports  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education, 
1867  to  the  present. 

II.  AUTHORITIES 

BLACKMAR,  F.  W.    History  of  Federal  and  State  Aid  to  Higher 

Education  in  the  United  States. 

BOONE,  R.  G.    Education  in  the  United  States.    Parts  III  and  IV. 
BOONE,  R.  G.    History  of  Education  in  Indiana. 
BOURNE,  W.  O.    History  of  the  Public  School  Society  of  the  City  of 

New  York.    Chapters  XII-XV. 
BROWN,  E.  E.    The  Making  of  Our  Middle  Schools.    Chapters 

XIV-XX. 

BUTLER,  N.  M.  (Editor).     Education  in  the  United  States.  I. 
CUBBERLEY,  E.  P.    Changing  Conceptions  of  Education. 
CURRY,  O.  H.    Education  at  the  South. 
DEXTER,    E.    G.    History   of   Education   in    the    United   States. 

Chapters  VIII-XII. 
HINSDALE,  B.  A.    Horace  Mann  and  the  Common  School  Revival. 

Chap.  XIII. 
KNIGHT,  E.  W.    The  Influence  of  Reconstruction  on  Education  in 

the  South. 
MARTIN,   G.  H.     Evolution  of  the  Massachusetts  Public  School 

System.    Lectures  V  and  VI. 


274  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

MAYO,  A.  D.  Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Educa- 
tion. 1893-94,  XVII;  1898-99,  VIII;  1899-1900,  VII; 
1900-01,  X;  1903,  VIII  and  IX;  1904,  XVI. 

MERRIWETHER,  C.  History  of  Higher  Education  in  South  Caro- 
lina. 

PALMER,  A.  E.    The  New  York  Public  School. 

PRATT,  D.  J.  Annals  of  Public  Education  in  the  State  of  New 
York. 

RANDALL,  S.  S.  History  of  the  Common  School  System  of  the  State 
of  New  York.  Third  and  Fourth  Periods. 

SMITH,  C.  L.   History  of  Education  in  North  Carolina. 

SMITH,  W.  L.   Historical  Sketch  of  Education  in  Michigan. 

STEINER,  B.  C.    History  of  Education  in  Connecticut. 

STEINER,  B.  C.    History  of  Education  in  Maryland. 

STOCKWELL,  T.  B.    History  of  Public  Education  in  Rhode  Island. 

THWING,  C.  F.    Education  in  the  United  States  since  the  Civil  War. 

WICKERSHAM,  J.  P.  History  of  Education  in  Pennsylvania. 
Chaps.  XVII-XXVIIL 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE   DEVELOPMENT   OF  MODERN   SCHOOL   SYSTEMS 

National  Systems  of  Education  in  Europe  and  Can-  During  the 
ada.  —  In  previous  chapters  (IV,  VI,  VIII,)  we  have  wit-  andVhaif'the 
nessed  the  gradual  evolution  in  America  of  state  systems  fading  Pow- 

f  .  ,.  ers  of  Europe 

of  universal  education  out  of  the  unorganized  and  rather  have  devci- 
aristocratic  arrangement  of  schools  that  had  first  been  s 


transplanted  from  Europe  in  the  seventeenth  century,  education 
But  development  of  a  centralized  organization  of  public  Afferent  from 
schools  has  not  been  confined  to  the  United  -States.  Dur-  eac.h  °thcr  . 

and    that    <>t 

ing  the  past  century  and  a  half,  the  leading  powers  of  the  United 


Europe,  especially  Germany,  France,  and  England,  and 

the  more  recently  federated  Dominion  of  Canada,  have  mutual    sug- 

,.,  .  -....,.       gestions, 

likewise  organized  state  systems  of  education  similar  in  wncn   under- 
some  respects  to  those  of  the  American  union.     All  of  stood  m  then 

historical 

these  countries  have  now  established  universal  elementary  perspective. 
education  free  to  all,  although  as  yet  in  few  instances  are 
secondary  schools  also  gratuitous.  France  alone  has 
completely  secularized  its  system,  but  the  public  schools 
of  the  other  nations,  while  still  including  religious  instruc- 
tion, have  been  emancipated  from  ecclesiastical  control, 
and  are  responsible  to  the  civil  authorities.  In  all  of 
them  school  attendance  is  compulsory.  As  we  have  al- 
ready noticed,1  accounts  of  this  development  of  national 
systems  of  education  by  the  European  states  have  proved 
a  great  source  of  illumination  and  inspiration  for  America. 

^p.  1  68  and  i78ff. 
275 


276  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Yet  the  educational  system  in  none  of  these  countries  is 
identical  with  that  in  the  United  States,  but  has  been 
adapted  in  each  case  to  the  genius  and  social  organiza- 
tion of  the  people  concerned.  Its  characteristics  must, 
therefore,  be  considerably  modified,  in  order  to  be  util- 
ized or  to  prove  suggestive  to  other  nations,  and  can  be 
understood  only  in  the  light  of  the  educational  history  of 
the  particular  country  to  which  it  belongs.  For  an  in- 
telligent appreciation  of  these  modern  school  systems, 
we  must,  therefore,  trace  the  gradual  development  to 
their  present  form  in  response  to  the  changing  ideals  of 
successive  periods,  although  it  will  take  us  considerably 
back  of  the  period  we  are  now  considering. 
in  Germany  Early  History  of  German  Educational  Institutions.  — 

the    universi- 

ties  date  back  The  earliest  of  the  European  school  systems  to  be  estab- 
teentiT  and*"  lisned  upon  anything  like  the  present  basis  appear  in  the 
fifteenth  cen-  various  states  of  Germany  during  the  eighteenth  century. 
have3'  been  Some  centuries  before,  however,  most  of  the  elements  in 
modified  m  these  educational  organizations  had  arisen  and  had  since 

character  dur-  ,° 

ing  the  subse-  passed  through  various  stages  of  their  history.    The  uni- 
versities  in  many  instances  date  back  to  the  general 


ments;  spread  of  these  institutions  in  Germany  during  the  four- 

teenth and  fifteenth  centuries.1  In  the  fifteenth  and  six- 
teenth centuries  they  began  to  feel  the  influence  of  hu- 
manism and  to  introduce  chairs  of  classic  literature.2 
During  the  Reformation  many  of  them  withdrew  from 
the  control  of  church  and  pope,  and  came  under  the  state 
and  the  Protestant  princes;  and,  as  an  outgrowth  of  the 
theological  agitation,  several  new  universities,  Protestant 
and  Catholic,  were  founded.3  By  the  end  of  the  eight- 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  8if. 
2Op.  cit.,  p.  145.  3Op.  cit.,  pp.  202  and  236. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     277 

eenth  century,  as  a  result  of  the  progress  of  'realism,' 
most  of  the  Protestant  universities  had  come  to  create 
professorships  in  the  natural  sciences.    Meanwhile  Gym-  the  gymnasia 
nasien,  Jesuit  colleges,   and  other  classical  secondary  sixteenth 
schools  of  Germany  had  grown  up  during  the  sixteenth  century;    the 

J  .     .  .  .  real-schools 

century  out  of  the  humanistic  and  religious  training  of  arose  in  the 
the  Northern  Renaissance.1  But  their  course  was  some-  an^the^peo- 
what  modified  through  the  development  of  realistic  Ple's  schools 

.  ,         .  .had     their 

studies, — mathematics  and  science,  in  the  seventeenth  roots  in  the 
century,  and  these  classical  schools  were  complemented,  Reformation- 
and,  during  the  nineteenth  century,  rivaled  by  the 
Realschulen,  or  'real-schools,'  which,  in  their  earliest 
form,  began  to  spread  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century.2  The  German  elementary  schools,  which  came 
to  be  known  as  Volksschulen,  or  'people's  schools,'  on  the 
other  hand,  find  their  roots  in  the  Reformation.  Luther 
and  his  associates  continually  urged  the  education  of  the 
common  people,  and  a  rudimentary  system  of  elementary 
schools  began  to  be  established  by  the  princes  in  various 
German  states  during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  cen- 
turies.3 During  the  latter  century  there  was  a  decided 
tendency  throughout  the  people's  schools  to  add  to  the 
realistic  content  of  the  course,  especially  elementary  in-  Thus  the  va- 

.  .  ,      .-,-,,          ....  ,  .  rious  stages  of 

struction  in  science.4    Thus  it  is  evident  that  the  various  education 

stages  in  the  education  of  Germany  sprang  up  separately,  have  g™wn 

and  the  system  has  chronologically  grown  from  the  top  down. 

down.    First  came  the  higher  training  of  the  universities, 

then  the  secondary  education  of  the  classical  institutions, 

and  last  of  all  the  people's  schools.    Up  to  the  later  years  V"1'1    tllc 

J  eighteenth 

of  the  eighteenth  century  all  of  these  educational  elements  century,  all 

lOp.  tit.,  pp.  i54ff.  and  2ioff.  30p.  cit.,  pp.  1835.  and  iQ7ff. 

*  Op.  cit.,  pp.  2908.  *Op.  cit.,  p.  289. 


278  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

institutions      remained  almost  entirely  under  ecclesiastical  control,  but 

remained   un-  .  -11  11  i         • 

der  ecciesias-  during  this  period  the  schools  and  universities  were  grad- 
bufthe°nhave  ua^7  taken  over  by  the  state  from  the  church,  and  cen- 
been  tralized  national  systems  were  gradually  organized.  Leg- 


taken  over  by  islation  for  compulsory  attendance  at  the  elementary 

the  state.        schools  began  to  be  passed,  and  by  the  beginning  of  the 

nineteenth  century  the  schools  had  become  political 

rather  than  ecclesiastical  institutions.   The  state  assumed 

the  real  management  of  education,  although  the  clergy 

were  still  allowed  to  exercise  a  few  educational  preroga- 

tives. 

This  move-        The  Beginning  of  Central  Control  in  Prussia.  —  Among 

ment   is    well 

illustrated  in  these  German  states  the  first  one  of  importance  to  organ- 

educationain    *ze  anc^  centralize  universal  education  and  make  it  corn- 

system,  whose  pulsory  was  Prussia.    While  each  of  the  others  is  char- 

may  well  be  acterized  by  an  educational  history  and  peculiarities 

csjelf  that1"*"  °^  ^S  own>  they  have  all  been  considerably  guided  by 

ail  the  other  this  largest  and  most  influential  of  the  states  of  Germany. 

It  may,  therefore,  well  be  considered  as  typical  of  all, 

and  the  discussion  of  German  school  systems  will  here 

The  educa-     j^  limited  to  the  Prussian.    The  rise  of  Prussia,  educa- 

tional rise  of  t 

Prussia  has     tionally  as  well  as  politically,  seems  to  have  been  due 

despotic6  but  ^°  a  strong  line  of  monarchs,  despotic  in  power,  but 

benevolent      benevolent  and  thoroughly  awake  to  the  best  interests 

ened  line  of  of  their  people.     The  continuity  of  the  Hohenzollern 

monarchs.       dynasty   with    the    almost   unbroken    maintenance    of 

sound  policies  has  gradually  brought  about  the  elevation 

of  its  dominion  from  a  small  electorate  (1415)  to  a  great 

kingdom  (1688)  and  the  headship  of  the  German  empire 

The  develop-  (1871).     Early  in  the  sixteenth  century  Prussia  began 

ment  of  cen-  ^  development  of  central  control  in  education,  but  for 

tral  control  in 

education  be-  two  centuries  this  was  generally  carried  on  through  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     279 

medium  of  the  church.  A  'consistory'  of  clerical  and  gan  in  the  six- 
lay  officers  was  first  appointed  to  inspect  and  superin-  tury,  but  for 
tend  both  church  and  school  affairs  (1532  and  1573),  ^wo  centur.iei> 

.   .       J0  OIO/>    it  was  carried 

then  a  special  board  for  the  supervision  of  educational  on  through 
institutions  was  formed  (1604),  and  finally  schools  were  the  church"1  ' 
declared  to  be  not  simply  church  organizations,  but  to 
belong  to  the  state  (1687),  although  the  teacher  was 
still  regarded  as  a  sort  of  pastor's  assistant.  Various 
other  steps  were  also  taken  toward  strengthening  the 
system.  A  reformation  and  reorganization  of  schools 
was  inaugurated  (1540),  parents  were  ordered  to  keep 
their  children  regularly  in  school  (1648),  and  it  was 
decreed  that  schools  should  as  far  as  possible  be  estab- 
lished in  the  villages  as  well  as  the  cities  (1687). 

The  Reforms  of  Frederick  William  I.  —  These  reforms, 
however,  were  not  fully  realized  at  the  time,  although 
they  pointed  out  the  direction  of  educational  progress.  In  the  e'ght' 

.-.,'.      eenth  century 

The  greatest  developments  occurred  in  the  eighteenth  decided  steps 
century  during  the  reigns  of  Frederick  William  I  (1713- 


1740)  and  Frederick  the  Great  (1740-1786).    The  ad-  by  Frederick 

vanced  steps  that  were  then  taken  in  education  formed  Wh0  estab- 

but  part  of  the  general  plan  of  these  monarchs  for  the  llshcf1  a  la^ge 

number    of 

improvement  of  national  life  and  character,  the  elevation  elementary 

of  the  peasantry,  and  the  overthrow  of  ecclesiastical  much  to  make 

despotism.     They  sought  by  means  of  centralized  and  attendance 

-T.  compulsory 

universal  education  to  develop  Prussia  into  a  strong,  (I7I7  and 

prosperous,  and  unified  state.    While  narrow,  parsimoni-  *  ^d'  d^tw 

ous,  and  hostile  to  science,  Frederick  William  I  accom-  teachers' 
plished  much  for  both  the  material  and  educational 
welfare  of  the  kingdom.    He  built  up  a  powerful  army, 
in  which  merit  alone  counted  for  promotion,  and  he 
created  a  strong  centralized  administration  through  an 


280  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

efficient  organization  of  the  civil  service.  He  was  liberal 
toward  elementary  schools,  establishing  some  eighteen 
hundred  of  them  with  money  saved  from  the  expenses 
of  the  royal  household,  and  he  endeavored  to  make 
attendance  compulsory.  In  1717  he  decreed  that, 
wherever  schools  existed,  children  should  be  required 
to  attend  during  the  winter,  and  in  the  summer  when- 
ever they  could  be  spared  by  their  parents,  which  must 
be  at  least  once  a  week.  He  founded  the  first  teach- 
ers' seminary  at  Stettin  in  1735  from  his  own  private 
means,  and  the  next  year  he  caused  another  to  be  es- 
tablished at  Magdeburg.  The  same  year  (1736)  he  also 
had  a  definite  law  passed,  making  education  compulsory 
for  children  from  six  to  twelve  years  of  age. 

Educational  Achievements  of  Frederick  the  Great.  — 
By  such  acts  Frederick  William  I  demonstrated  his 
belief  that  the  state  should  not  relegate  elementary 
training  to  the  church  and  locality,  but  should  itself 
see  that  adequate  provision  was  made,  and  he  thus 
started  an  educational  tendency  that  was  to  be  further 
developed  during  the  reign  of  his  more  able  son.  Fred- 
and  by  his  erjck  the  Great  was  humane,  tolerant  in  religion,  and 

son,  Frederick 

the  Great,  sympathetic  with  the  scientific  spirit  of  the  rationalists. 
Tged  academ-  He  made  great  material  improvements  in  his  domains, 
ic  freedom,  humanized  his  government  and  laws,  permitted  freedom 

founded    an 

academy  of  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  and  greatly  promoted  research. 
traHzed'  ami  ^n  no  wa^  ^id  ^e  snow  n^s  enlightenment  more  clearly 


improved  than  in  his  care  for  the  education  of  his  subjects.  He 
educa'tion',  encouraged  academic  freedom  at  the  universities  and 
and  achieved  reestablished  the  'Academy  of  Sciences'1  in  Berlin. 

much      for 

universality     He  also  founded  and  formulated  a  course  for  the  '  Acad- 

1  Akademie  dcr  Wissenschaften. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     281 

emy  of  Nobles,'  1  to  train  young  aristocrats  to  become  and  efficiency 
army  officers  and  diplomats.  Likewise  he  greatly  im-  education 
proved  secondary  education  by  placing  all  the  provincial  ^lrouf,h  tbe 
1  consistories/  except  that  in  the  Catholic  duchy  of  School  Regu- 
Silesia,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  one  at  the  capital  attons  (l?63)l 
(1750).  Through  this  central  control,  a  few  excellent 
Gymnasien  with  uniform  courses  were  developed  out 
of  a  large  number  of  weak  classical  schools.  His  achieve- 
ments in  behalf  of  universal  education  were  even  more 
noteworthy.  During  the  earlier  years  of  his  reign  he 
issued  several  decrees  concerning  the  support  of  schools 
established  in  villages,  and  in  1750  he  ordered  that  all 
vacancies  in  schools  on  the  crown  lands  and  adminis- 
trative villages  be  filled  by  graduates  from  the  real-school 
and  seminary  founded  by  Hecker  at  Berlin  three  years 
before.  But  the  greatest  step  toward  a  national  system 
did  not  take  place  until  1763,  when  he  issued  his  General 
School  Regulations  for  the  Country."  This  decree  re- 
quired children  to  attend  school  from  five  until  thirteen 
or  fourteen,  and  until  they  "know  not  only  what  is 
necessary  of  Christianity,  fluent  reading,  and  writing, 
but  can  give  answer  in  everything  which  they  learn 
from  the  school  books  prescribed  and  approved  by 
our  consistory."  If  any  pupils  should  arrive  at  this  state 
of  proficiency  before  thirteen  or  fourteen,  they  could 
even  then  leave  school  only  through  the  official  certifi- 
cation of  the  teacher,  minister,  and  inspector.  Provision 
was  also  made  for  the  attendance  of  children  who  had  to 
herd  cattle  or  were  too  poor  to  pay  the  school  fees.  Sun- 
day continuation  schools  were  to  be  established  for  young 
people  beyond  the  school  age.  Teachers  must  have 

1  Academic  des  Nobles.  2  Generallandschiilreglement. 


282  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

attended  Hecker's  seminary  and  had  to  be  examined  and 
licensed  by  the  inspector.  Arrangements  were  also  made 
for  stated  visits  to  the  school  and  conferences  with  the 
teacher  by  the  local  pastor  and  for  annual  inspection 
and  report  by  the  superintendent  and  inspector  of  each 
administrative  district.  This  decree  was  supplemented 
in  1765  with  similar  Regulations  for  the  Catholic  Schools 
in  Silesia,  drawn  up  by  Abbot  Felbiger. 

Frederick,    however,    was   somewhat   in   advance   of 

mprove-  . 

meats,  while  general  sentiment.    The  carrying  out  of  the  decree  was 

sentedy  by  stubbornly  opposed  by  many  teachers,  who  could  not 

conservatives,  meet  the  new  requirements;  by  farmers,  who  objected 

foundation  to  the  loss  of  their  children's  time;  and  by  the  nobles, 


for  even  more  ^Q  feared  the  discontent  and  uprising  of  the  peasants, 

effective  laws,    $  . 

especially        in  case  they  were  educated.    The  execution  of  the  regu- 
who    ^tion  was  still  in  the  power  of  the  clergy,  and  for  some 


not  only  ac-  time  it  proved  but  little  more  than  a  pious  wish.1    But 

complished  . 

several  re-  the  monarch  strove  hard  to  have  it  enforced,  and  it 
forms  during  became  the  foundation  for  the  more  effective  laws  that 

the    reign    of 

Frederick,  have  since  become  embodied  in  the  Prussian  school 
deatifbrought  system.  After  1771  the  educational  work  of  Frederick 
about  the  was  substantially  aided  by  the  appointment  of  Baron  von 

foundation  of 

an  Oberschid-  Zedhtz  as  head  of  the  Department  of  Lutheran  Church 

cS'board  and  Sch°o1  Affairs.    This  great  minister  had  been  much 

of  education   impressed  by  Basedow's  principles  and  experiments  and 

by  Rochow's  application  of  the  'naturalistic  '  training 

in  reforming  rural  education.2    He  was  eager  to  assist 

in  elevating  the  condition  of  the  peasants,  and,  through 

his  efforts,  before  the  close  of  Frederick's  reign  the  course 

1  Much  of  the  good  was  undone  also  by  the  permission  in  1779  to  em- 
ploy veteran  soldiers  as  teachers  without  examination. 

2  See  pp.  25(1.  and  32. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     283 

of  the  village  schools  was  greatly  strengthened  and 
enriched,  and  a  regular  normal  school  was  opened  at 
Halberstadt  (1778).  Zedlitz  likewise  took  a  decided 
interest  in  the  movement  of  'new  humanism/  which, 
under  the  leadership  of  Gesner,  Heyne,  and  Ernesti, 
had  for  a  generation  been  stressing  a  study  of  the  litera- 
ture, thought,  and  content  of  the  classics  rather  than 
the  linguistic  and  formal  grind  that  was  in  vogue.  While 
he  lacked  the  hearty  support  of  the  conservative  school 
authorities  in  the  reforms  he  was  commissioned  to  make 
in  the  Gymnasien  (1779),  he  succeeded  in  reviving  the 
humanistic  ideal  in  secondary  education. 

Zedlitz  and  the  Inauguration  of  an  Oberschulcolleg- 
ium.  —  The  management  of  the  schools,  however,  still 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  clergy.  It  was  not  until 
the  year  after  Frederick's  death  that  his  policy  of  nation- 
alizing education  culminated  in  the  organization  of  an 
Oberschulcollcgium  or  central  board  of  administration 
for  all  affairs  in  Prussia  (1787).  This  new  method  of 
control  was  largely  the  work  of  Zedlitz,  who  had  been 
influenced  by  Basedow's  suggestion  of  a  central  board  of 
education  in  his  Address  on  Schools  and  Studies  (1768).  * 
He  held  for  some  time  that  an  organization  of  this  sort, 
made  up  of  experts,  would  be  much  more  efficient  than 
church  consistories  under  the  king's  minister,  and  he  per-  But  the  new 

kin0"     Frcder- 

suaded  the  new  sovereign,  Frederick  William  II  (r.  1786-  jck  '  William 
1797),  to  transfer  the  schools  from  ecclesiastical  to  state  JJ'e  ™"p 


control.  Unfortunately  this  king  was  a  reactionary.  He  ship  of  this 
did  not  really  wish  to  establish  a  national  system  of  edu-  the  ciergy  an(j 
cation,  and  held  that  the  main  business  of  the  schools  was  refused  lp  e*- 

tend  its  juris- 

to  teach  religion.    While  Zedlitz  was  made  chairman,  the  diction. 
1  See  p.  26. 


284  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

membership  of  the  Oberschulcollegium  was  mostly  filled 
from  the  clergy,  and  the  king  refused  to  extend  its  juris- 
diction to  the  higher  schools.  It  was  thus  impossible  to 
complete  a  uniform  system,  and  the  schools  remained 
under  the  control  of  the  church  and  were  only  indirectly 
responsible  to  the  state. 

The  General  Code  of  1794  and  Further  Development 

of  a  National  System. — Despite  the  reactionary  policy 

of  Frederick  William  II,  a  further  step  toward  a  national 

school  system  was  taken  during  his  reign.  In  1794  there 

Nevertheless,    was  published  a  General  Code,  or  fundamental  civil  law 

Code  was  pub-  of  Prussia,  and  in  the  chapter  upon  education  l  was 

hs.hed  ™  tlu's  formulated  the  centralization  that  had  been  developing 

reign    (1704),  r      ° 

which  de-       throughout  the  century.    The  law  declared  in  unequiv- 

clared  all  •>    , 

schools  and     °cal  terms: 

universities 

to  be  state  in-       "  All  schools  and  universities  are  state  institutions,  charged  with 
stitutions,         j^e  instruction  of  youth  in  useful  information  and  scientific  knowl- 
edge.   Such  institutions  may  be  founded  only  with  the  knowledge 
and  consent  of  the  state." 

It  further  held  that  "all  public  schools  and  educa- 
tional institutions  are  under  the  supervision  of  the 
state,  and  are  at  all  times  subject  to  its  examination  and 
inspection."  Moreover,  teachers  were  not  to  be  chosen 
without  the  consent  of  the  state,  and  where  their  ap- 
pointment was  not  vested  in  particular  persons,  it  was  to 
belong  to  the  state.  Teachers  of  all  secondary  schools 
were  to  be  regarded  as  state  officials.  No  child  was  to  be 
excluded  from  the  schools  because  of  his  religion,  nor 
compelled  to  stay  for  religious  instruction  when  it  differed 
from  the  belief  in  which  he  had  been  brought  up. 

1  Allgemcinc  Landrecht,  Pt.  II,  tit.  12. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     285 

This  liberal  and  comprehensive  code  marked  the  cul-  and    marked 
mination  of  the  attempts  to  establish  a  national  non-  tjon  Of  a  non- 
sectarian  system  of  education.     It  naturally  met  with  scctarian  sys- 
opposition  from  the  clergy  and  the  ignorant  masses,  but 
the  system  persisted  and  has  continued  to  develop.    For 
a  time,  under  the  well-intentioned,  but  weak  Frederick 
William  III  (r.  1797-1840),  however,  the  conservatism 
and  corruption  in  government  continued  and  the  schools 
were  neglected.    The  complete  humiliation  of  Prussia  in 
the  battle  of  Jena  (1806)  and  the  treaty  of  Tilsit  (1807),  The  humiiia- 

J  /  V    tion  of  Prus- 

however,  opened  the  eyes  of  that  good-natured  monarch  sia  in  the 
to  the  need  of  universal  education  for  the  nation.    It  was  tr.ffl  °!  Tll~ 

Sit  (loOJ) 

then  that  he  gave  voice  to  that  policy  whose  implied 
prophecy  was  so  speedily  fulfilled  during  the  reign  of  his 
son,  William  I : 

"Although  we  have  lost  territory,  power,  and  prestige,  still  we 
must  strive  to  regain  what  we  have  lost  by  acquiring  intellectual 
and  moral  power;  and  therefore  it  is  my  earnest  desire  and  will  to 
habilitate  the  nation  by  devoting  most  earnest  attention  to  the 
education  of  the  masses  of  my  people." 

In  his  efforts  for  a  national  system  of  education  the 
king  was  stimulated  and  aided  by  his  heroic  queen  Louise, 
and  by  the  patriotic  songs  of  Arndt  for  the  common  peo-  natured  Fred- 

1,1  if  -!-!•   i  i  i        erick  William 

pie  and  the  appeals  of  Fichte  to  the  leaders  in  thought  m  to  further 
and  action.1    The  reconstruction  of  the  civil  administra-  eff°rts  for 

universal  edu- 

tion  was  accompanied  by  a  more  centralized  organization  cation,  and 

of  the  Prussian  school  system.    The  Obcrschulcollegium  donation  of 

was  abolished,  to  get  rid  of  the  clerical  domination  that  the  Obcr- 

had  crept  in,  and  a  Bureau  of  Education  was  created  as  a  -K 


mm  was  re- 


section  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior  (1807).    Within 

a  decade  (1808-1817),  under  the  management  of  the  Education, 

1  See  p.  146. 


286 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


evident     in 

secondary 

education. 


and  a  corre-  scholarly  philosopher,  Von  Humboldt,  and  his  successor, 
vance  was  Von  Schuckman,  national  education  was  made  a  reality 
Schools  were  held  to  exist  for  the  state,  to  train  religious 
and  patriotic  citizens,  and  much  progress  took  place  in 
the  education  of  the  masses.  Great  improvements  were 
made  in  method  and  content,  and  a  new  spirit  was  intro- 
duced into  the  training  of  elementary  teachers.  A  cor- 
responding advance  was  evident  in  secondary  education. 
In  order  to  teach  in  the  gymnasiums,  a  strict  examina- 
tion was  instituted,  and  the  work  was  given  professional 
standing  by  withdrawing  the  privilege  from  ministerial 
candidates  while  waiting  for  a  church  position  (1810). 
The  'leaving  examination'  for  those  graduating  from 
the  gymnasiums,  which  had  been  attempted  by  Zedlitz 
nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century  before  (1788),  was  likewise 
revived,  and  all  classical  schools  were  forced  to  come  to  a 
uniform  standard  of  attainment  (1812).  A  commissioner 
was  appointed  to  revise  the  course  of  study,  and  a  com- 
prehensive Lehrplan  was  shortly  published  (1816),  which 
pleased  the  new  humanists  by  its  emphasis  upon  Greek, 
and  the  realists  and  formal  disciplinarians  by  the  in- 
creased amount  of  mathematics.  These  reforms  could 
not  be  effective  at  once,  especially  as  competent  teachers 
were  lacking,  but  pedagogical  seminaries,  to  train  sec- 
ondary instructors,  were  eventually  instituted  at  the  uni- 
versities (1825),  a  'year  of  trial'  was  demanded  of  all 
teachers  (1826),  and  new  requirements,  including  the 
main  subjects  taught  in  the  secondary  schools,  together 
with  philosophy,  pedagogy,  and  theology,  were  intro- 
duced into  the  examination  of  gymnasial  teachers  (1831). 
A  gymnasium  leaving  certificate  also  came  to  be  required 
of  candidates  for  the  civil  service,  and  for  eligibility  to 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     287 

examination  for  admission  to  the  learned  professions 

(1834). 
The  External  Organization  of  the  Prussian  System.  —  Later>   the 

Bureau     of 

Meanwhile,    the    Bureau    of    Education    was    erected  Education  be- 
into  a  separate  department   (iSiy).1    Next   the   state 


was  divided  into  educational  provinces,  and  a  Schul-  partment 
collegium,  or   administrative   board,  with   considerable  sMcoiicgium 
independence,    but   subject   to   the   minister,   was    es-  ™as  ,estab- 

1  .  hshed  over 

tablished  over  each  province    (1825).     This   organiza-  each  province 
tion  of  the  state  system  was  further  elaborated  by  the  J^;  *°d  a 


Prussian  constitution  of  1850  and  by  many  educational  ganization  of 
acts2  and  ministerial  decrees  that  have  since  become  effec-  tem  was  elab_ 
tive.  The  provinces  are  now  divided  into  'governments,'  orated  by 

1  ...  several  sub- 

each  of  which  has  a  'school  commission'  over  it,  and  sequent  acts. 

every  government  is  divided  into  'districts,'  whose  chief 

officer  is  a  'school  inspector.'    Under  the  district  inspec- 

tor are  local  inspectors,  and  each  separate  school  also  has 

a  local  board,  to  take  charge  of  repairs,  supplies,  and 

other  external  matters.    The  supreme  management  of  the 

schools  has  thus  been  gradually  coming  into  the  hands  of 

the  state  for  nearly  two  centuries.    The  decrees  of  1717 

and  1763,  the  establishment  of  the  Oberschulcollcgium  in 

1787,  the  General  Code  promulgated  in  1794,  the  founda- 

tion of  a  Bureau  of  Education  in  1807  and  of  a  separate 

department  in  1817,  and  the  organization  of  educational 

provinces  in  1825,  are  the  milestones  that  mark  the  way 

to  state  control.    But,  while  the  influence  of  the  church 

1  Minislerium  fur  den  Cultus  undfur  Unlerricht,  but  this  title  was  soon 
expanded  to  Minislerium  dcr  gcistlichen,  UntcrricJtts  —  ,  und  Mcdizinal  — 
Angclegcnhcitcn.     In  1911  the  division  of  public  health  was  separated 
from  this  ministry,  but  public  worship  still  forms  one  of  its  three  de- 
partments. 

2  Especially  the  elementary  school  law  of  1906. 


288  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Despite    this  has  been  constantly  diminishing,  it  is  still  felt  to  some 

establishment  ^  ..  .     ,        ,  .    . 

of  state  con-  extent.     Many  of  the  board  members  are  ministers  or 

troi,   the  in-  prjests  ancj  the  inspectors  come  mostly  from  the  clergy. 

church  is  still  Moreover,  religious  instruction  forms  part  of  the  course 

feit^in  educa-  *n  every  school,  although  it  is  given  at  such  an  hour  that 

tion-  any  pupil  may  withdraw  if  the  teaching  is  contrary  to  the 

faith  in  which  he  has  been  reared.     The  secondary 

schools  are  largely  interdenominational,  but  in  elemen- 

tary education  there  are  separate  schools  for  Catholics 

and  Protestants,  alike  supported  by  the  state. 

in    Germany      The  Volksschulen  and  the   Mittelschulen.  —  Prussia, 

work  of  the  h'ke  most  of  the  principal  states  of  Europe,  as  a  result  of 

gymnasia        their  educational  history.1  has  its  elementary  and  second- 

and  the  real-  J 

schools  par-  ary  schools  quite  separate  and  distinct.  The  universities 
course  in6  the  continue  the  work  of  the  gymnasiums  and  real-schools, 
people's  kut  these  two  latter  institutions  parallel  the  work  of  the 

schools  rather  . 

than   supple-  people  s  schools  rather  than  supplement  it.     I  he  course 
^  ^e  secondary  school  ordinarily  occupies  the  pupil 


institutions  from  nine  to  eighteen  years  of  age,  while  that  of  the  ele- 
by6  the  chii-  mentary  school  carries  him  from  six  to  fourteen,  and 
dren  of  the  after  the  first  three  years  it  is  practically  impossible  to 

upper  classes 

and  the  ele-  transfer  from  the  elementary  to  the  secondary  system. 

thosearof  the  ^  PUP^  cannot  enter  a  gymnasium  or  real-school  after 

lower.  completing  the  people's  school,  and  the  only  further 

training  he  can  obtain  is  that  of  a  commercial,  industrial, 

or  'continuation  school,'  2  which  is  not  part  of  the  system 

^ee  p.  315. 

2  These  Fortbildungsschulen  are  sometimes  held  in  the  evening  and  even 
in  a  few  instances  on  Sunday,  but  they  are  mostly  conducted  during  the 
week  in  the  daytime.  They  are  not  intended  to  review  work  previously 
done,  but  to  treat  some  subjects  already  covered  from  the  point  of  view 
of  application  to  future  vocational  needs,  and  also  to  consider  new  sub- 
jects that  serve  the  same  purpose. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     289 

proper.    The  people's  schools  are  gratuitous  and  are  at- 

tended mostly  by  the  children  of  the  lower  classes,  while 

the  gymnasiums  charge  a  substantial  tuition  fee  and 

are  patronized  by  the  professional  classes  and  aristoc- 

racy.   Hence  the  line  between  elementary  and  second- 

ary education  in  Prussia  is  longitudinal  and  not  latitu- 

dinal, as  it  is  in  the  United  States;  the  distinction  is 

one  of  wealth  and  social  status  rather  than  of  educational 

grade  and  advancement.    There  are  also  some  Mittdschu-  There  are  also 

len  ('middle  schools')  for  the  middle  classes  of  people,  schools'  for 

who  cannot  send  their  children  to  the  secondary  schools,  t|ie  n^^6 

'    classes. 

and  yet  can  afford  some  exclusiveness.  They  have  one 
more  class  than  the  people's  schools,  include  a  foreign 
language  during  the  last  three  years,  and  require  teachers 
with  a  better  training. 

The   Gymnasien   and    Other    Secondary    Schools.  —  In  l859  two 

.  classes  of  real- 

The  mam  types  of  secondary  schools  in  Prussia  are  the  schools 


were 


Gymnasien,  with  the  classic  languages  as  the  main  feature 

of  their  course,  and  the  Rcalschulen,  characterized  by  these  arose  in 

larger  amounts  of  the  modern  languages,  mathematics,  gynma^a  and 


and  the  natural  sciences.    For  more  than  a  century  after  the  hisher 

.  real-schools. 

the  first  real-school  was  opened  in  Berlin  by  Hecker 
(1747),  this  type  of  institution  had  only  six  years  in  its 
course,  and  was  considered  inferior  to  the  gymnasium. 
The  practical  needs  of  the  people  were  not  regarded  in 
secondary  education,  but  only  the  ideal  training  of  the 
ideal  citizen.  By  the  ministerial  decree  of  1859,  however, 
two  classes  of  real-schools  were  recognized.  Those  of 
the  first  class  had  a  course  of  nine  years,  and  included 
Latin,  but  not  Greek.  They  were  given  full  standing 
as  secondary  schools,  and  graduates  were  granted  ad- 
mission to  the  universities,  except  for  the  study  of  the- 


290  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ology,  medicine,  or  law.  The  course  of  the  second  class 
of  these  institutions  contained  no  Latin,  and  they  were 
dependent  upon  the  good-will  of  the  communities  in 
which  the  real-schools  were  located.  They  were  recog- 
nized as  secondary  schools  only  when  their  course  was 
up  to  the  official  standard.  In  1882  the  compromise 
character  of  the  course  of  the  first  class  of  institutions 
led  to  their  being  designated  as  Realgymnasien,  while  the 
second  class  in  some  instances  had  their  work  extended 
to  nine  years  and  became  known  as  Oberrealschulen. 
A  six-year  Their  graduates  were  allowed  the  privilege  of  studying 

course  is  ... 

sometimes  of-  at   the   universities   in   mathematics   and   the   natural 

'progymna-     sciences.     In  rural  and  other  districts,  however,  where 

sium'  or  a     a  complete  course  cannot  be  maintained,  there  are  often 

gymnasium,'     secondary  institutions  that  do  not  carry  the  student 

Uh  wc'!ias  by  more  than  six  years,  and  these  are  known,  according 

schools.  to  the  curriculum,  as  Progymnasicn,  Rcalprogymnasien, 

and   Realschulen.     The   first   two   classes   are   far   less 

common  than  institutions  with  the  longer  course  of  the 

same  character,  but  the  Realschulen  are  nearly  twice  as 

numerous  as  the  Oberrealschulen. 

in  order  that       Since  these  three  types  of  secondary  institutions  are 

the  determi-  .....  ....  . 

nation  of  a     so  distinct  irom  each  other,  it  is  evident  that  a  parent 
boy'scareer     js  forced  to  decide  the  future  career  of  his  boy  at  nine 

may  be  de- 
ferred, new      years,  long  before  his  special  ability  can  be  known.     If 

stiuTtionT  '  "  ne  once  enters  a  real-school,  he  can  never  transfer  to  a 
known  as  're-  gymnasium,  because  the  Latin  begins  in  the  latter  course 

form-schools'  . 

have  been      at  once,  nor  can  he  enter  the  gymnasium  irom  the  real- 
rapidiy  devel-  gymnasium  after  twelve,  since  he  has  had  no  Greek. 

oping. 

To  overcome  this  objection,  during  the  past  quarter 
of  a  century  efforts  have  been  made  to  delay  the  irrev- 
ocable decision  by  grouping  all  three  courses  as  one 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     291 

institution  and  making  them  identical  as  long  as  possible. 
In  secondary  schools  of  this  new  sort,  French  is  usually 
the  only  foreign  language  taught  for  the  first  three  years. 
Then  the  course  divides,  and  one  section  takes  up  Latin 
and  the  other  English.  After  two  years  more  a  further 
bifurcation  takes  place  in  the  Latin  section,  and  one  group 
begins  with  the  Greek,  while  the  other  studies  Eng- 
lish. These  institutions  are  known  as  Rcformschulen 
and  the  plan  was  first  introduced  at  Frankfort  in 
1892.*  The  '  reform  schools'  are  now  growing  rapidly, 
and  there  is  evident  an  increasing  tendency  to  postpone  yeaers  *f 


the  choice  of  courses  as  long  as  possible.     The  three  amion  for 

.    .  .  any    second- 

years  of  training  preliminary  to  admission  to  a  secondary  ary  school 
school  of  any  type  may  be  obtained  through  the  people's  ™fedb^  °;b~ 
or  the  middle  schools.    But  there  has  also  grown  up,  as  people's 
an  attachment  of  the  secondary  schools,  a   Vorschidc  ^  ^^\°r 
('preparatory    school'),    to   perform    this    function    for  'preparatory 

•i  r      i  •  School  ' 

pupils  of  the  more  exclusive  classes. 

The  Universities.  —  Like  the  other  stages  of  educa-  The  universi- 

.   .  ....  .  ties    are    now 

tion,  the  universities  are  now  emancipated  from  ecclesias-  considered 
tical  control,  and  may  be  regarded  as  part  of  the  national  *.tate  instltu- 

J  tions  and  part 

system  of  education.  The  university  is  now  coordinate  of  the  na- 
and  under  the  same  authority  with  the  church,  for  both  ai°hough\ru!y 
are  legally  state  institutions.  Universities  can,  therefore,  are  controlled 

0       J  .by  charters 

be  established  only  by  the  state  or  with  the  approval  and  decrees 
of  the  state.    In  general,  however,  they  are  not  controlled  byieriskfon, 
by  legislation,  but  through  charters  and  special  decrees 
of  the  minister  of  education.    As  their  income  from  en- 
dowments and  fees  is  very  small,  they  are  for  the  most 

1  Several  years  before  this,  a  combination  of  the  Realgymnasium  and 
the  Rcalschule  was  made  by  Dr.  Schlee  at  Altona,  but  this  plan  was  ten- 
tative and  by  special  permission,  and  has  spread  to  only  a  few  schools. 


292  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

part  supported  by  the  state.  They  are  managed  inter- 
nally by  the  rector  and  senate.  The  rector  is  annually 
chosen  from  their  own  number  by  the  full  professors, 
with  the  approval  of  the  minister,  and  the  senate  is  a 
committee  from  the  various  faculties.  The  professors 
are  regarded  as  civil  servants  with  definite  privileges,  and 
they  are  appointed  by  the  minister,  although  the  sug- 
gestions of  the  faculty  concerned  are  usually  respected. 
The  civic  status  of  the  universities  is  further  shown  in 
their  being  recognized  by  representation  in  the  Diet 
or  upper  house  of  the  legislature. 
while  a  na-  Educational  Institutions  in  France  before  the  Revolu- 

tional  system 

tion.  —  The    development    of    a    centralized    system    of 
education  in  France  began  almost  a  century  later  than  in 
later  than  in  Germany.     During  the  eighteenth  and  the  early  nine- 
history  teenth  century  the  different  monarchic  powers  were  not 


earer 


of  the  second-  at  ajj  favorable   to   training  the  masses,   and  popular 

ary  and  .  .  l 

higher  insti-  education  was  badly  neglected.  It  required  several 
not^radkaiiy  revolutions  in  government  and  the  establishment  of  a 
different.  permanent  republic,  to  break  the  old  traditions  com- 
pletely, and  to  make  it  evident  that  universal  suffrage 
should  be  accompanied  by  universal  education.  The 
earlier  educational  history  of  France,  however,  was  not 
radically  different  from  that  of  Germany  and  the  rest 
of  western  Europe.  Thanks  to  the  Renaissance  and  the 
efforts  of  such  men  as  Budaeus,  Corderius,  and  Ramus, 
the  anaemic  scholasticism  and  narrow  theological  dog- 
matism in  the  higher  institutions  were  replaced  in  the 
fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  by  humanism  and  the 
study  of  the  classic  authors.  A  chair  of  Greek  was  es- 
tablished at  the  University  of  Paris  (1458),  and  the 
College  of  France  (1530)  was  founded  by  Francis  I  as  a 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     293 

protest  and  a  means  of  permitting  freedom  in  thought.1 
The  Jesuit  colleges,  with  their  humanistic  courses,  be- 
gan to  open  (1540),  and  before  the  close  of  the  century 
Henry  IV  undertook  a  reform  of  the  university.  Further 
broadening  of  higher  and  secondary  education  took 
place  in  the  seventeenth  century  through  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Oratorian  and  Port  Royalist  courses  and 
the  introduction  of  realism.2  Toward  the  close  of  this 
century  also  Rollin  wrought  his  reformation  of  the 
university.3  After  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century 
the  revolutionary  spirit  began  to  manifest  itself.  The 
Emile  presented  its  successful  protest  against  the  arti- 
ficial education  of  the  times  (1762);  the  Jesuits  were 
suppressed  in  France  (1764);  and,  at  the  request  of  the 
Parliament  of  Paris,  a  general  plan  for  a  reorganization 
and  centralization  of  education  was  presented  by  Rolland 
(1768). 

Educational  Development  since  the  French  Revolu- 
tion.— Up  to  this  time  little  attention  had  been  given 
to  elementary  education,  except  through  a  small  number 
of  parochial  schools  and  the  institutions  established  by  Toward  the 
the  Institute  of  Christian  Brethren  in  the  seventeenth  eighteenth 
century.4    But  this  plan  of  Rolland,  while  not  adopted,  cent"ry  a 
suggested  that  relatively  less  should  be  expended  for  plans  for  pop- 
secondary  education,  and  recommended  universal  educa-  w"ee  j^*" 
tion  and  an  adequate  number  of  training  schools  for  p°sed 
teachers.     The  Constitutional  Convention  in  1793  was 
more  destructive  in  its  reforms,  and  abolished  all  the  old 
educational  organization,  including  the  University  of  Paris 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  14 iff. 

zOp.  cit.,  pp.  222ff.  and  2435. 

3  Op.  cit.,  p.  228.  *0p.  cit.,  pp.  23off. 


294  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and  the  'colleges'  or  secondary  schools.  Then  followed 
the  confusion  of  the  revolutionary  legislation.  A  large 
number  of  short-lived  proposals  and  enactments  were 
passed  and  repealed,  but  during  this  period  of  protest 
there  were  formulated  great  principles  of  educational 
administration  and  practice  that  were  destined  later  to 
be  embodied  in  more  practical  form  and  to  rehabilitate 
French  education  upon  a  grander  and  more  national 
scale.  Each  of  the  three  revolutionary  assemblies  had 
its  own  scheme  of  popular  education,  put  forward  by 
Talleyrand,  Condorcet,  and  Daunou  respectively,  but 
the  first  two  plans  never  got  beyond  the  paper  stage, 
and  the  last  (1795)  was  too  loosely  drawn  to  be  carried 
out.  It  did,  however,  introduce  the  influential  concep- 
tion of  'central  schools,'  which  were  the  only  type  of 
secondary  education  during  the  Revolution.  The  year 
before  (1794)  a  system  of  department  normal  schools, 
with  a  great  central  normal  at  Paris,  was  also  proposed 
but  never  really  consummated.1 
in  Napo-  After  the  Revolution,  during  the  consulate  of  Napoleon 

Icon  s  time  x 

theiyceesand  (1802-1804),  the  'central  schools'  were  replaced  by  the 
e  m°dem  lycees,  and  the  communal  'colleges'  were  recog- 


recognized  as  nized  as  secondary  schools.    When  he  had  become  em- 

the  means  of  XT         ,  .  .  ,     ,  .  . 

secondary  ed-  peror,  Napoleon  went  further  with  his  educational  reor- 
tcTether  with  ganizati°nj  and  ordered  all  the  lycees,  secondary  colleges, 
the  faculties  and  faculties  of  higher  education  to  be  united  in  a  single 
cation,  ^ere  corporation,  dependent  upon  the  state  and  known  as  the 
united  in  the  'University  of  France'  (1808).  This  decree  of  central- 

'  University  of..,..  .  . 

France.'          ization  divided  the  country  into  twenty-seven  admin- 
istrative districts,  called  'academies,'  each  of  which  was 

1  The  school  at  Paris,  however,  was  founded  and  continued  through 
the  spring  months  of  1795. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     295 

to  establish  university  faculties  of  letters  and  science 

near  the  principal  lycees.    For  want  of  adequate  support, 

these  faculties  were  to  borrow  part  of  their  instructional 

corps  from  the  local  lycees,  and  their  chief  function  was 

to  be  the  conferring  of  the  degrees  of  bachelor,  master 

(license),  and  doctor.     This  organization,  however,  did  Thjs    organ!- 

not  include  elementary  education,  and  little  attempt  was  include  eie- 

made  to  provide  for  schools  of  this  grade  before  the  reign  mentary  e^- 

.  .  .  .  cation,  and  it 

of  Louis  Philippe.  Upon  the  advice  of  his  great  minister  remained  for 
of  education,  Guizot,  that  monarch  organized  primary  jp^e'3  through 
education,  requiring  a  school  for  each  commune,  or  at  Guizot,  to  re- 

.  .  .          quire    a    pri- 

least  for  a  group  of  two  or  three  communes,  and  starting  mary    school 
higher  primary  schools  in  the  department  capitals  and  in  1! 
communes  of  over  six  thousand  inhabitants  (1833).    He  start  higher 


also  instituted  inspectors  of  primary  schools,  and  estab-  ^hoohin  the 


lished  department  normal  schools  under  the  more  effect-  Iar8er  cen- 
ive  control  of  the  state  authorities.    The  plan  for  higher  establish   de- 


primary  schools  was  never  fully  realized,  and  the  institu- 
tions  of  this  sort  that  had  been  established  disappeared  but  much  of 
during  the  second  empire.  The  reactionary  law  of  Fal-  was  IQ™^* 
loux  (1850)  did  not  even  mention  these  schools,  but  en-  der  the  re- 

•         •TIT  actionary  law 

couraged  the  development  of  denominational  schools,  and  of  1850. 
permitted   teachers  with  scant  qualifications  to   teach 
without  further  authorization  than  a  bishop's  'letter  of 
obedience.' 

The  Primary  School  System.—  Guizot,  however,  had  However>  a 

.  .  ,  permanent 

given  a  permanent  impulse  to  popular  education,  and  impulse  to 

during  the  third  republic  foundations  for  a  national  sys-  ^ticm  had*"" 

tern  of  education  have  rapidly  been  laid.    Schools  have  been  ei^en, 

been  brought  into  the  smallest  villages,  new  and  conven-  the  third  re- 

ient  buildings  have  been  erected,  and  elementary  educa-  puhhc  ele~ 

mentary  edu- 

tion  has  been  made  free  to  all  (1881)  and  compulsory  be-  cation  has 


296 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


been  made 
free     to     all, 
compulsory, 
and  secular; 
two  higher 
normal 
schools  to 
train  teach- 
ers for  the 
lower  have 
been  opened; 
and  the  high- 
er   primary 
schools    have 
been  reestab- 
lished  and 
'supplemen- 
tary   courses ' 
have    been 
started. 


Likewise, 
schools    of 
'  manual     ap- 
prenticeship' 
have  been 


tween  the  ages  of  six  and  thirteen  (1882).  To  provide 
trained  teachers,  each  department  has  been  required  to 
provide  a  normal  school; 1  and  two  higher  normals,  one 
for  men  and  one  for  women,  to  train  teachers  for  the  de- 
partmental normal  schools,  have  been  opened  by  the 
state  (1882). 2  Secularization  of  the  school  system  has 
also  gradually  taken  place.  First,  the  courses  of  study 
were  secularized  by  the  substitution  of  civic  and  moral 
instruction  for  religious  (1881);  next,  the  instructional 
force  was  secularized  by  providing  that  members  of  the 
clergy  should  no  longer  be  employed  in  the  public  schools 
(1886),  and  by  recognizing  public  school  teachers  as 
state  officers  (1889);  and  finally,  the  schools  themselves 
were  completely  secularized  by  compelling  the  teaching 
orders  3  to  report  to  the  state  authorities  (1902),  and  by 
afterward  closing  the  free  schools  directed  by  them 
(1904).  The  higher  primary  schools  have  been  reestab- 
lished and  extended  (1898),  and  'supplementary  courses' 
offered  for  pupils  remaining  at  the  lower  primary  schools 
after  graduation.  The  studies  in  the  supplementary 
courses  are  technical,  as  well  as  general,  and  some  of  the 
higher  primary  schools  have  been  established  for  voca- 
tional training  rather  than  literary.  In  addition,  there 
are  continuation  'schools  of  manual  apprenticeship'  in 
the  various  communes,  subsidized  by  the  state  for  indus- 

1  There  should,  under  the  present  law,  be  one  for  boys  and  one  for 
girls  in  each  department,  but  for  the  sake  of  economy  two  adjacent  de- 
partments have  lately  been  allowed  to  unite  in  the  support  of  normal 
schools,  and  there  are  (1912)  in  all  eighty-seven  normals  for  boys  and 
eighty-six  for  girls  instead  of  ninety  for  each  sex. 

2  These  are  located  at  Saint  Cloud  and  Fontenay-aux-Roses  respec- 
tively, and  must  be  distinguished  from  the  higher  normal  schools  at  Paris 
and  Sevres,  which  prepare  teachers  for  the  secondary  schools. 

3  Mostly  the  Christian  Brethren. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     297 

trial  and  agricultural  education,  and  five  large  schools  for  established  in 

training  in  special  crafts  have  been  organized  in  Paris.  muneS)  and 

Institutions  for  children  between  two  and  six  years  of  age  ^ve  scho°ls 

0  for    special 

became  part  of  the  primary  system  in  the  days  of  Guizot  craft  training 

(1833),  and  half  a  century  later  the  present  name,  ecoles  'j^fanT'  dass- 


maternelles,1  was  adopted  (1881),  although  there  have  es'  connect 

.  .  the    maternal 

since   been  marked  reforms  made  in   the  curriculum.  anci   primary 
There  are  also  'infant  classes'  for  pupils  from  five  to  schools- 
seven  years  of  age.     These  theoretically  form  a  sep- 
arate stage  of  training  between  the  maternal  and  the 
lower  primary  schools,  but  are,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  usu- 
ally attached  to  one  or  the  other.    Thus  within  a  genera- 
tion universal  elementary  education  has  been  established 
in  France  and  brought  completely  under  state  control. 

The  Lycees  and  Communal  Colleges.  —  As  in  Prussia,  During  the 

second  repub- 

the  secondary  school  system  of  France  does  not  connect  HC  the 


with  the  primary,  but  is  quite  separate  and  distinct.    The 
training  has,  since  the  time  of  Napoleon,  been  furnished  and  a  scien- 
chiefly  by  the  lycees  and  communal  colleges.    During  the  ^  ^rmg 
Restoration  (1814-1830)  and  the  reign  of  Louis  Philippe  theul.thirud  re" 

r      public  there 

(1830-1848)  the  lycees  were  known  as    royal  colleges,    has  been  a 
but,  with  the  advent  of  the  second  republic  (1848-1851),  ^Offner^ajour 
the  old  name  was  restored  and  the  curricula  were  com-  courses,  which 

.....  ..  ,        .    .         takes  place 

pletely  reorganized.     By  this  revision  some  elasticity  m0stiy  during 
was  introduced  into  the  last  three  years  of  the  lycee  by  a  Jhe  1se,co"dt, 

J  cycle    of  the 

bifurcation  into  a  literary  and  a  scientific  course,  and  dur-  curriculum. 
ing  the  third  republic  further  elections  and  much  modern 
material  have  been  incorporated.  The  latest  revision 
(1902)  has  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  four  courses,— 
the  Latin-Greek,  the  Latin-modern  language,  the  Latin- 
science,  and  the  science-modern  language.  The  curric- 

1  See  p.  63. 


2g8  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ulum  is  divided  into  two  'cycles/ — the  first  of  four,  and 
the  second  of  three  years,  and  it  is  during  the  second 

A  special  largely  that  the  differentiation  takes  place.1  In  the  lead- 
short  course,  .  ,  ,  .  ... 

to  prepare  for  ing  lycees  and  colleges  special  preparation  is  also  afforded 
techSy  °r  for  scnools  like  tne  military  institution  of  St.  Cyr  or  the 
school,  is  also  Polytechnic  of  Paris,  and  in  some  there  is  a  short  course 

offered  in  the       r  J ,  r  .  , 

leading  lycees  °*  three  or  four  years  in  modern  languages  and  sciences 
and  in  most  fa^  [n  function  closely  approaches  that  of  the  German 

lycees  there 

are  also  pre-  Reolschulen.  The  boys  ordinarily  begin  the  first  cycle 
ciasses^o  °^  ^he  lyc£e  or  college  at  ten  years  of  age,  and  while 
train  the  pu-  they  may  transfer  from  the  primary  system  at  this 

pils   from   six  .  .-it  i        n  xi. 

to  ten.  stage,  m  most  lycees  and  colleges  there  are  preparatory 

classes  to  train  the  pupil  from  six  to  ten.  Education  in  a 
lycee  or  college  is  not  gratuitous,  but  the  income  from 
tuition  fees  is  so  small  as  to  cover  but  a  small  fraction  of 
the  cost,  and  the  rest  is  contributed  by  the  state.  The 

The  commu-  communal  colleges  differ  from  the  lycees  in  being  local, 

nal  colleges  .  .  N 

are  more  local  (whereas  the  latter  are  considered  national),  and  they 
efficienteSthan  are  maintained  by  the  communes,  as  well  as  the  state, 
the  lycees.  They  have  not  the  same  standing,  and  the  same  attain- 
Since  1880  ments  are  not  required  of  their  professors.  Until  1880 

there   have  , 

been  public  there  were  no  lycees  and  communal  colleges  for  girls, 
stitulfonY  for  an(^  convents  and  private  schools  furnished  the  only 
girls,  but  the  means  of  female  education.  Even  now  the  course  in  the 
ally  two  years  public  secondary  institutions  for  girls  is  two  years  shorter 
shorter  than  than  in  those  for  boys,  although  some  of  the  more  im- 

m    those    for  ° 

boys.  portant  furnish  an  extra  year  for  students  preparing  for 

the  higher  normal  school  at  Sevres,  which  trains  teachers 

1  This  is  not  absolutely  the  case,  as  at  the  end  of  the  second  year  of 
the  first  cycle  the  Latin  pupils  have  the  opportunity  of  electing  Greek; 
and  at  the  end  of  the  cycle  those  who  have  selected  Latin,  but  not  Greek, 
are  offered  a  new  choice  between  modern  languages  and  science. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     299 

for  girls'  secondary  schools.    The  teachers  for  the  boys'  Teachers   for 
secondary  schools  are  trained  in  a  special  higher  normal 


school  at  the  capital,  which  has  since  1003  become  a  trained  in 

.  .  higher  normal 

part  of  the  University  of  Pans.     The  examination  for  schools    at 


graduation  from  the  lycees  and  colleges,  marked  by  the 
bachelor's  degree,  is  conducted  in  each  'academy  '  by  a  Graduation 
committee  of  professors  from  the  university,  assisted  [t^SJ^dt 
by  a  board  of  professors  from  the  lycees.     This  degree  colleges  opens 
opens   the  door   to  all   professional   careers,   including 


entrance  tO  the  Universities.  university  en- 

trance. 

The  Universities  and   Other  Institutions  of  Higher 

Education.  —  More    than    one-half    of    the    universities  The  universi- 

established  in  the   various   '  academies  '    by   Napoleon  ^th   various 

were  suppressed  as  soon  as  the  monarchy  was  restored.  chanses,  and 

1  •  .  in  1806  a  uni- 

But  about  half  a  dozen  were  reopened  in  the  reign  of  versity  was 


Louis  Philippe,  and  were  gradually  improved  by  the 
addition  of  new  chairs.  Beginning  in  1885,  a  number  of  sixteen  'acad- 
decrees  established  a  general  council  of  faculties  in  one,  although 
each  academy  to  coordinate  the  different  courses  and  °nly  an  fe.w 

have    all    the 

studies,  and  in  1896  a  law  was  passed,  which  established  faculties,  and 

a  university  in  each  of  the  sixteen  'academies/  except  greatiy'in" 

one.    Only  a  few  of  these  universities  have  all  the  facul-  size- 

ties,  and  they  differ  greatly  in  size.    Of  late  years  uni- 

versity attendance  has  grown  about  one-third,  and  Paris 

has  fully  eighteen  thousand  students.    Above  the  bacca-  They  lcad  to 

ii  i  i  •  > 

laureate  of  lycees  and  colleges  are  the  licence,  or  master's  anc]  doctorate 
degree,  and  the  doctorate  in  the  universities.    The  title  andtoth( 

title  of  ag.c- 

of  agregation,  awarded  to  a  fixed  number  of  licentiates  Ration,'  and 
each  year  through  competitive  examination,  is  also  of  the^'  doctor-0 
importance  to  one  expecting  to  teach  in  a  lycee  or  uni-  ate  of  the 

m  .  ,.  r  university.' 

versity.    The  university  degrees  are  ordinarily  conferred 
in  the  name  of  the  state  and  carry  certain  definite  rights 


300  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

with  them,  but  of  late  years  a  new  type  of  degree, '  doctor- 
ate of  the  university,'  is  granted  upon  easier  terms  to 
foreigners  more  desirous  of  the  degree  than  of  its  state 
in  Paris  there  privileges.    In  Paris,  besides  the  university,  there  is  the 

are  a  number    _    ,,  r  _,  i  •   i         MI          i 

of  higher  in-  College  of  France,  which  still  endeavors  to  foster  freedom 
°^  thought,1  and  a  dozen  other  institutions  of  uni- 
versity  grade,  connected  with  some  special  line,  have 
been  established. 

Education  is        Administration  of  the  French  System  of  Education. — 

most   thor-        „,.  ..  ..  , 

oughly  cen-  The  centralization  of  education  is  more  complete  in 
trahzed  m  France  than  in  the  United  States  or  even  Germany. 

France 

through  The  control  of  the  schools  is  not  vested  in  a  number  of 
of6  education  individual  states,  but  is  assumed  by  the  national  govern- 
and  four  di-  ment  itself.  The  supreme  head  of  the  system  is  the 

rectors  in  the         .    .  ...  . 

central  office,  minister  of  education.     He  is  immediately  assisted  by 
three  directors,  one  for  each  of  the  three  departments, — 
primary,   secondary,   and  higher  education,   and  by  a 
director  of  accounts,  who  has  charge  of  all  expenditures. 
All  three  departments  contain  several  bureaus,  each  of 
a  rector  in      which  has  special  functions.     A  rector  is  in  charge  of 
academy,        each  of  the  'academies,'  except  Paris,  where  the  minister 
nominally  holds  the  office  and  a  vice  rector  performs 
the  duties.     The  rector  has  authority  over  all  three 
fields  of  education  in  his  department,  but  does  not  appoint 
the  prefect      the  teachers.     This  office  is  performed  by  the  prefect, 
each   depart-  or  civil  head  of  each  department,  upon  the  recommenda- 
tion of  the  academy  inspector.    There  is  also  a  depart- 
mental council,  which  is  presided  over  by  the  prefect, 
and  consists  of  general  counsellors,   teachers,   and  in- 
the   cantonal  spectors.    It  appoints  the  delegates  of  each  canton,  who 
take   charge   of   the   school   premises   and   equipment, 
1  See  p.  292. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    301 

and  determine  the  number  and  location  of  the  primary 
schools,  the  number  of  teachers,  and  the  penalties  to  be 
exacted  of  them,  in  case  of  misconduct.  Further  organ- 
ization is  effected  through  the  maintenance  of  a  complete  a  corps  of  in< 

specters. 

corps  of  general,  academy,  and  primary  inspectors. 
Thus  the  French  educational  administration  is  the  most 
thoroughly  centralized  of  all  modern  nations. 

English  Education  before  the  Nineteenth  Century.  — 
In  England  the  nationalization  and  universalizing  of 
education  were  delayed  even  longer  than  in  France. 
This  country  was  never  controlled  by  enlightened  despots, 
who  could,  as  in  Germany,  anticipate  and  force  the 
growth  of  public  educational  sentiment,  nor  was  it  over- 
whelmed by  the  sweep  of  a  great  revolution,  destroying, 
as  in  France,  all  opposition  to  popular  progress.  The 
development  of  national  education  in  England  has  National  ed- 

i       11  i  n-  r  ir    ucation    in 

gradually  grown  out  of  the  conflict  of  a  number  of  England    has 
elements  represented  in  its  society.     It  has  been  the  sl°wiyevoived 

J  through  a 

product  of  a  series  of  compromises  among  many  different  scries  of 
factors,  —  the  church,  state,  economic  conditions,  private 


enterprise,  and  philanthropy.  While  such  a  process  of  elements  in 
educational  evolution  seems  exceedingly  slow,  and  the 
resulting  system  is  based  upon  practical  sense  rather 
than  upon  any  well-considered  theory  or  plan,  it  has  not 
been  subject  to  serious  retrogression  or  abrupt  change. 
Throughout  the  nineteenth  century  there  was  some  at- 
tempt to  weld  together  the  various  conflicting  forces 
into  a  national  system,  but  until  late  in  this  period  the 
feeling  prevailed  that  the  state  was  not  responsible  for 
education.  This  function  was  regarded  as  belonging 
to  the  church  and  family,  and  the  growing  sentiment  for 
universal  education  was  retarded  in  its  enactment  into 


302 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


Until  the 
eighteenth 
century  the 
Anglican 
church    re- 
tained   the 
monopoly  of 
education, 


and  the  eight- 
eenth century 
accomplished 
little  for  ele- 
mentary edu- 
cation, except 
to  prepare  for 
the  national- 
izing of  the 
nineteenth. 


Through    va- 
rious types  of 
philanthropic 
instruction, 
universal  edu- 
cation was 
greatly  ad- 
vanced. 


law  by  the  attitude  of  the  House  of  Lords,  which,  foi 
the  most  part,  strove  to  keep  the  poor  in  ignorance  and 
to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  established  church. 
The  mediaeval  monopoly  of  the  church  remained  even 
after  the  Anglican  Reformation,  for  the  schoolmasters 
were  then  licensed  and  controlled  by  the  bishops  of  the 
Church  of  England,  just  as  they  had  formerly  been  by 
the  Roman  episcopate.1  The  sway  of  formal  humanism 
in  secondary  and  higher  education  also  became  complete.2 
This  domination  in  administration  and  content  was 
first  challenged  in  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the 
struggles  of  the  Dissenters  began,3  and  the  period  of 
realism  developed  with  Bacon,  Mulcaster,  Milton,  Hart- 
lib,  and  Locke.4  In  the  eighteenth  century  established 
authorities  were  even  further  questioned.  Although 
court  and  parliamentary  decisions  still  generally  held  that 
the  bishops  had  power  over  elementary,  as  well  as  second- 
ary education,  this  became  a  period  of  preparation  for  the 
activities  in  nationalizing  education  that  appeared  dur- 
ing the  nineteenth  century.  Except  for  the  meager 
training  furnished  through  the  Society  for  the  Promo- 
tion of  Christian  Knowledge,  the  Sunday  schools,  and 
other  philanthropic  institutions,5  the  Church  of  England 
made  little  effort  in  behalf  of  elementary  education  during 
the  eighteenth  century.  But  these  organizations,  to- 
gether with  the  'monitorial'  instruction  of  the  British 
and  Foreign,  and  the  National  societies,6  greatly  ad- 
vanced the  cause  of  universal  education.  And  toward 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  p.  201. 
2 Op.  oil.,  p.  176.  "  Op.  tit.,  pp.  25ofL,  and  2632. 

3  Op.  cit.,  pp.  1961.,  2Qif.,  and  2981.       B  See  pp.  372. 
6  See  pp.  55  and  58. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    303 

the  last  of  the  eighteenth  century  there  began  to  appear 
a  new  point  of  view,  especially  among  philosophers,  ju- 
rists, reformers,  and  economists,  like  Bentham,  Black- 
stone,  Robert  Owen,  and  Adam  Smith,  who  advocated 
universal  education,  compulsory  attendance,  and  a  na- 
tional system  of  schools. 

Movements  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  Leading  to  the 
Act  of  1870. — The  theory  of  these  great  thinkers  was 
somewhat  in  advance  of  the  times,  but,  early  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  social  changes  in  the  way  of  liberty  Earfy  in  the 

,-.,...  nineteenth 

in  thought  and  speech  and  of  industrial  improvement  century  va- 
began  to  favor  better  educational  opportunities.     The  n°us  S0(:ial 

changes im- 

Factory  Act  of  1802  restricted  child  labor  and  provided  proved    edu- 
for  the  obligatory  training  of  apprentices,  and,  although  ^unitiet 
it  was  often  evaded  by  masters  and  mistresses,  it  became  and  a   larse 

amount  of  in- 

an  important  precedent.     Five  years  later  came  Mr.  formation 
Whitbread's  bill  to  permit  the  civic  officials  of  any  town-  th^ furthered 

tf  universal    co~ 

ship  or  parish  to  establish  schools  for  the  poor  wherever  ucation  was 
none  existed.  It  passed  in  the  lower  house,  but  was  through 
defeated  by  the  lords  on  the  ground  that  it  took  education 
'out  of  the  superintendence  and  control  of  the  clergy.' 
The  contest,  however,  was  reopened  in  1815  by  Henry 
Brougham.  While  that  reformer  lost  his  bill  in  1820, 
he  had  previously  secured  a  commission  of  inquiry  on 
popular  education  (1816)  and  one  on  endowed  schools 
(1818),  and  a  large  mass  of  information  was  thus  collected 
that  greatly  contributed  to  the  final  success  of  universal 
education.  In  1832,  the  passage  of  a  reform  bill,  which 
largely  increased  the  suffrage,  aroused  parliament  to  aroused  Par- 

'     J  .  liament    in 

the  need  of  educating  the  masses,  and  the  next  year  the  ^33  to  grant 
first  parliamentary  grant,  £20,000,  was  made  for  ele-  £20-000  for 

elementary 

mentary  education.    This  sum  was  to  be  used  solely  to  education 


304  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

through  the  aid  in  building  schoolhouses  for  which  subscriptions  had 
British  and  been  privately  obtained,  and  so  could  be  passed  as  a 
Foreign  vote  of  <SUpply  '  without  referring  it  to  the  House  of 

societies.  ^^  J '  ° 

Lords.     It  was  apportioned  through  the  National  and 

the  British  and  Foreign  societies,  which  remained  the 

channels  of  distribution  for  the  state  subsidies  until 

1870,  *  and,   becoming  in  this  way  a  vested  interest, 

greatly  hindered  the  development  of  a  national  system  of 

The  cause  was  education.    Nevertheless,  agitation  in  behalf  of  the  cause 

vanced  was  continually  carried  on,  especially  through  public 

through  the     scnOol  organizations  in  the  new  manufacturing  towns. 

foundation  of  '  c 

the  Lanca-     The   most   influential   of   these   were   the    'Lancashire 
Soof  ASSO-    Public  School  Association,'  established  at  Manchester 
ciation  (1847)  in  1847,  which  was  soon  broadened  to  a  'National  Pub- 
League  lie  School  Association,'  and  'The  League,'  which  was 
started   at   Birmingham   in    1869,   and   rapidly   spread 
through  the  country.    Governmental  activities  constantly 
In  1830  the  increased.     In  1839  the  annual  grant  was  increased  to 
was  raised  to  £30,00x3  and  allowed  to  be  used  for  elementary  education 
£30,000,  and  ^thout  restriction,  and  the  same  year  the  queen,  despite 

a  special  com- 

mittee  of  the  the  protest  of  the  lords,  appointed  a  separate  committee 
di^as  °a]>  °^  ner  Privy  Council  to  administer  the  educational 
pointed  to  grants.  This  greatly  curbed  the  ecclesiastical  power  and 

administer  it,    .  .... 

and  in  1856  a  inaugurated  state  supervision  of  elementary  education, 
Vice  Prescient  as  ^e  new  committee  insisted  that,  in  order  to  share  in 

of  the  Coun- 
cil was  chosen  the  funds,  a  school  must  be  open  to  government  inspec- 

chairmanaS  of  tion.  State  control  was  further  organized  in  1856  by 
this  educa-  the  appointment  of  a  Vice  President  of  the  Council  to 

tional  com-  .  .....  . 

mittee.  act  as  chairman  of  this  educational  committee  and  be 

responsible  for  the  use  of  the  funds  to  the  House  of 
Commons.    The  only  other  step  of  importance  prior  to 

1  See  pp.  58f. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    305 

1870  was  the  appointment  in  1858  of  a  royal  commission 

to  inquire  into  the  state  of  popular  education.    As  the 

result  of  its  findings,  the  bill  of  Robert  Lowe  was  passed  in  1861,  upon 

in  1 86 1  to  establish  'payment  by  results/  that  is,  to  mendation  oi 

base  the  grant  to  any  school  upon  the  results  shown  by  a  commission 

.         .  .  ,      upon  popular 

the  pupils  in   the   governmental   examinations.     This  education,    a 
method  was  intended  to  increase  efficiency,  but,  used  j^  ^^^ 
as  the  sole  means  of  testing,  it  soon  proved  narrowing  by  results' 
and  unfair,  and  had  to  be  supplemented  by  the  general 
opinion  formed  of  the  school  by  the  inspectors. 

'Board  Schools'  and  their  Development  since  1870. — 
When    the    franchise    was    further    extended    in    1868,  A  ^urther  ex- 
Mr.  Lowe  exhorted  his  fellow  liberals:  "Let  us  educate  suffrage  led  to 
our  new  masters."    This  necessity  of  preparing  millions  ^  ^jg'o 
of  the  common  people  for  new  responsibilities  and  au-  establishing 
thority  in  public  affairs  led  in  1870  to  the  passage  of  the  schools'  sup- 
epoch-making  bill  of  William  E.  Forster.    Under  this  act  P°rted  b? 

....  government 

'board  schools,'  or  institutions  in  charge  of  a  board  grants  and  io- 
chosen  by  the  people  of  the  community,  were  to  be  es-  ^d  ™t]!m't_ 
tablished  wherever  a  deficiency  in  the  existing  accom-  ting  the  '\-oi- 
modations  required  it.1     The  'voluntary,'  or  denomi-  schoois'  to 
national  schools,  most  of  which  belonged  to  the  Church  share  m  the 

government 

of  England,  were  to  share  in  the  government  grants  grants. 
upon  equal  terms  with  the  new  institutions,  but  the 
latter  had  also  the  benefit  of  local  'rates.'  Elementary 
instruction  in  all  schools  had  to  be  open  to  government 
inspection,  and  the  amount  of  the  grant  was  partly 
determined  by  the  report  of  the  inspectors.  The  board 

1The  act  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  some  fifteen  hundred  new 
'voluntary  schools,'  as  before  any  'board  schools'  could  be  established, 
six  months  were  allowed  for  the  deficiencies  to  be  supplied  by  private 
means. 


306  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

schools  were  forbidden  to  allow  "any  religious  catechism 
or  religious  formulary,  which  is  distinctive  of  any  par< 
ticular  denomination";  and  religious  instruction  in  either 
type  of  school  had  to  be  placed  at  the  beginning  or  end 
of  the  school  session,  so  that,  under  the  'conscience 
clause'  of  the  act,  any  scholar  might  conveniently  with- 
draw at  that  time. 

This  act  of  1870  was,  of  course,  the  magna  charta 

of  national  education,  and  has  become  the  basis  of  much 

school   legislation   since   that   time.     The   compromise 

This  magna     Jn  ^g  bfj}  that  allowed  the  voluntary  schools,  with  their 

charta    of  ...  .  .    . 

national  edu-  sectarian  instruction,  to  continue  receiving  government 


^T  minted  suPPort5  nas>  however,  prevented  a  logical  and  consistent 

by  compul-  system  from  being  established.    The  struggle  to  complete 

ance  ^mf  the  nationalization  of  the  schools  has  lasted  until  the 

minimum  present,  and  meanwhile  the  dual  system  of  elementary 

age  laws,  and  1111-  •  e 

the  creation  schools  has  continued  to  be  developed  in  a  variety  of 
of  a  Board  of  enactments.  Compulsory  attendance  laws  were  passed 
and  a  'con-  (1876,  1880),  and  the  minimum  age  of  exemption  was 
01  "  se^  nrs^  at  eleven  years  of  age,  and  then  raised  to  twelve 
(1893,  I&99)-  An  extra  grant,  to  take  the  place  of  tuition 
fees  (1891),  soon  made  it  possible  for  most  schools  to 
become  absolutely  free.  A  still  more  advanced  step 
toward  a  national  system  of  schools  was  taken  by  the 
creation  of  a  central  'Board  of  Education  '  (1899).  This 
body  assumed  the  functions  of  the  Committee  of  Privy 
Council  on  Education,  which  had  been  providing  for  the 
elementary  schools  and  for  science  and  art  instruction; 
of  the  Charity  Commissioners,  who  were  reorganizing 
the  educational  trusts  and  endowments;  and  of  the 
Board  of  Agriculture.  The  act  also  provided  for  a  '  con- 
sultative committee,'  to  represent  the  views  of  the  uni- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    307 

versities  and  other  bodies  interested  in  education,  and 
advise  the  board  on  any  question  referred  to  it.     In 
addition  to  its  control  of  the  elementary  institutions, 
the  board  was  authorized  "to  inspect  any  school  supply- 
ing secondary  education  and  desiring  to  be  inspected." 
The   Education   Act   of    1902.  —  The  next   important 
movement  toward   centralization   took  place  in    1902.  The  devel- 
The  board  schools  had  in  their  generation  of  existence  board  schools 
met  with  a  phenomenal  growth,  and  the  voluntary  schools  ^.  p^om" 
could  no  longer  compare  with  them.     The  former  had  when  the  con- 
come  to  include  about  seventy  per  cent  of  the  pupils, 


and  were  doing  a  splendid  work,  especially  for  the  con-  power,   as  a 

.   ,  .   .          result  of  their 

centrated  population  in  great  industrial  communities,  pledge  to  the 
They  were  spending  about  half  as  much  again  upon 


each  pupil  as  were  the  voluntary  schools,  since  the  sub-  Act  of  1902, 
scriptions,  endowments,  and  tuition  fees  of  the  latter  Jble°d  the  de- 


could  not  keep  pace  with  the  local  rates,  and  the  board 

schools     to 

schools  were  able  to  engage  a  much  better  staff  of  teachers,  share  in  the 

This  extension  of  civil  influence  in  education  was  bitterly  localrates- 

opposed  by  the  established  church,  and  when  the  con- 

servatives came  into  power  through  the  assistance  of 

the  clergy  (1895),  they  were  pledged  to  secure  better 

maintenance  for  the  voluntary  schools.     Such  a  pro- 

vision they  at  first  attempted  to  obtain  through  a  special 

government  grant  (1897),  but  this  proved  inadequate, 

and  they  then  passed  the  act  of   1902,  whereby  the 

denominational  schools  were  permitted  to  share  in  the 

local  rates.    The  administration  of  both  board  and  volun-  By   this   act 


tary  schools  was  now  centralized  in  the  county  councils,  the 

...  ,  11-1      tration    of 

except  in  the  case  of  cities  and  large  boroughs,  which  both  types  of 
were  given  independent  control  through  their  own  ^^Uzecnn 
councils.  But  the  immediate  supervision  of  instruction,  the  county  or 


3o8 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


city    councils, 
but    the    im- 
mediate su- 
pervision was 
placed  in  the 
hands  of  a 
board  of 
managers, 
and,  in  the 
case  of  the 
voluntary 
schools,  de- 
spite their  re- 
ceipt of  local 
rates,   only 
two  of  the  six 
managers 
were  ap- 
pointed by 
the  council. 


religious  as  well  as  secular,  in  the  individual  schools 
was  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  board  of  managers;  and, 
despite  their  receipt  of  local  taxes,  the  voluntary  schools 
were  required  to  have  but  two  of  their  managers  ap- 
pointed by  the  council,  and  the  other  four  were  still 
selected  by  the  denomination.  Serious  opposition  to 
the  enforcement  of  the  new  law  arose  among  noncon- 
formists and  others,  and  extreme  coercive  measures 
were  taken  by  the  government.  The  new  act,  however, 
while  unfair  to  those  outside  the  Church  of  England, 
tended  to  sweep  away  the  dual  system  of  public  and 
church  schools,  since  both  were  coming  to  rest  upon 
a  basis  of  public  control  and  support.  Since  1902  all 
elementary  schools  have  been  considered  as  part  of 
one  comprehensive  system,  and  the  board  schools  have 
been  distinguished  as  'provided  schools'  and  the  volun- 
tary as  'nonprovided.'  Under  the  legislation  of  1902 
steps  were  also  taken  to  coordinate  secondary  with 
elementary  education,  and  bring  it  somewhat  within 
the  public  system.  The  board  schools  had  early  in  their 
existence  begun  to  develop  upward  into  secondary 
education  and  before  long  had  come  to  compete  with 
the  older  grammar  and  public  schools.  In  1900,  however, 
the  grants  of  the  science  and  art  department  were  with- 
drawn from  the  support  of  secondary  education  in  board 
schools,  the  'Cockerton  judgment'  forbade  the  use  of 
local  rates  for  other  instruction  than  elementary,  and 
fifteen  years  of  age  was  fixed  by  the  Board  of  Education 
as  the  upper  limit  for  pupils  in  the  board  schools.  Thus 
secondary  training  was  excluded  from  public  adminis- 
tration, but,  in  keeping  with  the  agreement  to  deal  "not 
with  secondary  education  or  with  primary  education 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    309 

in  their  isolation,  but  with  both  in  one  measure,"  the  The  Act  of 

Act  of  1902  imposed  Upon  Councils  the  duty  to  Support  ever,'  required 

instruction  in   subjects  beyond   the  elementary  work.  the  councils 

»-rn                                                  .  t°  support  in- 

The  Board  of  Education  was  also  empowered  to  pass  struction  be- 

judgment  upon  the  work  of  the  great  public  schools  1*6  * 


and  other  endowed  secondary  institutions,  and  to  allow  work,  and  em- 
grants  to  all  schools  meeting  the  conditions  of  the  Board,  BoIrTof  Ed- 
as  determined  by  the  reports  of  the  government  inspectors.  ucati.ont  to 

A  A       .  ______       passjudgment 

Even  since  the  liberals  returned  to  power,  they  have  'upon  the  en- 


continued  the  conservatives'   policy  of   granting   local 

rates  to  all  elementary  schools,  of  bringing  secondary  The  liberals 

education  under  public   support   and   control,    and   of 


making  the  county  and  city  councils  the  unit  of  school  policy  of 
administration,  with  the  national  Board  of  Education  ° 


as  a  unifying  force  in  the  entire  field.  While  the  education  sphools  in  a 

.  single  system 

bill  of  1906,  which  was  kept  from  passage  by  the  House  of  and  of  en- 
Lords,  did  not  recognize  church  schools  as  such,  and  p^b^ofntrol 
insisted  upon  bringing  them  under  the  complete  control  of  secondary 

fl  ,   ,.  •...          .  education, 

of  the  public  authorities,  it  made  no  attempt  to  return  but  as  yet 
to  the  former  dual  system  of  schools  and  the  isolation  *hey  haT? 

J  been  unable 

of  secondary  from  elementary  education.  It  still  held  to  alter  the 
also  to  religious,  and,  under  safeguards,  even  to  sectarian  tro^oTin-01 
instruction  in  the  elementary  schools,  and,  with  the  struction  in 

the  voluntary 

recent  readjustment  of  the  power  of  the  House  of  Lords  schools. 
(1911),  it  may  yet  be  passed  in  a  revised  form.  A  volun- 
tary committee  for  a  'resettlement  in  English  elementary 
education,'  through  the  mediation  of  the  President  of 
the  Board  of  Education  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, has  been  at  work  for  half  a  dozen  years  formulat- 
ing a  modus  vivcndi  acceptable  to  both  sides.  Their 
plan  concedes  the  principle  of  public  control  and  support 
for  all  elementary  schools  and  religious  freedom  for  teach- 


310  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ers  and  pupils,  but  provides  local  option  for  the  contin- 
uance of  denominational  schools.  Thus,  while  England 
is  not  prepared  to  adopt  a  secular  system,  like  that 
of  France  and  the  United  States,  and  has  not  yet 
articulated  all  its  secondary  education  with  elementary, 
it  is  upon  the  high  road  to  a  complete  centralization  of 
school  administration  in  the  national  government. 
During  the  During  the  nineteenth  century  the  classical  and 

latter   half  of  ,  .    , 

the  nineteenth  ecclesiastical  monopoly  in  higher  education  was  also 
cksskaiand  broken.  A  recognition  of  the  scientific  and  industrial 
ecclesiastical  ideals  began  to  appear  in  the  curriculum  of  Cambridge 
a  (1851)  and  Oxford  (1853),  anc^  the  theological  require- 


in  ,CQmfbrijge  ments  for  a  degree  were  dropped  (1856).     By  the  last 

and  new  uni-  quarter  of  the  century  actual  workshops  and  laboratories 

iustedtomod-  na<^  been  introduced,  and  students  were  freed  from  all 

em  demands  doctrinal   tests   at  both  universities.     Moreover,   new 

in    manufac-  universities,  better  adjusted  to  modern  demands  and 

tunng  cen-      more  closely  related  to  the  school  systems  and  the  civil 

government,  began  to  arise  in  manufacturing  centers. 

Since  1889  such  institutions  as  the  Universities  of  Birm- 

ingham,   Manchester,    Leeds,    Liverpool,    and    Bristol 

have  sprung  up  as  the  product  of  private  benefactions, 

municipal  enterprise,  and  parliamentary  subsidy,  and 

the  University  of  London,  started  as  an  examining  body 

in  1836,  was  made  a  teaching  institution  in  1900. 

Types  of  Education  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  — 
The  state  systems  of  schools  which  have  grown  up  in  the 
Canadian  provinces  approach  those  of  the  United  States 
much  more  closely  than  do  those  of  the  European  nations. 
Yet  they  are  sufficiently  distinctive  and  important  to 
deserve  description  and  to  offer  suggestions  to  the  older 
countries.  Canada  developed  schools  in  very  early 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    311 

days.    In  the  beginning  education  was  cared  for  in  the  in  the  Cana- 

e    '  •  .LI  j       t.         AI_      T\        •    •  r  dian  provinces 

four  provinces  separately,  and  when  the  Dominion  of  there  have 

Canada  was  finally  formed  (1867),  the  federal  govern-  from  the  first 

ment  left  to  each  province  the  administration  of  public  oped   two 

education  within  its  borders.    The  same  autonomy  was  carnal  con- 

extended  to  the  provinces  that  have  since  been  admitted  troi,—  the 

m  r  •  state,      repre- 

to  the  federation.    Two  types  of  educational  control,  —  sented    by 
state  and  ecclesiastical,  have  been  developing  from  the 


first.     The  former  method  is  best  illustrated  by  the  tical,  devei- 


system  of  public  schools,  with  grants  of  public  funds, 
that  has  been  organized  in  Ontario  ;  and  the  latter  by  the 
public  supervision  of  parochial  schools  that  has  been 
established  in  Quebec.  Ontario  was  settled  mostly  by 
English  and  Scotch  emigrants,  many  of  whom  had,  as 
'union  loyalists,'  come  from  the  United  States  after  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  practically  all  the 
colonists  had  brought  with  them  the  concept  of  public 
control  of  education.  The  French  settlers  of  Quebec,  on 
the  other  hand,  naturally  followed  their  traditions  of 
parish  schools. 

The  Public  School  System  of  Ontario.  —  The  system 
of  schools  in  Ontario  began  before  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  As  early  as  1841  the  provincial 
parliament  provided  for  the  establishment  of  township 
'common  schools'  and  for  district  'grammar  schools' 
after  the  English  type  of  secondary  education.  Two  The  common 

school  system 

years  later  the  college  at  York,  now  relocated  and  known  Of  Ontario 
as  the  'University  of  Toronto,'  opened  its  doors.    Then,  w«  started 

•  by  Ryerson 

in  1846,  through  Egerton  Ryerson,  the  Common  Schools  in  1846,  and 
Act  for  Ontario  was  passed.    This  was  formulated  after  thirty  years 
a  careful  study  of  the  systems  of  Massachusetts.  New  he  was  in 

.  office  much 

York,  and  the  European  states,  and  it  included  many  was  accom- 


312  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

plished   for     excellent  elements  from  various  systems  and  a  number 

cation  and      of  valuable  original  features.    Through  tenure  of  office 

tionrahza~       during  thirty  years,  Dr.  Ryerson  was  able  to  develop 

and  fix  this  system,  and  the  Ontario  law  of  1871,  after 

the  Dominion  had  been  formed,  included  free  tuition, 

compulsory    attendance,    county    inspection,    uniform 

examinations,  and  all  the  other  features  for  which  he  had 

contended. 

since  then          Since  1876  an  even  greater  centralization  of  the  pro- 

the  growth  of  c  l 

centralization  vincial  system  has  been  effected  through  substituting 
more  Marked  ^or  ^ne  cm>ef  superintendent  a  'minister  of  education' 
through  the  with  much  larger  powers,  and  bringing  all  stages  of 
of  a  ministry  public  education,—  the  elementary,  secondary,  and 


higher  schools,  into  much  closer  relationship.    The  min- 
largest  ister  has  many  assistants  and  advisors,  including  since 

1906  an  Advisory  Council  of  Education,  which  is  made 
up  of  representatives  from  the  universities  and  public 
schools,  the  inspectional  corps,  and  local  trustees.  Pie 
initiates  and  directs  all  school  legislation,  decides  com- 
plaints and  disputes,  sets  examinations  for  the  high, 
elementary,  model,  and  normal  schools,  prescribes  the 
courses  of  study,  chooses  the  text-books,  and  appoints 
the  inspectors.  His  is  an  office  of  great  power  and  dig- 

The  system  is  .  .    .    e 

also  adminis-  iiity.  The  system  is  also  administered  by  subordinate 
ordinate  au-  Authorities  elected  in  the  localities,  whose  duties  arc 
thorities  clearly  defined  by  law.  The  province  is  for  educational 

elected  in  the  ,..,,.  .  i  •  1  •  i»    •  i     i 

counties,         purposes  divided  into  counties,  which  are  in  turn  divided 


townships,       jn£0  townships,  and  subdivided  into  sections  and  incor- 

and    sections; 

and  the  cen-  porated  cities,  towns,  and  villages.  The  central  and 
administra^8  l°cal  administrations  are  wisely  balanced,  and  while  the 
tions  are  one  determines  scholastic  standards  through  its  profes- 

wisely   bal-  ...  ,. 

anced.  sional  requirements,  the  other  establishes  schools,  ap- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS     313 

points  teachers,  and  regulates  expenditures  under  the 
general  control  of  the  minister.    The  system  of  elemen-  The  system  is 
tary   schools,    high   schools,    collegiate   institutes,    and  unified  than 
universities,  is  fully  unified,  and  the  work  of  each  stage  'n  the  United 

J  States;  the 

fits  into  the  others  even  more  exactly  than  in  the  'ladder'  training  of 
system  of  the  United  States.    The  training  of  teachers  cared^for3  by 


is  cared  for  through  the  departments  of  Education  in  institutions  of 

.       .  different 

the  universities,   the  eight  provincial  normal  schools,  grades;  and 
and  a  model  school  in  each  county.     The  teachers  for  ^ereisacom- 

J  plete     system 

secondary  institutions  are  prepared  at  the  universities,  of  inspectors. 

the  normal  schools  grant  a  life  certificate  to  teach  in  the 

elementary  schools,  while  the  model  schools  afford  four- 

teen weeks  of  training  for  country  teachers.    The  build- 

ings, equipment,  courses,  and  instruction  of  the  high,  'Separate 

elementary,  and  model  schools  are  each  reported  upon  any   race  Or 

by  inspectors   of   assured   scholarship   and   experience.  creeu1-nj|1>d  be 

Since   1863   permission  has  been  granted   to  establish  when  needed. 

'separate  schools'  for  any  peculiar  creed  or  race,  where- 

ever  there  are  five  families  requesting  it.    This  opportu- 

nity to  have  schools  of  their  own  faith  has  not  been 

embraced  by  any  save  the  Roman  Catholics.    Any  one 

paying  toward  the  support  of  a  'separate  school'  is  ex- 

empt from  taxation  for  the  regular  public  schools.    Spe- 

cial provincial  inspectors  report  upon  these  schools,  but 

in  the  same  way  as  for  the  public  schools.    An  effort 

has  frequently  been  made  to  get  rid  of  this  provision  by 

instituting  purely  secular  schools  throughout  the  prov- 

ince, but  it  has  never  been  successful,  and  even  in  the 

public  schools  nonsectarian  religious  exercises  are  still 

conducted. 

Systems  of  Education  in  Other  Provinces  of  Canada.  — 
The  Ontario  system  may  be  considered  typical  of  the 


314  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


The  Ontario  educational  administration  in  the  various  provinces  of 
typical  of  all  Canada,  except  Quebec.  While  each  province  has  a 
provinces,  ex-  iustory  and  peculiarities  of  its  own,  many  of  the  features 
in  them  all  have  been  taken  from  the  Ontario  model. 
Every  one  has  sought  uniformity  of  school  provision 
and  educational  standards  through  government  control, 
although  none  of  them  grant  their  central  official  as 
much  power  as  Ontario.  In  Nova  Scotia,  Manitoba, 
and  British  Columbia  the  'executive  council'  consti- 
tutes the  educational  authority  of  the  province,  and  the 
chief  officer,  known  as  'superintendent,'  is  appointed 
by  the  lieutenant  governor.  New  Brunswick  vests  the 
authority  in  a  Board  of  Education,  composed  of  the 
lieutenant  governor,  the  members  of  the  executive  coun- 
cil, the  president  of  the  provincial  university,  and  the 
superintendent,  who  is  secretary  and  chief  executive. 
Alberta  and  Saskatchewan  permit  'separate  schools/ 
and  they  existed  in  Manitoba  until  1890,  when,  after  a 
bittef  contest,  they  were  abolished. 

But  the  ecclesiastical  type  of  control  in  Quebec  is 

very  different  from  that  of  the  other  provinces.     The 

educational  system  originated  there  in  the  schools  of  the 

parishes  and  of  the  teaching  orders,  like  the  Jesuits  and 

which  has  a  Christian  Brethren,  and  in  1845  the  parish  was  by  law 

central  Coun-  .  .  .    . 

cil  of  Public  made  the  unit  of  school  administration.  But  seven  years 
wlth'two'divi  ^a^-er  government  inspectors  were  established,  and  in 
sions,— a  1859  a  central  organization  was  completed  with  a  Council 
a  Vrotestant,  of  Public  Instruction.  This  authority  is  composed  of  two 
each  of  which  divisions,  a  Roman  Catholic  and  a  Protestant,  which  sit 

makes  regula-  ....  . 

tions  for  the  separately  and  administer  the  schools  of  their  respective 
ltS  creeds.     Each  division  makes  regulations  for  the  in- 
struction and  texts  of  its  own  schools,  and  appoints  in- 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    315 

specters  of  its  own  faith.  The  provincial  superintendent 
of  schools,  appointed  by  the  lieutenant  governor,  is  ex 
officio  chairman  of  both  divisions,  but  he  can  vote  only 
with  the  division  to  which  he  belongs  by  religion.  The 
proceeds  from  the  general  public  school  fund,  a  special  The  proceeds 

i          ,•          i    i  .  ,.    .,     ,    .  of  the  public 

tax,  or  any  educational  legacies  are  divided  in  propor-  fund)   spccjai 
tion  to  the  Catholic  and  Protestant  inhabitants,  but  the  taxation,  and 

legacies  are 

regular  school  rate  of  one-fifth  cent  on  a  dollar  may  be  divided  pro 


assigned  to  whichever  of  the  two  school  systems  the  tax-  th 

payer  wishes.    The  local  unit  in  education  is  the  mu-  but  the  school 

nicipality,  which  may  be  divided  into  districts,  and  the  ^sfg^  to 

trustees  in  each  district  have  full  control  of  the  schools  whichever  of 

the   two    sys- 

there,  subject  to  the  requirements  of  the  Council.  tems  the  tax- 

Comparison  of  Modern  School  Systems.  —  Thus,  dur-  pa> 
ing  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries,  systems  of 
education  have  been  centralized  in  the  civil  governments 

of  the  leading  European  nations  and  of  Canada.    With  ^dteh°t^eh>out' 

the  exception  of  the  Canadian  provinces,  however,  no  United  states, 

one  of  these  states  has  yet  altogether  welded  its  primary  has  ^ 


and  secondary  systems.1    Moreover,  while  France  alone  its  Primary 

i       and    second- 

has  been  completely  centralized  and  rendered  purely  ary    systems, 

secular,  all  the  others  have  been  liberated  from  ecclesi-  p^ncehas 

astical   control  and   are  under  civic  organization  and  centralized 

management.    This  development  represents  a  very  dif-  ized   its 

ferent  situation  from  the  conditions  in  the  administra-  spools,  all 

these  states 

tion  of  schools  that  furnished  America  with  its  first  edu-  have  been 


cational  traditions,  but  the  evolution  of  state  control  /r0ma  ecclesi- 


in  the  United  States  took  place  quite  independently  of  astical  con- 

•        -r^  -r         r  -IT  r      1  tro1     an(i      are 

that  in  Europe.    In  fact,  until  the  early  part  of  the  nine-  under  civic 


teenth  centuiy,  so  little  was  known  in  America  concern- 
ing  European  education  that  adaptations  to  the  systems  United  states 
1  See  pp.  277,  297,  and  302. 


316  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

has  met  with  a  of  the  various  states  were  practically  impossible.    Since 

similar  evolu-    ,  . 

tion,  it  has    then,  however,  any  improvements  in  method,  content, 
occurred  m-   an(j  administration  that  have  taken  place  in  German. 

dependently. 

French,  or  English  schools  have  speedily  been  heralded 
by  American  educators,  and  have  often  proved  sugges- 
tive. Much,  too,  may  be  learned  in  the  United  States 
from  the  thorough  and  systematic,  though  somewhat 
less  elastic,  educational  organization  of  Canada,  espe- 
cially Ontario ;  and  in  all  cases  a  comparison  of  the  mod- 
ern system  of  education  in  one  great  nation  with  that 
of  another  should  prove  broadening  and  mutually 
beneficial. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 

A.  GERMANY 

ARNOLD,  M.    Higher  Schools  and  Universities  in  Germany. 
BARNARD,    H.     American   Journal    of   Education    (Volume    IV, 

pp.  245-258;  VIII,  369-460;  IX,  569-578;  XX,  335-434;  and 

XXII,    743-902). 

BOLTON,  F.  E.    The  Secondary  School  System  of  Germany. 
BROWN,  J.  F.    The  Training  of  Teachers  for  Secondary  Schools  in 

Germany  and  the  United  States. 

CLAUSNITZER,  L.     Geschichte  des  prcussischen  Untcrrichtsgesetzes 
DITTES,  F.    Geschichte  dcr  Erziehung  und  des  Untcrrichts. 
HUGHES,  R.  E.    The  Making  of  Citizens.    Chaps.  IV  and  X. 
KANDEL,    I.    L.     The   Training   of  Elementary  School   Teachers 

in  Germany    (Teachers   College  Contributions   to   Education, 

No.  31). 

KLEMM,  L.  R.    Public  Education  in  Germany  and  the  United  States. 
LEXIS,  W.    Untcrrichtswcscn  im  deutschcn  Reich. 
MUNCH,  W.,  SCHIELE,  F.  M.,  and  ZIERTMANN,  P.    Education  in 

Germany  (Monroe's  Cyclopaedia  of  Education,  Vol.  III). 
NOHLE,  E.     History  of  the  German  School  System  (Report  of  the 

U.  S.  Commissioner  of  Education,  1897-98.    Vol.  I,  pp.  26-44). 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    317 

PARSONS,  J.  R.,  JR.    Prussian  Schools  through  American  Eyes. 
PAULSKN,  F.    German  Education  (translated  by  Lorenz).    Books 

III  and  IV. 
PAULSEN,  F.    The  German  Universities  (translated  by  Thilly  and 

Elwang). 
PETERSILIE,   A.     Das   offcntliche   Unterrichtswesen  im  deutschen 

Rciche. 

RAUMER,  K.  VON.    Gcschichte  dcr  Pddagogik. 
RUSSELL,  J.  E.    German  Higher  Schools. 
SADLER,  M.  E.     The  Unrest  in  Secondary  Education  in  Germany 

and  Elsewhere  (Great  Britain,  Board  of  Education,  Special 

Reports,  IX,  i). 

SEELEY,  L.    Common  School  Systems  of  Germany. 
WINCH,  W.  H.    Notes  on  German  Schools. 


B.  FRANCE 

ARNOLD,  M.     Special  Report  on  Certain  Rights  connected  with 

Elementary  Education  in  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  France. 
BEARD,  MARY  S.    Ecolcs  matcrnclles  of  Paris  (Great  Britain,  Board 

of  Education,  Special  Reports  on  Educational  Subjects.     Vol. 

VIII,  No.  8). 
COMPAYRK,   G.     Contemporary  Educational    Thought   in   France 

(Educational  Review,  Vol.  II,  pp.  171-177;  X,  313-324;  XVI, 

132-146;  XXVII,    19-35)- 
COIIPAYRE,   G.     Education  in  France   (Monroe's  Cyclopcsdia  of 

Education,  Vol.  II). 

FARRINGTON,  F.  E.    French  Secondary  Schools. 
FARRINGTON,    F.   E.      The   Public    Primary   System    of  France 

(Teachers  College  Contributions  to  Education,  No.  7). 
FRIEDEL,  V.  H.    Problems  of  Secondary  Education  in  France  (School 

Review,  Vol.  XV,  pp.  169-183). 

GREARD,  O.    Education  ct  instruction.    Enscigncmcnt  primaire. 
GREARD,    O.      Legislation   dc  ly instruction   primaire   en   France 

dcpuis  i/Sp. 

HUGHES,  R.  E.    The  Making  of  Citizens.    Chaps.  V  and  IX. 
KIRKMAN,  F.  B.    The  Position  of  Teachers  in  the  State  Secondary 


318  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Schools  for  Boys  in  France  (Great  Britain,  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, Special  Reports ,  II,  24). 

KLEMM,  L.  R.    European  Schools.    Pp.  317-391. 

PARSONS,  J.  R.,  JR.    French  Schools  through  American  Eyes. 

SALMON,  LUCY  M.  Training  of  Teachers  in  France  (Educational 
Review,  Vol.  XX,  pp.  383-404). 

SIMON,  J.    La  reforme  de  I'enseignement  secondaire. 

SMITH,  ANNA  T.  Report  of  the  United  Stales  Commissioner  oj 
Education.  1890-91,  Vol.  I,  pp.  95-108;  1893-94, 1,  187-201 ; 
1894-95,  I,  289-305;  1895-96,  I,  635-639;  1896-97,  I,  29-56; 
1897-98,  I,  704-749;  1898-99,  I,  1095-1138;  1899-1900,  II, 
1712-1721;  1900-1901,  I,  1082-1103;  1901,  I,  1103-1109; 
1902, 1,  668-698;  1905, 1,  76-80;  1906, 1,  19-32;  1907, 1,  143- 
159;  1908,  I,  230-238. 

C.  ENGLAND 

ADAMS,  F.    History  of  the  Elementary  School  Contest  in  England. 

ARNOLD,  M.    Reports  on  Elementary  Schools,  1852-1882. 

BALFOUR,  G.    The  Educational  Systems  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

BINNS,  H.  B.    A  Century  of  Education,  1808-1908. 

BOARD  OF  EDUCATION.    Annual  Reports. 

COMMITTEE  OF  COUNCIL  ON  EDUCATION.    Annual  Reports. 

GREENOUGH,  J.  C.  The  Evolution  of  the  Elementary  Schools  of 
Great  Britain. 

GREGORY,  R.     Elementary  Education. 

HOLMAN,  H.    English  National  Education. 

HUGHES,  R.  E.    The  Making  of  Citizens.    Chaps.  Ill  and  XII. 

KAY-SHUTTLEWORTH,  J.    Four  Periods  in  Public  Education. 

MONTMORENCY,  J.  E.  G.  DE.    National  Education  and  National  Life. 

MONTMORENCY,  J.  E.  G.  DE.    Progress  of  Education  in  England. 

MONTMORENCY,  J.  E.  G.  DE.  State  Intervention  in  English  Educa- 
tion. 

MORLEY,  J.    The  Struggle  for  National  Education. 

NATIONAL  EDUCATION  UNION.  Verbatim  Report  of  the  Debate  in 
Parliament  during  the  Progress  of  the  Education  Bill,  1870. 

SALMON,  D.  The  Education  of  the  Poor  in  tlie  Eighteenth  Cen- 
tury. 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  MODERN  SCHOOL  SYSTEMS    319 

SANDIFORD,  P.    The  Training  of  Teachers  in  England  and  Wales 

(Teachers  College  Contributions  to  Education,  No.  32). 
SHARPLESS,  I.    English  Education  in  Elementary  and  Secondary 

Schools. 
SMITH,  ANNA  T.     Education  in  England  (Monroe's  Cyclopaedia 

of  Education,  Vol.  II). 
SMITH,  ANNA  T.    The  Education  Bill  of  igo6for  England  and  Wales 

(U.  S.  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin.    1906,  No.  I). 

D.  CANADA 

BOARD  OF  EDUCATION,  GREAT  BRITAIN.  Special  Reports  on  Edu- 
cational Subjects.  Vol.  IV,  A. 

CHAVEAU,  M.    U  instruction  publique  au  Canada. 

COLEMAN,  H.  T.  J.    Public  Education  in  Upper  Canada. 

DOMINION  EDUCATIONAL  ASSOCIATION.    Proceedings. 

EWART,  J.  S.    The  Manitoba  School  Question. 

HODGINS,  J.  G.    Documentary  History  of  Education  in  Ontario. 

MILLAR,  J.    Educational  System  of  the  Province  of  Ontario. 

MORANT,  R.  L.  History  of  the  Manitoba  School  System.  (Great 
Britain,  Board  of  Education,  Special  Reports,  I,  23). 

Ross,  G.  W.    The  School  System  of  Ontario. 

RYERSON,  E.  Report  on  a  System  of  Public  Elementary  Instruction 
for  Upper  Canada. 

SMITH,  ANNA  T.  Education  in  Canada  (Monroe's  Cyclopaedia  of 
Education,  Vol.  I). 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  MODERN   SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT 

The  Development  of  the  Natural  Sciences  in  Modern 
Times. — The  germ  of  the  modern  tendency  to  introduce 
the  natural  sciences  into  the  content  of  education  was 
apparent  as  early  as  Rousseau.    The  Emile,  on  its  con- 
structive side,  may  be  held  to  advocate  the  scientific, 
as  well  as  the  sociological  and  psychological  movements 
in  modern  times.     Some  description  has  been  given  in 
previous  chapters  of  the  consequent  efforts  to  improve 
the  ideals,  organization,  and  methods  of  education  in 
accordance  with  our  modern  knowledge  of  society  and 
the  mental  development  of  the  individual,  and  we  may 
The  expan-     now  turn  to  a  more  specific  consideration  of  the  gradual 
sciences  in  the  expansion  of  the  course  of  study  and  of  the  modern 
course  of        scientific  movement.     Such  a  tendency  has  constituted 

study  is  sim- 
ply one  phase  one  phase  of  the  remarkable  growth  of  natural  science 

of  naturaf     during  the  past  two  centuries.     This  rapid  movement 
sciences  dur-  can  best  be  understood  by  recalling  the  development  of 

ing    the    past  .  .  . 

two  centuries,  society  and  education  at  the  times.  Science  started  to 
develop  back  in  the  time  of  Roger  Bacon,  but  even 
during  the  Renaissance  it  was  bitterly  opposed,  because 
of  the  tendency  to  conflict  with  religious  dogma,  although 
this  age  did  not  object  to  the  revival  of  the  classics. 
Accordingly,  the  latter  became  strongly  intrenched  in 
educational  tradition,  and  became  the  most  obstinate 
opponent  of  the  sciences.  Its  numerous  representatives 

320 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  321 

struggled  hard  to  keep  the  sciences  out  of  education. 
But  toward  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  with 
the  growth  of  reason  and  the  removal  of  the  theological 
ban,  the  scientific  movement,  which  had  been  held  back 
so  long,  began  to  make  a  rapid  advance. 

How   extensive  this  development  was,  can   scarcely 
be  appreciated  without  a  brief  enumeration  of  the  marvel- 
lous discoveries  and  inventions  that  have  been  called  into 
being  since  the  eighteenth  century  began.     For  more 
than  a  millennium  the  Greek  developments  in  astronomy 
had  been  accepted  as  final,  but  in  the  course  of  the  seven-  The  Greek 
teenth  century  these  dicta  were  completely  upset  by  inev^trom>my 
the  revelations  of  Copernicus,   Tycho  Brahe,   Kepler,  and  medicine 

.  were   upset 

and  Galileo.1  The  work  of  these  investigators  paved  during  the 
the  way  for  the  formulation  of  universal  gravitation  ^ntury^y 
and  the  laws  of  motion  by  Isaac  Newton,  which  united  such  investi- 

,  .  .       ,  ,  ,    gators  as  Co- 

the  universe  into  a  single  comprehensive  system  and  pcrnicus, 
completed  the  foundations  for  modern  mechanics.    About  *cwton'  and 

Harvey, 

the  same  time  the  other  great  development  in  science 
among    the    Greeks, — anatomy    and    physiology,    was 
completely  revolutionized  through  Harvey's  discovery 
of  the  double  circulation  of  the  blood  and  the  microscopic 
demonstration  by  Malpighi  of  the  existence  of  capil- 
laries connecting  the  veins  and  the  arteries.    From  these 
days  on  the  desire  for  scientific  investigation  steadily  and  from  this 
grew  until,  during  the  nineteenth  century,  its  ideals,  h'™e  ™ccn  c™ 
methods,  and  results  became  patent  in  every  department  rapid  dcvcl~ 

opment  in  all 

of  human  knowledge.     The  strongholds  of  ignorance,  lines  of 
superstition,  and  prejudice  were  rapidly  stormed  and  s     lce'~ 
taken    through    new    discoveries    or    new    marshallings 
of  facts  already  discovered.    But  it  will  be  quite  impos- 
1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  262f. 


322 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


astronomy, 


geology, 


sible  here  to  do  more  than  mention  a  few  of  the  more 
important  scientific  achievements  and  outline  the  broad 
sweep  of  progress  in  the  nineteenth  century.  In  astron- 
omy the  Newtonian  theory  was  confirmed  by  the  inves- 
tigations of  Lagrange  and  Laplace  (1785)  and  by  the 
discovery  of  Neptune  through  purely  mathematical  rea- 
soning from  the  effects  of  its  gravitation  (1845).  After 
the  middle  of  the  century,  when  chemistry  had  been  more 
fully  developed,  innumerable  celestial  discoveries  were 
made  through  the  spectroscope  and  astral  photography. 
Owing  to  more  complicated  phenomena  and  the  opposi- 
tion of  theologians  to  disturbing  the  Biblical  chronology, 
the  progress  in  geology  was  slower.  Yet  during  the 
century  were  established  Hutton's  'Plutonic'  theory  of 
the  origin  of  continents  and  islands,  LyelPs  'uniformi- 
tarian '  doctrine  that  past  changes  in  the  earth  were  like 
the  present  in  degree  and  kind,  and  Agassiz's  hypothesis 
paleontology,  of  a  universal  ice-age.  Paleontology  also  arose  during 
the  century,  and  Cuvier,  Lyell,  and  other  prominent 
investigators  proved,  by  means  of  the  fossils,  that  the 
earth  had  known  successive  rotations  of  population  and 
countless  aeons  of  time.  Despite  LyelFs  inconsistent 
advocacy  of  'special  creation,'  these  discoveries  strength- 
biology,  ened  the  conception  of  evolution  in  biology.  Early  in 
the  century  Lamarck  formulated  his  transmutation  of 
species  through  'accumulated  and  inherited  use.'  But 
this  was  displaced  by  the  influential  theory  of  'natural 
selection,'  made  public  by  Darwin  and  Wallace  half 
a  century  later,  although  the  Lamarckian  '  inheritance  of 
acquired  characteristics,'  tacitly  held  also  by  Darwin, 
remained  in  dispute  between  the  Neolamarckians  and 
the  followers  of  Weissmann.  Much  was  contributed 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  323 

to  the  theory  of  inheritance  by  Galton  and  Mendel, 
while  Pasteur  and  Tyndall  thoroughly  disposed  of  '  spon- 
taneous generation.'    Physiology  and  other  more  special  physiology, 
phases  of  biology  met  with  a  similar  advance.    Bichat 
showed  the  existence  of  the  two  sets  of  processes, — voli- 
tional and  non- volitional,  in  every  vertebrate,  and  reduced 
all  animal  structures  to  a  few  types  of  tissue.     Lister  anat°my» 
settled  the  question  as  to  the  form  of  the  red  corpuscles 
in  the  blood.    Through  the  development  of  microscopy, 
numerous  important  discoveries  were  made  in  minute 
anatomy,  which  gave  rise  to  histology  as  an  independ-  histology, 
ent  science.    Embryology  also  became  established  as  a  embryology, 
separate  science,  and  proved  of  great  importance  in 
developing  the  'cell  theory.'     This  concept  was  first 
formulated  by  Schwann  (1839),  and,  in  the  modified 
form  given  it  by  Virchow  and  others  (1860),  became  the 
central  generalization  of  physiology.     About  the  same 
time,  the  researches  of  Liebig  and  others  brought  phys- 
iology within  the  province  of  chemistry,  and,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  cell  theory,  the  greatest  light  was 
shed  upon  the  action  of  the  saliva,  the  stomach,  and  the 
gastric  juice  in  digestion,  and  upon  the  functioning  of 
the  lungs  and  liver.     Contemporaneous  with  all  these 
discoveries    in    geology    and    biology    was    an    epochal 
development  of   the  physical  sciences.     Early  in   the 
century  Dalton's  rain-gauge  and  the  study  of  evapora-  chemistry, 
tion  led  to  the  theory  of  'atoms,'  on  which  is  based  the  anj 
structure  of  modern  chemistry,  and  in  1811  Avogadro 

physics. 

proposed  that  the  compound  atom  be  denominated 
'molecule.'  During  the  first  decade  also  Young  for- 
mulated the  wave  theory  of  light,  which  postulates  the 
existence  of  'ether'  through  all  space.  This  theory 


324  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

made  matter  and  energy  the  fundamental  concepts  for 
modern  physics,  and  has  been  invaluable  in  the  study 
of  radiant  energy  and  the  constitution  of  matter.1  As 
an  indirect  result  of  it,  the  doctrine  of  the  'conserva- 
tion of  energy '  was  demonstrated  by  Joule  and  Mayer, 
the  supplementary  theory  of  the  '  dissipation  of  energy ' 
was  formulated  by  Lord  Kelvin,  and  atomic  and  molec- 
ular conceptions  were  greatly  advanced.  The  'periodic 
law'  of  the  recurrence  of  similar  properties,  when  the 
chemical  'elements'  were  arranged  in  order  of  their 
atomic  weights,  was  formulated  by  Newlands  (1864), 
and  three  new  elements  were  shortly  discovered,  to  fit 
into  the  existing  series  (1880). 
These  scien-  The  Growth  of  Inventions  and  Discoveries  in  the 

tine     investi- 
gations  were  Nineteenth    Century. — It    should    be    noted    that    the 

for'a  long  time  .,          r    .,  .  ,.       ,.  r  ,  ,. 

carried  on  majority  of  these  investigations  were  for  a  long  time 
mostly  out-  carried  on  outside  the  universities,  and,  owing  to  the 

side  the  um-  .  .... 

versities,  and  almost  proverbial  conservatism  of  educational  mstitu- 
have  affected  ti°ns>  tne  natural  sciences  scarcely  entered  the  course 
practical  life,  of  study  anywhere.  In  fact,  these  great  discoveries  at 

first  seem  not  to  have  affected  practical  life  in  any 

direction.     Huxley2  tells  us: 

"The  progress  of  science,  during  the  first  century  after  Bacon's 
death,  by  no  means  verified  his  sanguine  prediction  of  the  fruits 
which  it  would  yield.  .  .  .  Weaving  and  spinning  were  carried 
on  with  the  old  appliances;  nobody  could  travel  faster  by  sea  or  by 
land  than  at  any  previous  time  in  the  world's  history,  and  King 
George  could  send  a  message  from  London  to  York  no  faster  than 
King  John  might  have  done." 

1  It  has  also  led   to  many  new  discoveries  and  inventions,  such  as 
wireless  telegraphy  and  the  practical  applications  of  X-rays  in  medicine. 

2  Method  and  Results,  Essay  II. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  325 

"But  a  little  later,"  he  adds,  "that  growth  of  knowl- 
edge beyond  imaginable  utilitarian  ends,  which  is  the  con- 
dition precedent  of  its  practical  utility,  began  to  produce 
some  effect  upon  practical  life."  The  nineteenth  century  during  the 

r  nineteenth 

will,  on  this  account,  always  be  known  for  its  develop-  century  the 
ment  of  inventions  and  the  arts,  as  well  as  of  pure  science.  scient.lfic  drls" 
During  this  period  science  rapidly  grew  and  took  the  form  compiemen- 
of  applications  to  the  problems  of  labor,  production,  development 

transportation,  communication,  hygiene,  and  sanitation.  of  myentions 
^         f  •     /        \  •  an"  the  arts> 

The  invention  of  the  cotton  gin  (1792),  the  reaping  ma- 
chine (1834),  the  vulcanization  of  rubber  (1837),  the 
sewing  machine  (1846),  the  cylinder  printing  press  (1847), 
and  the  typewriter  (1868)  greatly  reduced  the  cost  o 
labor,  increased  the  amount  of  production,  and  made 
new  industries  possible.  By  the  use  of  anthracite  (1812), 
the  introduction  of  friction  matches  (1837),  and  illumi- 
nation through  petroleum  (1853)  and  incandescent 
electricity  (1879),  the  conveniences  and  comforts  of 
life  were  greatly  enlarged.  The  steamboat  (1807), 
improved  by  the  screw  propeller  (1839)  and  the  steam 
turbine  (1884),  and  the  locomotive  (1830)  linked  all 
parts  of  the  world  together.  The  telegraph  (1837), 
the  submarine  cable  (1842),  the  telephone  (1876),  and 
wireless  telegraphy  (1897)  made  communication  between 
all  places  almost  instantaneous.  Warfare  became  in- 
finitely more  destructive  and  unprofitable  through  such 
inventions  as  the  gatling  gun  (1861)  and  smokeless 
powder  (1895).  The  invention  of  the  stethoscope  (1819), 
the  production  of  anaesthesia  through  the  medium  of 
nitrous  oxide  (1844),  sulphuric  ether  (1846),  and  chloro- 
form (1847),  the  perfection  of  antiseptic  surgery  (1867), 
and  the  discovery  of  inoculations  for  hydrophobia 


326  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

(1885),  tetanus  (1892),  diphtheria  (1892),  and  othei 
diseases  contributed  largely  to  the  progress  of  hu- 
manity. 

Herbert   Spencer  and    What  Knowledge  is  of  Most 

Worth.—  Because  of   these  practical  results,   the  vital 

importance  of  a  knowledge  of  natural  phenomena  to 

human  welfare  and  social  progress  was  more  and  more 

felt  throughout  the  century.    It  gradually  became  evi- 

dent that  the  natural  sciences  were  demanded  by  modern 

life  and  constituted  elements  of  the  greatest  value  in 

modern  culture  and  education.    The  German  reformers, 

such  as  Pestalozzi,  Herbart,  and  Froebel,  have  already 

been  seen  to  oppose  the  prevailing  education  on  the 

ground  that  the  doctrine  of  formal  discipline  was  un- 

psychological.     But  opposition  was  also  offered  upon 

As  the  the  score  of  content,  rather  than  method,  by  many 

camT^more      English  and  American  writers,   who  maintained  that 

systematized,    an  exclusive  study  of  the  classics  did  not  provide  a 

many     prom-         >  • 

inent  men  be-  suitable  preparation  for  life.     As  the  content  of  the 
ir1St  sciences  became  more  fully  systematized,  many  promi- 


inciusion  in     nent  persons  began  to  insist  upon  their  inclusion  in  the 

the  curricu-  .      .  .  . 

lum,  and,  in  curriculum.  Ihis  step  was  bitterly  opposed  by  conser- 
repiy  to  the  vatjve  institutions  and  educators.  During  a  greater 

disciplinary 

argument  of  part  of  the  century  a  contest  was  waged  between  the 
tive  °ciassi<>a~  advocates  of  the  classical  monopoly,  with  their  argu- 
ists,  they  ments  for  formal  training,  and  the  progressives  who 
emphasis  in  urged  that  the  sciences  should  be  introduced  and  that 


e       the  main  emphasis  in  education  should  be  upon  content. 
upon  subject    Advocacy  of  the  new  subject  matter  appeared  in  trea- 
tises on  education  by  various  scientists.    The  represent- 
ative argument  for  sciences  in  the  course  of  study  was 
that  made  by  Herbert  Spencer  (1820-1903)  in  his  essay 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  327 

on  What  Knowledge  Is  of  Most  Worth.1  Spencer  was  the  The  repre- 
descendant  of  educators,,  and  during  all  his  youth  was  gument  is 
surrounded  by  intellectual  and  literary  traditions.  He  that  of  Spen" 
never  went  to  the  university,  possibly  on  account  of 
poor  health,  from  which  he  suffered  all  his  life,  but  he 
read  deeply  at  home  on  natural  science  and  mathematics, 
performed  experiments  and  made  inventions,  and  showed 
remarkable  ability  in  working  out  original  problems. 
A  monumental  series  of  works,  including  his  ideas  on 
education,  was  issued  by  him.  Spencer  did  not  read 
widely  upon  educational  subjects,  and,  while  he  was 
somewhat  affected  by  the  atmosphere  of  the  times, 
his  conceptions  were  largely  his  own.  He  ventured  to 
raise  the  whole  question  of  the  purpose  of  education, 
and  was  completely  subversive  of  the  old  classical  tradi- 
tions. His  clear  exposition  and  his  convincing  logic 
have  brought  a  wide  currency  and  great  influence  to 
his  work.  His  discussion  runs  as  follows: 

"In  order  of  time  decoration  precedes  dress.  And  in  our  univer- 
sities and  schools  at  the  present  moment  the  like  antithesis  holds. 
As  the  Orinoco  Indian  puts  on  his  paint  before  leaving  his  hut,  not 
with  a  view  to  any  direct  benefit,  but  because  he  would  be  ashamed 
to  be  seen  without  it;  so  a  boy's  drilling  in  Latin  and  Greek  is 
insisted  on,  not  because  of  their  intrinsic  value,  but  that  he  may 
not  be  disgraced  by  being  found  ignorant  of  them.  The  compara- 
tive worths  of  different  kinds  of  knowledge  have  been  as  yet 
scarcely  even  discussed — much  less  discussed  in  a  methodic  way 
with  definite  results.  Before  there  can  be  a  rational  curriculum, 
we  must  decide  which  things  it  most  concerns  us  to  know.  To  this 
end,  a  measure  of  value  is  the  first  requisite.  How  to  live? — that  is 
the  essential  question  for  us.  Not  how  to  live  in  the  mere  material 
sense  only,  but  in  the  widest  sense.  To  prepare  us  for  complete 

1  Education,  I. 


328  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

who  holds  living  is  the  function  which  education  has  to  discharge;  and  the 

that  the  func-  j     ratjonaj  moc}e  of  judging  of  any  educational  course  is,  to 

tion    of    edu-  J                                                  ,                     ,                           ^ 

cation  is  'to  judge  in  what  degree  it  discharges  such  function.    Our  first  step 

prepare  for  must  obviously  be  to  classify,  in  the  order  of  their  importance,  the 
ing1'P  Ct  "  l£acu'ng  kinds  of  activity  which  constitute  human  life.  They  may 
be  arranged  into:  i.  Those  activities  which  directly  minister  to 
self-preservation;  2.  Those  activities  which,  by  securing  the 
"necessaries  of  life,  indirectly  minister  to  self-preservation;  3.  Those 
activities  which  have  for  their  end  the  rearing  and  discipline  of 
offspring;  4.  Those  activities  which  are  involved  in  the  main- 
tenance of  proper  social  and  political  relations;  5.  Those  miscel- 
laneous activities  which  make  up  the  leisure  part  of  life,  devoted 
to  the  gratification  of  the  tastes  and  feelings.  We  do  not  mean 
that  these  divisions  are  definitely  separable.  We  do  not  deny 
that  they  are  intrinsically  entangled  with  each  other  in  such  way 
that  there  can  be  no  training  for  any  that  is  not  in  some  measure 
a  training  for  all.  Nor  do  we  question  that  of  each  division  there 
are  portions  more  important  than  certain  portions  of  the  preceding 
divisions.  But  after  making  all  qualifications,  there  still  remain 
these  broadly  marked  divisions;  and  these  divisions  subordinate 
one  another  in  the  foregoing  order.  The  ideal  of  education  is 
complete  preparation  in  all  these  divisions.  But  failing  this  ideal, 
as  in  our  phase  of  civilization  every  one  must  do  more  or  less,  the 
aim  should  be  to  maintain  a  due  proportion  between  the  degrees  of 
preparation  in  each,  greatest  where  the  value  is  greatest,  less  where 
the  value  is  less,  least  where  the  value  is  least." 

and  that  the  Applying  this  test,  Spencer  finds  that  a  knowledge  of 
pose  The"*  the  sciences  is  always  most  useful  in  life,  and  therefore 
knowledge  of  of  most  worth.  He  considers  each  one  of  the  five  groups 

most  worth  .... 

for  this  pur-  of  activities  and  demonstrates  the  need  of  the  knowledge 
of  some  science  or  sciences  to  guide  it  rightly.  An  ac- 
quaintance with  physiology  is  necessary  to  the  main- 
tenance of  health,  and  so  for  self-preservation;  any  form 
of  industry  or  other  means  of  indirect  self-preservation 
will  require  some  understanding  of  mathematics,  physics, 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  329 

chemistry,  biology,  and  sociology;  to  care  for  the  physi- 
cal, intellectual,  and  moral  training  of  their  children, 
parents  should  know  the  general  principles  of  physiology, 
psychology,  and  ethics;  a  man  is  best  fitted  for  citizen- 
ship through  a  knowledge  of  the  science  of  history  in  its 
political,  economic,  and  social  aspects;  and  even  the 
aesthetic  or  leisure  side  of  life  depends  upon  physiology, 
mechanics,  and  psychology  as  a  basis  for  art,  music  and 
poetry,  and  "science  opens  up  realms  of  poetry  where 
to  the  unscientific  all  is  a  blank." 

Hence  Spencer  advocates  a  complete  change  from  the  Hence  he  ad- 
type  of  training  that  had  dominated  education  since  the  stitution  of 
Renaissance  and  calls  for  a  release  from  the  traditional  *he  sciences 

for  the  tradi- 

bondage  to  the  classics.  Instead  of  Greek  and  Latin  tional  das- 
for  'culture'  and  'discipline,'  and  an  order  of  society  s 
where  the  few  are  educated  for  a  life  of  elegant  leisure,  he 
recommends  the  sciences  and  a  new  scheme  of  life  where 
every  one  shall  enjoy  all  advantages  in  the  order  of  their 
relative  value.  "The  attitude  of  the  universities  toward 
natural  science,"  he  protests  elsewhere,1  "has  been  that 
of  contemptuous  non-recognition.  Collegiate  author- 
ities have  long  resisted,  either  actively  or  passively,  the 
making  of  physiology,  chemistry,  geology,  etc.,  subjects 
of  examination."  But  Spencer  uses  the  term  'science' 
rather  loosely,  and  seeks  to  denote  the  social,  political, 
and  moral  sciences,  as  well  as  the  physical  and  biological, 
as  being  'of  most  worth.'  Hence  he  cannot  with  pro- 
priety be  stigmatized  for  his  'utilitarianism,'  as  he  has 
been  so  frequently.  His  'preparation  for  complete  liv- 
ing' includes  more  than  'how  to  live  in  the  material 
sense  only/  and  in  this  respect  his  underlying  principle 
1  Social  Stalks,  p.  375. 


330  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

seems  comparable  to  that  of  Herbart  in  his  '  moral  revel 
ation  of  the  world.'  With  Spencer,  education  should 
contain  such  material  as  will  elevate  conduct  and  make 
life  pleasanter,  nobler,  and  more  effective. 

Huxley's  Advocacy  of  the  Sciences.  —  Another  great 

popularizer  of  the  scientific  elements  in  education,  who 

also  stressed  the  value  of  the  sciences  for  'complete 

Huxley  also     living'  and  social  progress  was  Thomas  H.  Huxley  (1825- 

brilliantly  ,   *  V 

shows    the      1895).     Huxley  started  his  career  as  a  naval  surgeon, 


rapidly  developed  a  reputation  through  his  investi- 
education,       gations  in  natural  science  during  a  voyage  around  the 
world.     He  became  a  professor  of  natural  history,  and 


useiessness  of  devoted  much  time  to  lecturing  and  writing  on  science. 

thetraditional        . 

classical  His  use  of  English  was  vigorous  and  epigrammatic,  and 
he  showed  great  skill  in  bringing  his  conclusions  into 
such  simple  language  that  the  most  unscientific  persons 
could  understand  them.  In  an  address  on  A  Liberal 
Education1  before  a  '  workingmen's  college,'  he  most 
forcefully  depicts  the  value  of  the  sciences  and  other 
modern  subjects  in  training  for  concrete  living  and 
ridicules  the  ineffectiveness  of  the  current  classical  educa- 
tion. He  graphically  argues: 

"Suppose  it  were  perfectly  certain  that  the  life  and  fortune  of 
every  one  of  us  would,  one  day  or  other,  depend  upon  his  winning 
or  losing  a  game  at  chess.  Don't  you  think  that  we  should  all 
consider  it  a  duty  to  learn  at  least  the  names  and  the  moves  of  the 
pieces?  Yet  it  is  a  plain  and  very  elementary  truth  that  the  life, 
the  fortune,  and  the  happiness  of  every  one  of  us,  and,  more  or 
less,  of  those  who  are  connected  with  us,  do  depend  upon  our 
knowing  something  of  the  rules  of  a  game  infinitely  more  difficult 
and  complicated  than  chess.  The  chess-board  is  the  world,  the 
pieces  are  the  phenomena  of  the  universe,  the  rules  of  the  game  are 

1  Science  and  Education,  IV. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMEN1  331 

what  we  call  the  laws  of  Nature.  What  I  mean  by  education  is 
learning  the  rules  of  this  mighty  game.  In  other  words,  education 
is  the  instruction  of  the  intellect  in  the  laws  of  Nature,  under  which 
I  include  not  merely  things  and  their  forces,  but  men  and  their 
ways;  and  the  fashioning  of  the  affections  and  of  the  will  into  an 
earnest  and  loving  desire  to  move  in  harmony  with  those  laws. 
Where  is  such  an  education  as  this  to  be  had?  Has  any  one  tried 
to  found  such  an  education?  Looking  over  the  length  and  breadth 
of  these  islands,  I  am  afraid  that  all  these  questions  must  receive 
a  negative  answer.  The  whole  circle  of  the  sciences,  physical, 
moral,  and  social,  are  even  more  completely  ignored  in  the  higher 
than  in  the  lower  schools.  Now  let  us  pause  to  consider  this 
wonderful  state  of  affairs;  for  the  time  will  come  when  English- 
men will  quote  it  as  the  stock  example  of  the  most  stolid  stupidity 
of  their  ancestors  in  the  nineteenth  century.  If  there  be  a  nation 
whose  prosperity  depends  absolutely  and  wholly  upon  their 
mastery  over  the  forces  of  Nature,  upon  their  intelligent  apprehen- 
sion of,  and  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the  creation  and  distribution  of 
wealth,  and  of  the  stable  equilibrium  of  the  forces  of  society,  it 
is  precisely  this  nation.  And  yet  this  is  what  these  wonderful 
people  tell  their  sons:  'At  the  cost  of  from  one  to  two  thousand 
pounds  of  our  hard-earned  money,  we  devote  twelve  of  the  most 
precious  years  of  your  life  to  school.  There  you  shall  not  learn  one 
single  thing  of  all  those  you  will  most  want  to  know  directly  you 
leave  school  and  enter  upon  the  practical  business  of  life.'  What 
does  the  middle  class  school  put  in  the  place  of  all  these  things  that 
are  left  out?  It  substitutes  what  is  usually  comprised  under  the 
compendious  title  of  the  'classics' — that  is  to  say,  the  languages, 
the  literature,  and  the  history  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans, 
and  the  geography  of  so  much  of  the  world  as  was  known  to  these 
two  great  nations  of  antiquity.  It  means  that  after  a  dozen  years 
spent  at  this  kind  of  work,  the  sufferer  shall  be  incompetent  to 
interpret  a  passage  in  an  author  he  has  not  already  got  up;  that  he 
shall  loathe  the  sight  of  a  Greek  and  Latin  book;  and  that  he  shall 
never  open,  or  think  of,  a  classical  writer  again,  until,  wonderful  to 
relate,  he  insists  upon  submitting  his  sons  to  the  same  process. 
For  the  sake  of  this  net  result  (and  respectability)  the  British 
father  denies  his  children  all  the  knowledge  they  might  turn  to 


332 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


Combe  also 
emphasized 
the  need  of 
sciences  in 
the  curricu- 
lum. 


account  in  life,  not  merely  for  the  achievement  of  vulgar  success, 
but  for  guidance  in  the  great  crises  of  human  existence." 

The  Arguments  of  Combe,  Youmans,  and  Eliot  for 
the  Study  of  Science. — Many  other  vigorous  lecturers 
and  writers  entered  into  this  reform  of  the  curriculum. 
Opposition  to  the  over-emphasis  of  languages,  especially 
the  classics,  in  the  content  of  education  was  under- 
taken even  earlier  in  the  century  by  the  distinguished 
phrenologist,  George  Combe  (1788-1858).  Phrenology  in 
those  days  had  not  yet  fallen  into  disrepute,  but  the 
work  of  Combe  and  his  friends  was  discredited  by 
their  advocacy  of  what  he  unfortunately  termed  '  secular ' 
education,  which  to  most  Englishmen  of  the  time  seemed 
synonymous  with  irreligious  training.1  In  his  work  on 
Education,  however,  he  emphasized  instruction  in  the 
sciences  relating  to  moral,  religious,  social,  and  political 
life,  as  well  as  those  bearing  upon  man's  physical  and 
mental  constitution,  and  presented  arguments  for  an 
improved  curriculum  which  presaged  those  of  Spencer 
and  Huxley.  Combe  spent  two  years  (1838-1840)  in 
the  United  States  lecturing  on  science  and  education,  as 
well  as  phrenology.  He  had  a  great  influence  upon 
educational  thinkers,  including  Horace  Mann,  and  did 
much  to  promote  scientific  education. 

After  the  middle  of  the  century  a  number  of  men 
undertook  to  popularize  the  sciences  in  America  by 
tongue  and  pen.  One  of  the  most  effective  of  these  was 
Edward  L.  Youmans  (1821-1887),  who  collected  and 

11  Secular'  education,  that  is,  training  in  knowledge  connected  with 
this  world,  represented  but  one  side  of  the  matter,  as  Combe  did  not 
exclude  religious  elements,  although  he  believed  they  should  be  non- 
sectarian  in  character. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  333 

edited  a  set  of  lectures  urging  the  claims  of  the  various 
sciences  under  the  title  of  Culture  Demanded  by  Modern 
Life  (1867).  He  also  founded  the  'International  Science  ^e  works  oi 

.        ,  ^  .  the  great 

Series  (1871),  and  the  Popular  Science  Monthly  (1872).  scientists. 
Dr.  Youmans  spread  scientific  thought  throughout  the 
country,    and   by   means   of   his   republications   made 
Buckle,   Darwin,   Huxley,   Spencer,   Tyndall,   Haeckel, 
and  others  well  known  in  America. 

A   service   for   the   sciences,    bearing   more   directly 
upon  the  educational  world,   was  that  performed   by 
Charles  W.  Eliot  (1835-        ),  President  of  Harvard.  Eliot  e*- 
This  he  accomplished  largely  by  an  extension  of  the  elective  sys- 
elective  system  and  an  emphasis  upon  modern  subjects  tem  m  the, 

J  J  college,  and 

in  the  curriculum  of  school  and  college.     Even  in  his  argued  for  the 
Inaugural  Address  he  holds:  "In  education  the  individual  sciences0 on 
traits  of  different  minds  have  not  been  sufficiently  at-  the.  eround  oJ 
tended  to."    And  fifteen  years  later,  in  his  description  of  upon  man's 
'a  liberal  education,'  after  showing  that  "the  number  of  llfe' 
school  and  college  studies  admissible  with  equal  weight 
or  rank  needs  to  be  much  enlarged"  and  that  "a  con- 
siderable range  of  choice  should  be  allowed,"  he  argues 
for  the  natural  sciences  as  follows: 

"The  arts  built  upon  chemistry,  physics,  botany,  zoology,  and 
geology  are  chief  factors  in  the  civilization  of  our  time,  and  are 
growing  in  material  and  moral  influence  at  a  marvelous  rate. 
Since  the  beginning  of  this  century,  they  have  wrought  wonderful 
changes  in  the  physical  relation  of  man  to  the  earth  which  he 
inhabits,  in  national  demarcations,  in  industrial  organization,  in 
governmental  functions,  and  in  the  modes  of  domestic  life;  and 
they  will  certainly  do  as  much  for  the  twentieth  century  as  they 
have  done  for  ours.  They  are  not  simply  mechanical  or  material 
forces;  they  are  also  moral  forces  of  great  intensity." 

Elsewhere  he  maintains  that  the  elementary  school  in 


334  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

and  showed  its  curriculum  "should  begin  early  —  in  the  very  first 

that  they  ,  ,  ir  «     11  • 

should    be    grades  —  the  study  of  nature;  and  all  its  teachers  should, 

instil    eViCn  therefore,  be  capable  of  teaching  the  elements  of  physical 

mentary        geography,  meteorology,  botany,  and  zoology,  the  whole 

forming  in  the  child's  mind  one  harmonious  sketch  of  its 

complete  environment." 

The   Disciplinary   Argument   for   the    Sciences.  —  In 

general,    the   writers   and    lecturers    interested   in   the 

scientific  movement  held  that  a  knowledge  of  nature 

was  indispensable  for  human  welfare  and  constituted  the 

The  advocates  <cuiture  demanded  by  modern  life.'    They  felt  that  the 

of  the  sciences 

felt  that  a     content  of  studies  rather  than  the  method  was  of  im- 
-  portance  in  education.    Many  of  them,  like  the  Ger- 


as  n 


dispensabie      man  reformers  also   expressed  their   dissent  from  the 

for   human  .  .  . 

welfare,    and  disciplinary  conception  of  education  urged  by  the  classi- 
tent  rather311    c^sts-     Huxley  thus  parodies  the  usual  linguistic  drill: 

method  of  "-^  *s  wonderful  how  close  a  parallel  to  classical  training  could 

study   was       be  made  out  of  that  palaeontology  to  which  I  refer.    In  the  first 

irnpor         m   piace  j  couid  get  up  an  osteological  primer  so  arid,  so  pedantic  in 

They     gener-   its  terminology,  so  altogether  distasteful  to  the  youthful  mind,  as 

ally  opposed     to  beat  the  recent  famous  production  of  the  head-master  out  of  the 

nar    'c  if  e      ^e^  ^n  a^  these  excellences.    Next,  I  could  exercise  my  boys  upon 

tion   of   edu-   easy  fossils,  and  bring  out  all  their  powers  of  memory  and  all  their 

cation,  ingenuity  in  the  application  of  my  osteogrammatical  rules  to  the 

interpretation,  or  construing,  of  those  fragments.    To  those  who 

had  reached  the  higher  classes  I  might  supply  odd  bones  to  be 

built  up  into  animals,  giving  great  honour  and  reward  to  him  who 

succeeded  in  fabricating  monsters  most  entirely  in  accordance  with 

the  rules.    That  would  answer  to  verse-making  and  essay-writing 

in  the  dead  languages."  * 

Yet  the  tradition  of  formal  discipline  and  the  belief 
in  faculties  or  general  powers  of  the  mind  that  might 
1  Science  and  Education,  pp.  g&L 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  335 

be  trained  by  certain  favored  studies  and  afterward  ap-  byt  the  tra- 

,.     ,  .  ...  r        ^  i       ditional    view 

plied  in  any  direction  were  too  firmly  rooted  to  be  entirely  Of  faculties 
upset.    Even  the  greatest  of  the  scientists  seem  to  have  fnd  of  formal- 

ism     was     so 

been  influenced  by  this  notion  and  to  have  attempted  fixedthateven 
occasionally  a  defense  of  their  subjects  on  the  basis  es^  ^dentists 
of  superiority  in  this  direction.  After  Spencer  has  attempted  to 

,  .          ~        .  ,  ,  ,        defend      their 

made  his  effective  argument  for  the  sciences  on  the  subjects  on 
ground  that  their  'content'  is  so  much  more  valuable  thlsbasis- 
for  the  activities  of  life,  he  shifts  his  whole  point  of  view, 
and  attempts  to  anticipate  the  classicists  by  occupying 
their  own  ground.  He  admits  that  "besides  its  use  for 
guidance  in  conduct,  the  acquisition  of  each  order  of 
facts  has  also  its  use  as  mental  exercise,  and  its  effects 
as  a  preparative  for  complete  living  have  to  be  considered 
under  both  these  heads."  But  he  holds  that  by  "the 
beautiful  economy  of  Nature  those  classes  of  facts  which 
are  most  useful  for  regulating  conduct  are  best  for 
strengthening  the  mental  faculties,  and  the  education 
of  most  value  for  guidance  must  at  the  same  time  be 
the  education  of  most  value  for  discipline."  As  evidence 
of  this,  he  undertakes  to  show  that  science,  like  language, 
trains  the  memory,  and,  in  addition,  exercises  the  under- 
standing; that  it  is  superior  to  language  in  cultivating 
judgment;  that,  by  fostering  independence,  persever- 
ance, and  sincerity,  it  furnishes  a  moral  discipline;  and 
even  that  science,  "inasmuch  as  it  generates  a  profound 
respect  for,  and  an  implicit  faith  in,  those  uniform  laws 
which  underlie  all  things "  is  the  best  discipline  for 
religious  culture.  Hence,  from  the  point  of  view  of  formal 
discipline  and  mental  gymnastics,  as  well  as  of  content 
and  guidance,  Spencer  declares  science,  rather  than 
language  and  literature,  to  be  of  most  worth  in  educa- 


336  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

tion.  Thus  Spencer  shows  that  he  is  not  altogether 
emancipated  from  tradition,  and  that  he  has  not  fully 
grasped  the  disciplinary  claims  of  language,  which  he 
bases  entirely  upon  memory  training.  He  likewise 
begs  the  question  in  stating  that  nature  is  bound,  as  a 
matter  of  economy,  to  make  the  training  that  is  best 
for  guidance  also  the  best  for  discipline.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  nothing  is  more  uneconomical  than  nature,  which 
always  produces  a  superabundance,  since  much  will 
necessarily  be  wasted. 

Moreover,  numerous  other  advocates  of  the  sciences, 
early  and  late,  have  similarly  undertaken  to  steal  the 
disciplinary  thunder  of  the  classicists.  Combe  main- 
tains that  "it  is  not  so  much  the  mere  knowledge  of  the 
details  of  Chemistry,  of  Natural  Philosophy,  or  of  any 
other  science  that  I  value,  as  the  strengthening  of  the  in- 
tellect, and  the  enlargement  of  the  understanding,  which 
follow  from  these  studies."  So  Youmans  declares  that 
"by  far  the  most  priceless  of  all  things  is  mental  power; 
while  one  of  the  highest  offices  of  education  must  be 
strictly  to  economize  and  wisely  to  expend  it.  Science 
made  the  basis  of  culture  will  accomplish  this  result." 
In  fact,  nearly  every  apologist  for  the  natural  sciences 
at  some  time  or  other  has  advocated  these  subjects 
from  the  standpoint  of  formal  discipline.  The  argu- 
ments of  the  scientists,  however,  are  often  sufficiently 
rational  to  harmonize  with  modern  psychology.  Huxley, 
Youmans,  Eliot,  Karl  Pearson,1  Dryer,2  and  others 
allude  to  various  mental  'habits,'  such  as  observation, 
inductive  thinking,  accuracy,  breadth  of  view,  inde- 

1  Grammar  of  Science,  p.  9. 

2  Science  in  Secondary  Schools,  p.  14. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  337 

pendence,  impartiality,  and  freedom  from  superstition, 
that  are  fostered  by  a  study  of  the  sciences,  although 
these  writers  do  not  appreciate  the  fact  that  a  'habit' 
is  by  its  nature  not  general,  but  specific,  and  that  the 
ideals  created  by  a  study  of  sciences  have  to  be  definitely 
abstracted  before  they  can  be  transferred. 

A  similar  argument  for  some  sort  of  mental  discipline 
has  been  urged  in  the  case  of  each  one  of  the  physical  and 
biological  sciences.  Galloway  claims  that  chemistry  is  su- 
perior to  biology,  since  it  cultivates  active,  rather  than 
passive  observation,  and  to  physics,  because  "it  exercises 
habits  of  mind  diverse  to  those  induced  by  mathematics." 
Tyndall,  however,  holds  that  "the  study  of  Physics 
exercises  and  sharpens  observation:  it  brings  the  most 
exhaustive  logic  into  play:  it  compares,  abstracts,  and 
generalizes,  and  provides  the  mental  imagery  admirably 
suited  to  these  procedures."  "The  disciplinary  value  of 
zoology,"  writes  Bigelow,  "  is  found  in  that  it  may  con- 
tribute to  the  development  of  a  scientific  attitude  of 
mind,  by  directing  various  mental  processes,  such  as 
those  involved  in  scientific  observing,  classifying  facts, 
reasoning  on  the  basis  of  demonstrated  facts,  exercising 
judgment  and  discrimination,  and  learning  to  appreciate 
demonstrated  knowledge."  So  botany,  according  to 
Henfrey,  develops  reasoning  by  analogy,  which  gives  it 
"a  high  value  as  mental  discipline,  for  the  cases  in  which 
inductions  have  to  be  made  in  common  life  are  most 
frequently  of  this  kind."  Likewise,  the  peculiar  dis- 
cipline of  physiology  is  held  by  Paget  to  rest  in  its  being 
"occupied  with  things  of  admitted  incompleteness  and 
uncertainty"  and  in  being  "essentially  a  science  of  de- 
signs and  final  causes." 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


While  scien- 
tific instruc- 
tion began  in 
the  German 
universities 
during  the 
eighteenth 
century,   it 
was  not  until 
the  middle  of 
the  nineteenth 
that  the  ex- 
perimental 
method  of 
teaching  be- 
came com- 
mon there. 


In    German 
secondary   in- 
struction   the 
sciences  ap- 
peared    as 
early    as    the 
seventeenth 
century 


Introduction  of  the  Sciences  into  Educational  Institu- 
tions; Germany. — Simultaneously  with  the  growth  oi 
inventions  and  the  cogent  arguments  and  vigorous 
campaigns  of  advanced  thinkers  during  the  nineteenth 
century,  training  in  the  sciences  was  gradually  creeping 
into  educational  practice.  While  the  sciences  began  to 
work  their  way  into  institutions  of  all  grades  early  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  it  was  not  until  about  the  middle  of 
the  nineteenth  that  the  movement  was  seriously  felt  in 
education.  Even  in  Germany  the  first  attempts  at 
studying  nature  were  made  outside  the  universities  in  the 
'academies  of  science.'  But  during  the  first  quarter  of 
the  eighteenth  century  Halle,  which  had  been  realistic 
almost  from  its  beginning,  had  become  a  center  for  science 
instruction,  and  by  the  close  of  the  century  Gottingen  and 
most  of  the  other  Protestant  universities  had  started  pro- 
fessorships in  the  sciences.  It  was  not,  however,  until  the 
beginning  of  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century 
that,  in  Liebig's  laboratory  at  the  University  of  Giessen, 
students  first  began  to  be  taught  through  experiments, 
and  it  was  after  the  middle  of  the  century  before  this  in- 
vestigation work  had  generally  replaced  the  formal  sci- 
ence instruction  in  German  universities.  Since  then  the 
development  of  science  in  the  higher  education  of  Ger- 
many has  been  phenomenal. 

Some  science  appeared  in  German  secondary  instruc- 
tion by  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  through 
the  Ritterakademien,1  and  toward  the  end  of  the  century 
in  the  work  of  Semler  at  Halle. 2  This  realistic  instruction 
of  the  pietists  was  brought  by  Hecker  to  Berlin,  where  he 

1  See  Graves,  History  of  Education  during  the  Transition,  p.  290. 

2  Op.  cit.,  pp.  291  and  304. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  339 

started  his  famous  Rcalschulc  in  1747,  and  before  the  be-  through  the 
ginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  similar  institutions  had  emicn;  in  the 


spread  throughout  Prussia.    Early  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 

0  _  J  <  Realschnlcn 

tury,  as  a  result  of  the  influence  of  the  philanthropinists1  appeared;  and 
and  the  urgency  of  the  new  humanists,2  the  course  of  ^ne^eenth6 
study  in  the  gymnasiums  of  Prussia  was  considerably  century  the 

1  .  .  gymnasia    in- 

modmed,  and,  as  part  of  the  compromise,  some  science  troducedsome 
was  introduced.3    The  movement  later  spread  into  the  science-   In 

1855  a  start 

secondary  education  of  states  in  South  Germany,  and,  was  given  the 

i  -i        ,1  ,    i  f  .,     Realgymna- 

wnile  the   total   amount  of  science  was  not  large,  it  sium  and  thc 
managed  to  hold  its  place  in  the  gymnasial  curriculum  oberred- 

.  *  ~*  schule,  which 

even  during  the  reaction  to  absolutism  between  1815  and  give  twice  as 
1848.     In  1855  recognition  was  made  of  two  types  of 
real-schools,  one  retaining  Latin  in  every  year  of  the 
nine,  and  the  other  having  its  course  determined  in  each 
case  by  the  local  authorities,  and  in  1882  these  became 
part  of  the  educational  system  as  the  Real  gymnasium  in 
the  one  case,  and  the  Realschule  of  six  years  or  the  Obcr- 
realschule  of  nine  in  the  other.4     These  institutions  at 
present  devote  approximately  twice  as  much  time  to  the 
physical  and  biological  sciences  as  do   the  gymnasia. 
Technical  and  trade  schools,  with  scientific  and  mathe- 
matical  subjects  as  a  foundation  for  the  vocational  work,  of  secondary 
have  also  appeared  as  a  species  of  secondary  education  in  basis  'of 
Germany.5    The  first  of  these  were  opened  in  Nuremberg,  ^hematics 
in  1823,  but  their  rapid  increase  in  numbers,  variety,  and  have  also 
importance  has  taken  place  since  the  middle  of  the  cen-  creased  since 
tury,  and  their  development  in  organization  and  method  thc  middlc  o{ 

1  the  nineteenth 

has  occurred  within  the  past  twenty-five  years.  century. 

1  See  pp.  3off.  3  See  p.  289. 

2  See  p.  283.  4  See  pp.  2Qof  . 

B  See  p.  359. 


340  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Elementary         The  scientific  movement  was  also  felt  in  the  elemen- 

science  was  .        .         .    _,  1-1  i 

also  intro-  tary  schools  of  Germany  during  the  early  part  of  the 
duced  m  the  nineteenth  century.  Science  was  considerably  popu- 

elementary  J  J     r    r 

schooisofGer-  larized  by  the  schools  of  the  philanthropinists,1  and  was 
Saitheeanfne-  widely  introduced  into  elementary  education  by  the 
teenth  cen-  spread  of  Pestalozzianism  in  Prussia  and  the  other  Ger- 

tury. 

man  states.2  Before  the  close  of  the  first  quarter  of  the 
century  the  study  of  elementary  science,  —  natural  his- 
tory, physiology,  and  physics,  appeared  in  various 
grades;  geography  and  drawing  were  taught  throughout 
the  course;  and  geometry  was  included  in  the  upper 
classes  of  the  Volksschulen. 
There  was  France.  —  Before  the  Revolution  in  France  the  higher 

little     science 

in  the  higher  and  secondary  institutions  found  little  place  for  instruc- 
*n  science-     There  was  a  chair  of  experimental 


France  be-  physics  in  the  College  of  Navarre  of  the  University  of 
oiution,  but  Paris  and  at  the  Universities  of  Toulouse  and  Montpellier, 
with  the  new  ancj  natural  history  was  also  taught  at  the  more  inde- 

regime   the 

curricula  sug-  pendent  College  of  France,  but,  as  a  whole,  education  was 
eraiiy  con"-  dominated  largely  by  humanism.  However,  with  the 
tained  establishment  of  the  Republic  a  new  regime  began  in 

sciences,  and,  . 

education,  as  in  other  matters,  and  science  entered  more 
largely  into  higher  and  secondary  instruction.  Talley- 
rand's scheme  of  education  presented  the  old  ideas  in  a 
slightly  modified  form,  but  the  next  year  Condorcet's 
completely  subordinated  letters  to  science.3  The  cur- 
riculum that  he  proposed  for  his  Instituts,  or  secondary 
schools,  consisted  mainly  of  science,  pure  and  applied, 
and  his  defense  of  the  sciences  is  not  unlike  that  of 
Spencer,  except  that  it  leans  more  on  the  argument  of 

1  See  pp.  28f  .  2  See  pp.  145!!.. 

3  See  p.  294. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  341 

discipline.  In  1794  the  Republic  also  founded  a  normal 
school,  where  the  famous  Laplace  and  Lagrange  gave 
instruction  in  science.  Science  occupied  one-third  of 
the  course  in  the  'central  schools/  1  and  in  1802  Napoleon 
had  included  in  the  scientific  course  for  the  lycee  natural 
history,  physics,  astronomy,  chemistry,  and  mineralogy. 
A  further  advance  in  quantity  and  method  in  secondary 
instruction  was  made  in  1814,  when  it  was  provided 
by  statute  that  the  pupil  in  the  classical  course  "will 
one  year  study  animals  and  vegetables;  one  year  minerals 
and  chemistry;  one  year  experimental  physics."  On 
the  ground  that  they  were  injuring  classical  studies, 
Cousin  in  1840  had  the  sciences  curtailed,  but  he  was 
shortly  forced  to  restore  them  upon  an  optional  basis.  aftcr  a  con- 

r  .  .          test,    the    hu- 

A  contest  between  the  two  types  of  studies  was  carried  manities  and 
on  until  18^2.  when  a  bifurcation  in  the  course  put  the  the  sc'ences 

J    •  were,  by  a 

two  theoretically  upon  the  same  basis.2    The  scientific  division  of  the 
course,  however,  has  never  been  able  to  equal  the  prestige  Up0n  '  the 
of  the  classical,  although  it  has  constantly  increased  in  same  footmg- 
time  and  difficulty,  and  now  zoology,  botany,  geology, 
physics,  and  chemistry  extend  through  all  the  grades 
and  are  taught  by  laboratory  methods. 

Some  instruction  in  science  has  come  to  be  given  dur-  The  ciemen- 
ing  the  past  forty  years  even  in  the  elementary  schools  hasfaiso  come 
of  France.    In  the  lower  primary  schools  the  work  is  in-  to  &yc  somc 

training   in 

formal,  and  consists  mostly  of  object  lessons  and  first  science,  es- 
scientific  notions.    These  are  developed  in  connection  Agriculture! 
with  drawing,  manual  training,  agriculture,  and  geogra- 
phy of  the  neighborhood  and  of  France  in  general.    In- 
struction becomes  more  formal  in  the  higher  primary 
schools,  and  includes  regular  courses  in  the  natural  and 

1  See  p.  294.  4See  p.  297. 


342  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

physical  sciences  and  hygiene,  as  well  as  geography, 
drawing,  and  manual  training.  In  the  normal  schools  for 
primary  teachers  the  instruction  in  all  the  physical 
and  biological  sciences  is  even  more  thorough,  and  it 
is  given  especially  from  the  practical  point  of  view.  It 
includes  not  only  the  facts  and  theories  of  general 
scientific  importance,  but  it  also  emphasizes  their  appli- 
cations to  every  day  life.  For  example,  the  flora  and 
fauna  of  the  neighborhood  are  studied  in  their  special 
relation  to  agriculture. 

in  England  England. — In  England,  through  the  professorship 
did  not  be-  of  Newton  at  Cambridge,  some  study  of  physical  science 
come  at  all  was  stimulated  at  the  universities  before  the  close  of 

prominent    in 

Oxford  and  the  seventeenth  century,  and  during  the  eighteenth  sev- 
untii  the^-iose  era^  cnairs  m  the  natural  sciences  were  established  at 

of  the  nine-  Cambridge.    But  it  was  almost  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth cen-  i       i  •  i      «     i        • 
tury,   but       teenth  century  before  the  biological  sciences  and  the 

rapid  prog-     laboratory  method  of  instruction  were  introduced,  and 

ress    was  * 

made  in  a  not  until  toward  the  close  of  the  century  did  science 
municipal  become  prominent  at  Cambridge  and  Oxford.  And 
universities  ^he  mOst  marked  promotion  of  the  scientific  movement 

that  sprang        .  .      . 

up.  in  England  has  occurred  within  the  past  fifty  years 

through  the  foundation  of  efficient  municipal  universi- 
ties in  such  centers  as  Birmingham,  Manchester,  London, 
About  the      anc^  Liverpool.1    For  many  years  the  laboratory  instruc- 
middie  of  the  tion  was  given  only  in  institutions  outside  the  universi- 

century  in-          .  .    ,  .  ,  ,  , 

stitutions  af-  tics.  Higher  courses  in  science  by  the  new  methods 
fording  higher  were  afforded  through  the  foundation  of  the  Royal 

courses    in  J 

science    were  School  of  Mines 2  in  1851,  the  addition  of  the  Royal  School 

1  See  p.  310. 

2  It  passed  through  three  changes  of  name  (1851,  1853,  J8S9)  before 
the  present  title  was  adopted  (1863). 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  343 

of  Naval  Architecture  and  Marine  Engineering  in  1864,  also  founded 
and  the  organization  of  the  Normal  School  of  Science  l  in  universities. 
1868.    All  of  these  were  in  1890  combined  in  a  single 
institution  known  as  the  Royal  College  of  Science.    In 
1907  the  City  and  Guilds  (Engineering)  College,2  founded 
in  1 88 1,  was  also  merged,  and  the  entire  corporation  be- 
came known  as  the  Imperial  College  of  Science  and  Tech- 
nology.   The  associated  colleges  are  mainly  supported  by 
grants  from  the  government,  the  London  County  Coun- 
cil, and  the  City  and  Guilds  Institute.    They  are  located 
at  South  Kensington,  London,  and  have  been  furnished  a 
number  of  excellent  buildings  in  late  years.    An  agency  This  move- 
that  was  instrumental  in  encouraging  this  advanced  study  ^therecf5  by 
of  the  sciences,  although  formed  primarily  for  the  benefit  the  Science 
of  the  elementary  and  secondary  schools,  \vas  the  Science  partment,  or- 
and  Art  Department,  which  was  in  1899  taken  over  as  samzed  ^ 

1857,     and 

part  of  the  national  Board  of  Education.3     It  had  its  taken  over  as 
start  through  the  Board  of  Trade  in  an  attempt  to  en-  Bo'ardofEdu- 
courage  a  knowledge  of  art  and  design,  but  the  work  was  ca;tion    in 
soon  extended  to  the  schools  and  in  1857  the  direction 
of  science  and  art  was  brought  under  the  charge  of  the 
Committee  of  Council.4     The  following  year  a  regular 
Science  and  Art  Department  was  organized  to  bring 
under   a   single   management   the   science,    trade,    and 
navigation   schools   already  existing,   and   to   facilitate 
higher  instruction  in  science.     A  few  years  later  this 

1  These  normal  training  classes  were  segregated  from  the  work  of  the 
School  of  Mines  (1861)  and  given  the  name   above  (1881)  before  all 
parts  of  the  work  were  again  consolidated  (1890). 

2  It  was  originally  called  the  City  and  Guilds  Technical  College,  and 
was  included  in  the  University  of  London,  when  that  institution  was 
reorganized  (1899). 

3  See  p.  306.  <  See  p.  304. 


344  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

organization  began  to  offer  examinations  and  to  grant 

certificates  to  teach  science  in  the  elementary  schools. 

While  the          In  English  secondary  instruction  science  first  appeared 

fered  a  rich  through    the    establishment    of    '  academies  '    by   non- 

course   m       conformists  toward  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

science,    they  ...  .  ". 

greatly  de-      The  courses  of  these  institutions  were  rich  in  realistic 
of  subjects,  and  early  in  the  eighteenth  century  included 


the  eight-      considerable  work  in  mathematics,  natural  philosophy, 

eenth    cen-  .  . 

tury,  and  the  natural  history,  anatomy,  and  other  sciences.    Although, 
public  schools     fter  th    A  t  of  Toieration  (^89),  the  academies  were 

paid  little  at- 

tention to  the  permitted  to  be  regularly  incorporated,  they  had  greatly 

declined   before  the   close   of   the   eighteenth   century. 

At  the  same  time  the  humanistic  'public'  schools  and 

secondary  institutions  of  a  private  character  as  yet  paid 

almost  no  attention  to  the  sciences.     In  the  first  half 

of   the  nineteenth  century  an  anti-classical  campaign 

began  to  be  waged  by  George  Combe  and  his  friends. 

They  undertook  to  point  out  the  relative  weakness  of 

linguistic  studies  as  an  intellectual  training,  and  advo- 

cated 'real  '  training  as  opposed  to  that  of  words.    The 

controversy  with   the   classicists   continued   with   ever 

About  the      increasing  force  from  1820  to  the  middle  of  the  century, 

nineteenth  ^  and  the  science  advocates  eventually  began  to  found 

century          schools  to  embody  the  new  ideals.     Toward  the  close 

Combe  and 

others  opened  of  1848  the  first  'secular  '  school  was  opened  at  Edin- 
which  burgh,  and  included  in  its  curriculum  a  study  of  geog- 


did  much  to  raphy,  drawing,  mathematics,  natural  history,  chemistry, 

stimulate   the  11-1  •    i  i  i 

introduction     natural  philosophy,   physiology,   phrenology,   and  ma- 
of  the  sciences;  ^erjais  used  in  the  arts  and  manufactures,  as  well  as 

and, 

literary,  aesthetic,  moral,  and  religious  subjects.  Simi- 
lar institutions  were  organized  at  Edinburgh,  Glasgow, 
Leith,  London,  Manchester,  Birmingham,  Newcastle, 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  345 

Belfast,   and  many  other   cities  of   the  United  King- 
dom. 

While  these  schools  did  not  last  long,  they  were  very 
successful  for  a  time,  and,  together  with  the  writings  of 
Combe,  did  much  to  stimulate  the  reform  in  secondary 
education   and   the  introduction   of   the   sciences   that 
shortly    followed.      The    University    Commission    for  in  1856,  win- 
Winchester  in  1856  held  that  "good  elementary  instruc-  Oidest  'public 
tion  in  physical  science  is  essential  in  the  case  of  many  school,  started 

1     J  m  •     instruction 

boys  and  desirable  in  all  cases."  Responding  to  this  in  science, 
judgment,  Winchester  College,  the  oldest  of  the  great  ^s,  aft1^ 
public  schools,  at  once  started  a  brief  series  of  lectures,  leading  pub- 

.  i     i    •  lie    schools 

which  was  by  1865  expanded  into  a  regular  course  run-  began  to  es- 

ning  through  the  year.     After  1868,  as  a  result  of  the  fjjjjjjlj^  a 

governmental    investigation    of    the    endowed    schools,  side.' 

which  showed  an  almost  complete  absence  of  science  in 

the  curricula,  all  the  leading  secondary  schools  began  to 

establish  a  'modern  side.'    This  course  generally  included 

physics  and  natural  history,  as  well  as  modern  languages 

and  history,  but  it  was  most  reluctantly  admitted  by  the 

institutions,  and,  while  it  has  attained  to  great  efficiency, 

it  has  never,  except  in  a  few  schools,  been  accorded  the 

same  standing  as  the  classical  course.    The  Department  Subsidies  foi 


science    m- 


of  Science  and  Art  also  afforded  much  encouragement  to  struclion 

secondary   instruction   in    the   sciences   by   subsidizing  were  afforded 

schools    and    classes    in    physics,    chemistry,    zoology,  schools  by  th« 

botany,    geology,    mineralogy,    and   subjects   involving  cptrr" 


science 


the  applications  of  science.     Before  its  absorption  into  and  Art. 
the  Board  of  Education  some  ten  thousand  classes  and 
seventy-five   independent   schools   of   secondary   grade 
received  assistance  from  this  source. 

The  Department  also  gave  aid  to  the  study  of  science 


346  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

After  the  in  elementary  education.  As  early  as  the  fifties,  grants 
century  sub-  were  made  to  establish  work  in  elementary  science,  art, 
sidies  were  an(j  design  but  the  educational  value  was  for  more 

also     granted 

the  elemen-  than  forty  years  subordinated  to  practical  applications, 
b^  the°0De-  However,  in  1889  a  report  by  a  Committee  of  the  British 
partment  of  Association  wrought  a  great  improvement  in  the  teach- 

Science  and        .... 

Art;    and       ing  of  science.     As  a  result,  money  was  granted  the 
vTrk  in°°      County  Councils  during  the  following  year,  to  be  dis- 
sdence  has      tributed  for  technical  instruction,  and  much  aid  was 
compulsory,     furnished   for    the   equipment   of   laboratories,    lecture 
rooms,  and  workshops,  and  an  increase  in  the  staff  of 
instructors.     Since  then  laboratory  instruction  has  rap- 
idly gained  ground  in  the  elementary  schools.    Neverthe- 
less, for  a  decade  no  subjects  except  the  rudiments  were  re- 
quired in  the  elementary  course,  and  such '  supplementary ' 
subjects  as  elementary  science  and  geography,  if  taught, 
were  given  a  special  subsidy.  Since  1 900  this  scientific  work 
has  been  made  compulsory  in  the  elementary  curriculum, 
in    the    col-       The  United  States. — In  the  colleges  of  the  United 
ITe.g<rs  °*   *he  States  the  courses  show  some  evidence  of  science  teach- 

United  States 

there  was  ing  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  a  little  even  in  the 
taught  TrTthe  seventeenth.  Astronomy  and  '  the  nature  of  plants ' 
eighteenth  appear  in  the  list  of  studies  advertised  at  Harvard  in 

century, 

1642,  and  'natural  philosophy'  was  offered  in  1690  by 
the  same  institution.  During  the  eighteenth  century 
Yale,  Princeton,  King's  (afterward  Columbia),  Dart- 
mouth, Union,  and  Pennsylvania  all  came  to  offer  work 
in  this  latter  subject,  or  in  'natural  history,'  which  might 
then  be  used  to  denote  physics,  chemistry,  geology,  and 
astronomy,  as  well  as  botany  and  zoology.  As  far  as 
physics  was  concerned,  before  the  Revolution  it  seems 
to  have  been  a  subordinate  branch  of  mathematical 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  347 

instruction,  and  owing  to  the  limitations  of  scientific 

knowledge  at   the   time,    to   have   consisted   simply  of 

lectures  on  mechanics,   hydrostatics,   pneumatics,   and 

optics,    with    possibly   brief    discussions   on    heat   and 

sound  and  a  few  experiments  in  electricity.    There  was  but  !t  yas 

even  less  biology  taught.     There  were,  moreover,  no  amount,  and 

laboratories  or  instruments  of  precision,  and  chemistry  ^c  wer.e  no 

J     laboratories 

was  apparently  not  taught  at  all,  except  occasionally  or   instru- 
as    an    obscure   and    unimportant    branch    of   physics,  dsion.  ° 

Since  then,  owing  to  the  great  increase  in  our  knowl- 
edge of  science,  there  have  been  the  greatest  change  and  In  the  nine~ 
enlargement  of  instruction.    Whole  fields  of  science  have  tury  many 
been  discovered  and  defined,  and  others,  like  geology  g^r^Lab 
and  astronomy,  have  been  reclaimed  from  dogmatism,  oratory 

,  T        i  11  •    ,        r  T         methods,  and 

and  science  studies  have  slowly  come  into  favor.     In-  much    equip- 
struction  in  chemistry  gradually  grew  up  in  the  latter  n  nt  wcre 
part  of  the  eighteenth  century  through  a  study  of  materia  into    Amer- 
medica  at  the  medical  schools  of  Pennsylvania  (1768),  ican  colleges; 
Harvard   (1782),  and  Dartmouth   (1798).     The  move- 
ment was  slower  in  reaching  the  colleges  proper,  but 
spread  rapidly  after  it  had  once  started.     A  separate 
chair  of  chemistry  was  established  at  Princeton  in  1795, 
at  Columbia  in  1800,  Yale  in  1802,  Bowdoin  in  1805, 
South   Carolina  and   Dickinson   in    1811,   Williams  in 
1812,  and  so  on,  until  practically  all  the  colleges  had 
recognized  it  as  an  important  branch  of  study.     But 
while   experiments   were   from    the   first   performed   as 
demonstrations    by    the   instructors,    it    was   generally 
not  until  almost  the  middle  of  the  century  that  students 
began  to  be  admitted  to  the  laboratories.1     About  the 

1  At  Rensselaer  Polytechnic  Institute  from  1825  on  the  students  per- 
formed 'demonstrations'  before   the   class.    This  was  in  spirit  about 


348  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

same  time  laboratories  in  physics  began  to  be  equipped 
with  apparatus.  Geology  was  included  in  the  early 
professorship  of  chemistry  at  Yale,  and  was  given  a 
distinct  chair  upon  the  advent  of  James  D.  Dana  about 
the  middle  of  the  century,  while  by  1825  Amos  Eaton 
taught  it  as  a  separate  subject  through  field  study  at 
Williams.  In  astronomy  Harvard  had  a  telescope 
before  the  beginning  of  the  century,  Princeton  devoted 
a  room  to  instruments  as  early  as  1803,  Yale  improvised 
an  observatory  by  1830,  and  a  building  was  specially 
equipped  by  Williams  in  1837  and  by  Western  Reserve 
in  1839.  Yet  the  instruments  remained  very  ordinary 
and  the  methods  authoritative  and  prescriptive  until 
the  opening  of  the  observatories  at  Cincinnati  (1844), 
Cambridge  (1846),  and  Michigan  (1854),  after  which  the 
development  was  most  rapid.  Biology  was  even  longer 
studied  through  mere  observation  rather  than  investi- 
gation and  experiment.  Until  Louis  Agassiz  opened  his 
laboratory  at  Harvard  to  students  just  after  the  middle 
of  the  century,  the  courses  were  meager,  mostly  theo- 
retical and  classificatory,  and  were  given  entirely  by  lec- 
ture, without  field  or  laboratory  work.  Since  Agassiz's 
time,  however,  the  subject  of  biology  has  been  divided 
and  subdivided  into  several  sciences  and  administered 
by  separate  departments  in  the  colleges  and  universities. 
The  introduction  of  the  sciences  and  the  development 
of  the  elective  system,  which  afforded  an  opportunity  for 
taking  them,  were  greatly  promoted  in  existing  Ameri- 
can institutions  of  higher  learning  after  the  publication 

the  same  as  laboratory  work,  and  within  the  next  decade  apparently  a 
number  of  institutions  adopted  this  'Rensselaer  Plan  of  Education'  in 
chemistry,  botany,  geography,  history,  and  geometry. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  349 

of  Darwin's  Origin  of  Species  (1859),  and  the  dissemina- 
tion of  that  doctrine  through  Asa  Gray,  professor  of 
natural  history  at  Harvard,  and  William  B.  Rogers, 
president  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology. 
The  intellectual  development  ensuing  also  brought  about  n.T  umver- 

sities,  empha- 

the  foundation  of  such  new  institutions  as  Cornell  and  sizing  science, 
Johns  Hopkins,  which  emphasized  the  teaching  of  and6  special0  ' 
science  as  an  unconscious  protest  against  the  exclusively  scientific  and 

.  .    .  „.,..-  .  technical     in- 

classical  training.     Special  scientific  and  technological  stitutions 


schools  likewise  began  to  arise.     The  Rensselaer  Poly-  j 
technic   Institute   (1825)    and   the  Lawrence   Scientific  Mon-m  law 
School  at  Harvard  (1847)  nad  already  been  opened,  but  iater2  acts  of 
now  similar  schools  of   science,  like  Sheffield  at  Yale  Congress  a?- 

propnated 

(1860)  and  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology  lands  to  pro- 
(1862),  sprang  up  in  all  parts  of  the  country.    In  1862  ^^gri- 
the  Morrill  Act  of  Congress  appropriated  lands  in  every  culture, 

,         .       mechanic 

state   to   promote   education   in   agriculture,   mechanic  arts,  and 
arts,   and   the  natural  sciences.     These  grants,   which  na.tural 

sciences 

amounted  at  first  to  thirteen  million  acres,  were  sub- 
sequently extended  to  new  states  as  they  were  admitted, 
and  the  endowment  was  increased  by  the  annual  grants 
of  money  that  were  made  under  later  acts.  From  these 
funds  and  private  benefactions,  further  schools  of  science 
were  started  or  old  schools  were  strengthened  in  every 
state,  and  from  1865  on  rapid  progress  was  made  in  the 
facilities  for  pure  and  applied  science  in  higher  education. 

Through  the  academies,  during  the  latter  half  of  the  The  sciences 
eighteenth   century   and    the   early  part   of   the   nine-  ^d  !^°~ 
teenth,    the   sciences   were    introduced   into   American  American 
secondary  education.     Sometimes  these  were  extended  education 
downward  from  the  colleges,  but  often  they  were  subjects  throush  thc 

0  academies, 

that  had  as  yet  been  barely  touched  by  the  colleges,  such  and  the  high 


350 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


schools  in  the 
first  half  of 
the   nine- 
teenth cen- 
tury con- 
tinued to 
emphasize 
these  sub- 
jects. 


During  the 
seventies,  ow- 
ing  to   the 
requirement 
of   sciences 
for  the  teach- 
ers'   certifi- 
cates, there 
was  a  tend- 
ency to  over- 
load the  high 
school   and 
academy  cur- 
riculum   with 
them. 


as  astronomy,  natural  philosophy,  chemistry,  botany, 
and  geography.  As  a  result,  the  colleges  frequently 
found  that  their  curricula  were  not  meeting  the  popular 
needs  as  those  of  the  academies  were,  and  were  forced  to 
enlarge  their  program  of  studies.  As  the  early  high 
schools  grew  up,  they  continued  the  attention  paid  to  the 
sciences  by  the  academies.  The  first  high  school  to  ap- 
pear, that  at  Boston  in  1821,  scheduled  geography  in  the 
first  year;  navigation  and  surveying  in  the  second;  and 
natural  philosophy  and  astronomy  in  the  third.  A  similar 
emphasis  upon  science  appeared  during  the  first  half  of 
the  century  in  all  the  secondary  institutions,  whether 
known  as  academies,  high  schools,  union  schools,  or  city 
colleges.  In  all  cases,  however,  instruction  was  given 
mainly  through  text-books,  and,  while  experiments  were 
frequently  used  for  demonstration  by  the  teacher,  there 
was  no  laboratory  work  for  the  students.  At  first  the  sci- 
ences were  included  in  the  curriculum  on  account  of  their 
usefulness,  but  after  the  middle  of  the  century,  the  de- 
mand was  increased  on  the  strength  of  their  scientific 
value.  These  studies  were  by  this  time  becoming  more 
scientific  through  the  discovery  of  new  principles  and 
were  being  emancipated  from  the  mere  classificatory 
stage.  But  a  tendency  to  overload  the  curriculum  with 
sciences,  which  had  been  evident  in  secondary  education 
from  the  days  of  the  academies,  was  much  increased  dur- 
ing the  seventies  by  the  demand  of  the  legislatures  in 
several  states  that  candidates  for  teachers'  certificates 
pass  an  examination  in  several  sciences.  The  high 
schools  and  academies  endeavored  to  furnish  the  neces- 
sary training  to  prepare  for  these  examinations,  and  until 
toward  the  end  of  the  century  the  courses  in  the  sciences 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  351 

were    numerous    and    of    rather    superficial    character. 
Within  the  last  twenty  years,  however,  the  schools  have 
come  to  limit  each  student  to  a  relatively  few  courses 
taught  by  thorough  laboratory  methods. 
Except  for  geography,  which  appeared  in  the  curric-  Science  was 

•  .  ..  .  introduced  in- 

ulum  early  in  the  century,  the  rudiments  practically  to  the  eie- 
constituted  the  entire  course  of  the  elementary  school 


until  the  time  of  Horace  Mann.    Largely  through  his  ef-  through 

forts,  physiology  was  widely  introduced  by  the  middle  of  Ommendation 

the  century.    About  a  dozen  years  later  the  Pestalozzian  of  Physiol°gy 

J     t  and    the 

object  teaching  began  to  come  in  through  the  Oswego  Pestalozzian 


methods,  and  tended  to  become  systematized  and  form-  ec 
alized.  Use  was  made  of  materials  in  several  of  the  sci- 
ences, and  the  pupils  were  required  to  describe  them  in 
scientific  terms.  Thus  there  was  a  transition  from  object 
teaching  to  elementary  science,  and  later  on,  toward  the 
close  of  the  century,  to  the  more  informal  presentation  of 
the  subject,  known  as  'nature  study.'  The  nature  study 
movement  quickly  spread  through  the  country,  and  has 
most  recently  appeared  in  the  guise  of  agricultural  in- 
struction. Many  states  now  require  agriculture  as  a 
requisite  for  a  teacher's  certificate,  and  many  normal 
schools  have  come  to  furnish  a  training  in  the  subject. 
The  development  of  institutions  to  teach  this  subject  will 
be  discussed  in  the  account  of  recent  tendencies  given 
in  the  next  chapter.1 

Interrelation  of  the  Scientific  with  the  Psychological 
and  Sociological  Movements.  —  It  is  evident  that  there 
has  been  a  marked  scientific  movement  in  the  educational 
systems  of  all  countries  during  the  past  two  hundred 
years.  The  sciences  began  to  appear  in  the  curricula  of 

1  See  pp.  368f. 


352  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

educational  institutions  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries,  but  their  rapid  increase,  and  the  use  of  lab- 
movement  :  is  oratories  and  the  scientific  method  in  instruction,  dated 
closely  re-      from  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth.     In  some  respects 

lated    to    the  . 

psychological  this  scientific  movement  has  been  closely  related  to  the 

informal1011  °tner  modern  tendencies  in  education, — the  psycholog- 

discipiine  and  ical  and  the  sociological.    The  coincidence  of  the  scien- 

of  teaching  tific  movement  with  the  psychological  on  the  question  of 

sciences  upon  forma}  discipline  has  already  been  considered.1    The  in- 

the  other  sub-  c  J 

jects.  fluence  of  the  development  of  the  sciences  upon  educa- 

tional method  also  constitutes  part  of  the  psychological 
movement.  The  sciences  demanded  entirely  different 
methods  of  teaching  from  the  traditional  procedure. 
These  innovations  were  worked  out  slowly  by  experi- 
mentation, and  when  they  proved  to  be  more  in  keeping 
with  psychology,  they  reacted  upon  the  teaching  of  the 
older  subjects  so  that  educational  method  in  general  was 
placed  upon  a  more  scientific  basis.  Hence  the  method 
of  the  sciences,  enforcing  both  inductive  and  deductive 
reasoning,  is  no  longer  the  exclusive  property  of  the  sci- 
ences, but  has  been  found  to  be  the  true  method  in  history, 
politics,  philology,  and  other  studies.  A  corresponding 
improvement  in  the  presentation  of  the  form,  content, 
and  arrangement  of  various  subjects  has  taken  place  in 
text-books,  and  a  radically  different  set  of  books  and  au- 
thors has  been  rendered  necessary.  The  scientific  move- 
ment has  thus  discovered  and  popularized  the  method  of 
teaching  that  all  other  branches  are  beginning  to  adopt, 
and  has  consequently  come  in  direct  contact  and  cooper- 
ation with  the  psychological  movement. 

The  scientific  movement  has  even  more  points  in  com- 

1  See  pp.  3342. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  353 

mon  with  the  sociological.    In  its  opposition  to  the  dis-  The  scientific 
ciplinarians  and  its  stress  upon  the  content  of  education 


rather  than  the  method,  the  scientific  tendency  coincides  thf  .sodol°gii 

J  cal   in   stress- 

with  the  sociological,  although  the  former  looks  rather  to  ing  content 

the  natural  sciences  as  a  means  of  individual  welfare,  and  £^mcr  ^  anro. 

the  latter  to  the  social  and  political  sciences  to  equip  moting  tech- 

,.,..,,  f       ,.f     .  •    i   •         •         •  nical     and 

the  individual  for  life  in  social  institutions  and  to  secure  commercial 


the  progress  of  society.    But  while  the  scientist  usually 

states  his  argument  in  individual  terms,  because  of  his  thering  de- 

connection  in  time  and  sympathy  with  the  individualism 

of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries,  the  same 

writer  usually,  as  in  the  case  of  Rousseau,  Combe,  Spen- 

cer, and  Huxley,  advocates  the  social,  moral,  and  polit- 

ical sciences  as  a  means  of  complete  living.     Similarly, 

the  sociological  movement  has  especial  kinship  with  the 

economic  and  utilitarian  aspects  of  the  study  of  the  sci- 

ences, for  professional,  technical,  and  commercial  insti- 

tutions have  been  evolved  because  of  sociological  as  well 

as  scientific  demands.    Again,  the  use  of  the  sciences  in 

education  as  a  means  of  preparing  for  life  and  the  needs 

of  society  overlaps   the  modern   sociological   principle 

of  furthering  democracy,  the  best  development  of  all 

classes,  and  the  abandonment  of  artificial  strata  in  so- 

ciety.   As  Hughes  says  in  The  Making  of  Citizens: 

"Until  this  tyranny  of  classicalism  has  been  abolished,  and  the 
claims  of  science  recognised,  it  will  be  impossible  to  realise  the 
democratic  ideal.  Time  again  will,  however,  see  the  ideal  realised. 
The  first  phase  in  this  realisation  will  probably  be  the  organisation 
of  a  system  of  schools  avowedly  independent  of  the  classical  spirit 
and  keenly  responsive  to  modern  needs.  Let  us  hope  that  they  will 
not  lack  the  true  humanistic  spirit.  The  Berlin  Conference  of 
1890-1891  concluded  that  two  types  of  secondary  school  were 
alone  needed  —  the  classical  or  Gymnasium  and  the  modern  or 


354  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Realschule.  Intermediate  types  are  unnecessary  and  pedagogical!} 
unsound.  The  adoption  of  modern  sides  in  both  England  and 
France  has  been  condemned  in  theory  and  found  inefficient  in 
practice.  Such  a  double  system,  however,  cannot  be  considered  as 
a  permanent  realising  of  this  ideal.  Socially  such  a  separation  of 
the  future  citizens  of  the  State  is  unfortunate,  and  therefore  it  is 
with  interest  and  sympathy  that  all  true  democrats  will  watch  the 
efforts  of  American  educators  to  solve  this  problem." 

SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 

ARMSTRONG,  H.  E.  (Editor).    The  Teaching  of  Scientific  Method. 

Chaps,  i  and  18. 
BOONE,  R.  G.    History  of  Education  in  the  United  States.     Pp. 

158-169. 

BUCKLEY,  ARABELLA  B.    A  Short  History  of  Natural  Science. 
CARPENTER,  W.  L.    Science-Teaching  (In  Elementary  Schools  by 

William  Bousfield). 
CLARK,  F.  W.     The  Teaching  of  Chemistry  and  Physics  (United 

States  Bureau  of  Education,  Circular  of  Information,  1880, 

No.  6). 

COMBE,  G.   Education. 

COMPAYRE,  G.    Herbert  Spencer  and  Scientific  Education. 
COULTER,  J.  M.     The  Mission  of  Science  in  Education  (Science, 

II,  12,  pp.  281-293). 
DEXTER,  E.  G.    History  of  Education  in  the  United  States.    Chaps. 

VI,  XVII,  and  XIX. 

DRYER,  C.  R.    Science  in  Secondary  Schools. 
ELIOT,  C.  W.    Educational  Reform. 
FARRAR,  F.  W.    Essays  on  a  Liberal  Education.    VI, 
FISKE,  J.    A  Century  of  Science.    I. 
GALLOWAY,  R.    Education,  Scientific  and  Technical. 
GRAVES,  F.  P.    Great  Educators  of  Three  Centuries.    Chap.  XIV. 
HARRIS,  W.  T.    Herbert  Spencer  and  What  to  Study  (Educational 

Review,  Vol.  XXIV,  pp.  135-149). 
HUXLEY,  T.  H.    Method  and  Results.    II. 
HUXLEY,  T.  H.    Science  and  Education. 
JEVONS,  W.  S.    The  Principles  of  Science. 


THE  MODERN  SCIENTIFIC  MOVEMENT  355 

JORDAN,  D.  S.    Nature  Study  and  Moral  Culture  (Proceedings  of 

the  National  Education  Association,  1896,  pp.  130!?.). 
LAURIE,  S.  S.    Educational  Opinion  from  the  Renaissance.    Chap. 

XVI. 

LLOYD,  F.  E.,  and  BIGELOW,  M.  A.    The  Teaching  of  Biology. 
MONROE,  P.    Textbook  in  the  History  of  Education.    Chap.  XII. 
NORTON,  W.  H.    The  Social  Service  of  Science  (Science,  II,  13,  pp. 

644ff.). 

PEARSON,  K.    Grammar  of  Science.    Chap.  I. 
QUICK,  R.  H.    Essays  on  Educational  Reformers.    Chap.  XIX. 
ROBERTS,  R.  D.    Education  in  the  Nineteenth  Century.    Chap.  VII. 
SEDGWICK,  W.  T.    Educational  Value  of  the  Method  of  Science 

(Educational  Review,  Vol.  V,  pp.  2435.). 
THWING,  C.  F.    A  History  of  Higher  Education  in  America. 
WHEWELL,  W.    History  of  the  Inductive  Sciences. 
WHITE,  A.  D.    Scientific  and  Industrial  Education  in  the  United 

States  (Popular  Science  Monthly,  Vol.  V,  pp.  170-191). 
WILLIAMS,  H.  S.    History  of  Science. 
WILLIAMS,  H.  S.    Story  of  Nineteenth  Century  Science. 
YOUMANS,  E.  L.  (Editor).    Culture  Demanded  by  Modern  Life. 


CHAPTER  XT 

PRESENT  DAY   TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION 

Recent  Attempts  at  a  Reconstruction  of  Educational 
Practice. — Because  of  the  remarkable  development  of 
science  and  invention,  the  nineteenth  century  has  often 
been  referred  to  as  the  '  wonderful '  century.  Such  a 
term  affords  no  better  description  of  material  achieve- 
ment than  of  the  remarkable  progress  that  has  taken 
place  in  education.  The  last  chapter  showed  how  the 
growth  of  the  sciences  during  this  period  has  been  re- 
flected in  the  educational  institutions  of  all  countries; 
and  previous  chapters  have  indicated  the  extent  to  which, 
through  various  movements,  education  has  been  broad- 
ened and  improved  in  conception  and  advancement. 
At  the  prcs-  There  has  been  a  continuous  gain  in  the  centraliza- 

ent  day  some        .  ..-,,., 

remarkable      tion  and  democratization  of  schools,  in  the  content  of 
movements      ^    course  of  study,  in  the  methods  of  teaching  and  the 

toward   a   re-  _     •»  ' 

construction  professional  training  of  teachers,  and  in  the  liberality 
with  which  education  has  been  established  and  main- 
tained. But  momentous  as  have  been  these  changes 
and  expansion  of  view,  the  near  future  of  education  will 
probably  witness  a  much  greater  development  in  vision 
and  concrete  achievements.  At  the  present  time  there 
are  constant  efforts  at  a  modification  and  a  reconstruc- 
tion of  education  in  the  interest  of  a  better  adjustment 
of  the  individual  to  his  social  environment  and  of  greatly 
improved  conditions  in  society  itself.  Educational 

356 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        357 

experimentation  and  discussion  are  being  conducted 
along  a  great  variety  of  lines,  and  are  of  a  richer  and 
more  scientific  nature  than  ever  before.  It  is,  of  course, 
impossible  to  describe  all  of  these  movements  even  in 
the  briefest  manner,  and  it  is  difficult  to  select  for  con- 
sideration those  most  characteristic  and  promising.  Yet 
some  of  the  present  day  tendencies  that  appear  most 
significant  must  at  this  point  engage  our  passing  atten- 
tion. 

The  Growth  of  Industrial  Training.  —  The  movement 
that  is  perhaps  most  emphasized  to-day  is  the  introduc- 
tion of  vocational  training  into  the  curriculum  of  educa- 
tion. There  is  now  an  especial  need  for  this  type  of 
training  in  industrial  lines.  Since  the  industrial  revolu- 
tion and  the  development  of  the  factory  system,  the  mas- 
ter no  longer  works  by  the  side  of  his  apprentice  and  in- 
structs him,  and  the  ambition  of  the  youth  can  no  longer  with  th 
be  spurred  by  the  hope  that  he  may  himself  some  day  oH 


become  a  master.     His  experience  is  no  longer  broad,  system,  and 

•  i-  '       i  the  want  of 

but  is  generally  confined  to  some  single  process,  and  only  high-grade 
a  few  of  the  operatives  require  anything  more  than  low- 


grade  skill,  when  productive  efficiency  becomes  the  main  sary  for  the 

,       r      ,  ,.T  ,  .,,      ,  ,•  school  to  con- 

goal  of  the  system.     Nor,  as  a  rule,  will  the  employer  s;(ier  -m([us. 
undertake  any  systematic  education  of  his  workmen,  tnal  tramm& 
since  the  present  mobility  of  labor  permits  of  no  guarantee 
that  he  will  reap  the  benefit  of  such  efforts,  and  the  mod- 
ern industrial  plant  is  poorly  adapted  to  supplying  the 
necessary   theoretical   training  for  experts.     Hence  an 
outside  agency,  the  school,  has  been  called  upon  to  assist 
in  the  solution  of  these  new  industrial  problems. 

Industrial  Schools  in  Germany.  —  To  meet  the  demand 
for    industrial    education,    all    the    principal    states    of 


358  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Europe  have  maintained  training  of  this  sort  for  at 
least  half  a  century,  and  the  United  States  has  during 
the  past  decade  been  making  rapid  strides  in  the  same 
direction.     The  especial  plans  of  organization  and  in- 
struction that  have  been  evolved  in  each  case  seem  to  de- 
pend upon  the  temperament  of  the  people  and  upon  the 
institutions  and  industrial  conditions  of  the  country  or 
locality  concerned.    In  Germany,  where  this  training  has 
had  the  longest  history  and  is  probably  the  most  effect- 
ive, the  work  has  been  carried  on  through  the  Fort- 
since  the        bildungsschulen   ('continuation  schools').1     Institutions 
Prussian  war    of  this  sort  were  first  established  by  Wurtemberg  in 
the  states  of     1695,  to  supplement  the  meager  elementary  education, 
havegeneraiiy  and  by  the  earliest  years  of  the  nineteenth  century  a 
arTce^Uie      number  of  other  German  states  had  introduced  them. 
'continuation   The  'industrial  law '  of  the  North  German  Confederation 

schools'  com-    .  .,,,,.. 

puisory  for      in  1869  permitted  the  localities  to  make  attendance  at 
tke*PuntiT      ^he  continuation  schools  compulsory  for  all  apprentices 
eighteen.         up  to  the  age  of  eighteen,  and  required  employers  to 
allow  them  to  attend.     And  after  the  Franco-Prussian 
war,  when  a  desire  to  enter  into  industrial  competition 
with  the  world  arose,  most  of  the  other  states  and  local- 
ities began  to  follow  the  example,  and  this  legislation 
c^ufsTcorf-      eventually  became  the  basis  for  an  imperial  law  (1891, 
sisted  largely    1900).    The  course  in  the  continuation  schools  at  first 

of    review  .  .  .  ,  , 

work,  but,  consisted  largely  of  review  work,  but  the  rapid  spread 
with  the  m-  Qf  elementary  schools  soon  enabled  them  to  devote  all 

crease  of  ele-  J 

mentary  the  time  to  technical  education.  Through  the  estab- 
the°timeawas  lishment  of  a  large  number  of  schools  of  various  sorts, 

devoted  to  training  is  afforded  not  only  for  the  rank  and  file  of  work- 
technical  edu-  ..,.„  .,  ..  ii-i  -,  f 
cation,  and  men  in  the  different  trades,  but  for  the  higher  grades  of 

1  See  p.  288,  footnote. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        359 

workers,  such  as  foremen,  superintendents,  and  technical  training  is 
office  clerks.    Similarly,  girls  are  trained  in  a  wide  variety  f0°rw  higher " 
of   vocations,    and   in   housekeeping   and   motherhood.  sracjes   of 

x    _  °  workers,  as 

Many  of  these  schools,  especially  in  the  South  German  well  as  for  the 
states,  have  added  laboratories  and  workshops,  and  the 
training  has  proved  so  valuable  that  many  of  the  pupils 
return  voluntarily  after  the  period  of  compulsory  at- 
tendance. 

During  the  last  twenty-five  years  there  have  also  been 
developed    continuation    schools    for    general    educa- 
tion, rather  than  for  special  industrial  training,  known 
as  Gewerbeschulen  ('trade  schools')  or  Handwerkschulen 
('artisan    schools').      These   institutions   furnish   theo- 
retical   courses    in    chemistry,    physics,    mathematics,  South  Ger- 
book-keeping,  drawing,  geography,  nature  study,   his-  [^combine 
tory,  and  law.    In  South  Germany  there  is  a  tendency  theoretlcal 

J  and    practical 

to  combine  theoretical  and  practical  work,  and  to  develop  work,  and 
schools  adapted  to  the  particular  industries  of  the  various  m°?L  ^ 
localities,  but  North  German  States  generally  confine  erally  con- 

...  ,"  .  fines  its 

the  courses  to  theoretical  training,  and  leave  the  practical  COUrscs  to 
side  to  the  care  of  the  employers  or  associations.  The  theoretical 

*       •'  training. 

system  of  industrial  education  in  Munich,   organized  The  Munich 
by  Dr.  Kerschensteiner,  has  been  especially  developed  s>'st.cm;  or" 

"  J  ganized      by 

and  has  attracted  much  attention.    It  includes  an  extra  Kerschen- 
class  in  the  elementary  schools  with  the  chief  stress  upon  exTra^ciass  In 
manual  work,  to  bridge  the  gap  between  school  life  and  thc  elcmcn- 

.  tary  schools 

employment  and  serve  as  a  preparation  for  the  mdus-  to  serve  as  a 

trial  classes  of  the  continuation  schools.     The  instruc-  f^helndus- 

tors  for  the  industrial  schools  of  Germany  are  supplied  trial  classes  of 

through  special  training  schools,  either  by  giving  ele-  tion  schools.1 
mentary  teachers  short  industrial  courses  and  making 
them  acquainted  with  the  working  of  the  factory,  or  by 


360  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

taking  master  workmen  from  the  factory,  and  giving 
them  short  courses  in  methods  of  teaching. 

Industrial  Education  in  France. — In  Germany  these 

industrial  continuation  schools  are  not  intended  to  be  a 

substitute  for  apprenticeship,  but  furnish  parallel  in- 

Switzerland      struction  throughout  this  period.    Switzerland  and  Aus- 

and     Austria,        .  111  ,•  •     •     i  •    • 

Jike  Germany,  tna  also  use  both  these  features  in  industrial  training,  but 
v.se  appren-  ^G  one  especiafly  emphasizes  the  apprenticeship  and  the 

ticcciii'D    but 

France  has  other  the  continuation  school.  Because  of  unsatisfactory 
feature  un-  conditions  in  apprenticeship,  France  even  goes  so  far  as  to 
satisfactory,  attempt  to  eliminate  it  altogether.  More  than  any  other 

and  has  un- 
dertaken to      country  in  Europe,  it  has  made  efforts  to  furnish  the  en- 

entireh  Indus-  ^re  industrial  training  through  continuation  schools  ar- 
triai  training  ticulating  with  the  elementary  system.  The  pupils  are 

through    con-        ,      .  ,  .  it*  •        •        i 

tinuation         admitted  at  thirteen,  and  obtain  practice  in  the  school 

schools.  workshops  for  three  years.     Iron-work  is  taught  to  all 

the  boys,  but  the  other  courses  vary  with  local  needs. 

There  are  also  Girls  learn  to  make  dresses,  corsets,  millinery,  artificial 

a    number    of  11-1-1  A'I 

national  flowers,  and  other  industrial  products.  A  number  of 
arts^ancf  these  continuation  schools  have  added  normal  depart- 
trades,  which  ments,  and  there  is  a  normal  school  for  industrial  train- 
ing for  man-  *ng  at  Paris.  There  are  also  throughout  the  country  a 
agers  and  number  of  national  schools  of  arts  and  trades  that  are 

foremen,  and 

evening  in-  based  upon  the  same  principles  as  these  lower  industrial 
classes  under  scno°ls>  and  furnish  a  training  for  foremen,  superintend- 
voiuntary  ents,  and  managers.  There  are  also  many  evening 

auspices.  -.,.,.. 

classes  for  industrial  training  under  voluntary  auspices, 
but  as  a  whole  continuation  education  has  not  been 
nearly  as  well  developed  in  France  as  in  Germany. 

Types  of  English  Industrial  Training. — In  England,  de- 
spite the  rapid  industrial  development,  little  attempt  was 
made  before  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  to  im- 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        361 

prove  the  vocational  skill  of  workmen.  In  1851  grants  After  the 
were  made  to  evening  industrial  schools  and  classes,  and  nineteenth 
two  years  later  a  Department  of  Art  and  Science  l  was  Centur7 

several    at- 

estabhshed,  to  encourage  instruction  in  drawing  and  sci-  tempts  were 
ence  and  administer  the  grants.    Schools  of  science  were  j^je  ™0  E-^ 
organized  in  1872,  and  shared  in  the  departmental  grants.  P.rove  voca- 

™,  ••••tie-         111  •  tional   skill 

rnese  institutions  had  at  first  both  day  and  evening  ses-  through  in- 

sions,  but  after  a  generation  became  in  many  cases  reg-  du5rial  edu' 

ular  secondary  day  schools.    There  also  arose  many  pri- 

vate organizations,  held  mainly  in  the  evenings,  to  teach 

"such  branches  of  science  and  the  fine  arts  as  benefit  com- 

merce and  industries."    Among  these  was  the  City  and 

Guilds  of  London  Institute,2  which  registers,  inspects, 

and  examines  classes  in  technology  and  manual  training. 

At  present  England  has  three  types  of  industrial  educa-  There  are  at 

.  .  ,  present    three 

tion,  each  based  upon  the  work  of  the  elementary  schools,  types  of  this 
These  embrace  the  higher  elementary  schools,  which  af-  |r.a!nmg'T 

J  higher   ele- 

ford  a  four-year  course  in  practical  and  theoretical  science  mentary 
arranged  according  to  local  needs  ;  the  day  trade  schools,  ^ade  schools, 


furnishing  a  substitute  for  apprenticeship,  which  is  now  and  cvening 

.  continuation 

becoming  obsolete;  and  the  evening  continuation  schools  schools. 
for  children  who  have  left  the  elementary  schools  at  four- 
teen without  completing  the  higher  grades.  Thus,  while 
industrial  education  is  still  in  the  experimental  stage, 
England  has  come  to  recognize  that  the  country  cannot 
successfully  enter  into  world  competition  without  it. 

Development  of  Industrial  Education  in  the  United 
States.  —  The  real  growth  of  industrial  education  did  not 
occur  in  the  United  States  until  late  in  the  nineteenth 
century.  By  that  time  it  had  become  evident  that  nat- 
ural ability  and  adaptability  were  no  longer  sufficient, 

1  See  pp.  343f.  and  345.  2  Sec  p.  343. 


362  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

but  that  real  skill  and  technical  knowledge  were  needed. 
With  the  immense  body  of  unskilled  foreigners  and  under 
international  competition,  American  industrial  develop- 
ment could  be  maintained  only  in  the  same  way  as  in 
Europe  by  training  an  adequate  supply  of  expert  workers. 

In  the  larger  At  first  this  type  of  education  was  furnished  through  phi- 

cities   of   the  Y      .  . 

United  states,  lanthropy  and  private  enterprise.    Under  such  auspices 

riddle  oTthe  there  sprang  up  about  the  middle  of  the  century  a  number 
nineteenth  of  evening  continuation  schools  in  the  larger  cities. 
arose  T  num.-  Among  these  were  the  Cooper  Union  and  the  Mechanics  ' 
her  of  volun-  institute  in  New  York,  the  Franklin  Union  and  the 

tary  evening 

continuation  Spring  Garden  Institute  in  Philadelphia,  the  Ohio  Me- 
ditria/train-  chanics'  Institute  in  Cincinnati,  the  Virginia  Mechanics' 
ing,  but  the  Institute  in  Richmond,  and  the  evening  classes  of  the 

public  schools  ••«•»*•«««  ••  r  •  i 

were  very      Young  Men  s  Christian  Association  of  various  places. 


°       ^        Simple  as  this  beginning  was,  the  public  schools  were 


rr 

ing  training,     slow  to  follow  the  example,  and  it  was  not  until  very  re- 

cently that  evening  classes  in  drawing,  mathematics, 
science,  and  technical  subjects  were  organized  by  the  pub- 
lic school  system. 

Day  instruc-  The  first  vocational  institution  to  be  conducted  in  the 
offered  by  the  daytime  was  the  New  York  Trade  School,  founded  in 
New  York  lggl  b  Rjchard  T.  Auchmuty.  He  wished  to  have 

Trade  School, 

founded  in  American  mechanics  trained  for  the  building  trades,  and 
though"^/  believed  that  apprenticeship  could  no  longer  serve  the 
twenty  years  purpose.  Because  of  the  economic  difficulties  in  attend- 

only  two  sim-    ....  _ 

iiar  institu-  mg,  the  pupils  were  at  first  given  a  course  of  only  four 
atarted^dur-  montns-  Similar  institutions  arose  slowly.  At  the  end 
ing  the  of  twenty  years  there  were  but  two  more,—  The  William- 
tury  a  large  son  Free  School  of  Mechanical  Trades  near  Philadelphia 
number  have  ancj  tne  Baron  de  Hirsch  Trade  School  in  New  York,  but 

been  organ- 

ized through     since  then  the  development  has  been  more  rapid.    Since 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        363 

1910  more  than  a  dozen  trade  schools  have  been  organ-  P1  o\ic  or  pri- 
ized  through  public  and  private  support  and  in  different  or  upon  a 
parts  of  the  country,  and  a  number  of  other  schools  have  c°mmercial 
been  opened  upon  a  commercial  basis.  By  1906  the  first 
public  trade  school  was  established.  In  that  year  Colum- 
bus, Georgia,  opened  as  an  integral  part  of  the  city  sys- 
tem a  Secondary  Industrial  School,  in  which  specific 
trades  were  taught.  A  year  later  the  Milwaukee  School 
of  Trades  was  adopted  by  the  city.  These  were  soon  fol- 
lowed by  the  organization  of  public  trade  schools  in  Phil- 
adelphia, Portland  (Oregon),  Worcester,  Indianapolis, 
and  elsewhere.  These  schools  are  mostly  for  youths  be- 
tween sixteen  and  twenty-five,  but  'preparatory  trade 
schools '  for  younger  boys  have  also  been  started  in  New 
York,  Massachusetts,  and  other  states.  Such  schools 
offer  courses  in  drawing,  elementary  science,  shop  cal- 
culations, accounting,  business  forms,  history,  and  Eng- 
lish, and  afford  a  knowledge  of  shop  materials  and 
methods  rather  than  training  in  a  specific  trade. 

Another  recent  variety  of  trade  school  is  the  'part-  'Part-time1 

....  .  ,    schools,  which 

time    institution,  which  gives  students  some  theoretical  afrord    train- 
and  formal  training  while  they  arc  obtaining  their  prac- 
tical experience.    These  schools  somewhat  resemble  the  ha\-<. 
Fortbildungsschidcn,    but    the    individualistic    spirit    of  ^'^ 
American  industry  has  as  yet  generally  kept  employers  inst:i 

.  .  .  .  cond 

from  releasing  their  apprentices  for  instruction  during  the  withi 
working  period  of  the  day.  This  part-time  alternation  of 
practical  and  theoretical  training  is  sometimes  carried  on 
within  a  commercial  establishment.  By  such  an  arrange- 
ment the  maximum  of  correlation  between  the  two  types 
of  instruction  can  be  accomplished,  but  the  plan  has  been 
feasible  only  in  the  case  of  very  large  corporations. 


ring  ap- 

ccship, 

recently 

up, 

some 


tried 


st; 


364  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

Training  for  Higher  training  to  equip  leaders  for  the  industries  with 
leaders  is  greater  skill,  technical  knowledge,  and  responsibility  has 
furnished  likewise  come  to  be  furnished.  This  has  been  accom- 

through  en- 

dowed or  sub-  plished  through    secondary   technical    schools    that  are 
"well  endowed,  supported  by  men  of  wealth,  or  partially 


cai  schools,  subsidized  by  the  state;  through  the  more  recent  tech- 

schools,  or  nical  high  schools  established  by  a  number  of  the  larger 

between10a  cities  ;  and  through  alternating  the  instruction  of  a  regu- 

high  school  or  lar  high  school  or  college  with  practical  work  in  an  in- 

s-  dustrial    establishment   upon   some    cooperative    basis. 


tabiishment.  Hence  a  great  interest  and  activity  in  industrial  educa- 
tion are  now  everywhere  in  evidence,  and  laws  establish- 
ing and  supervising  it  have  been  enacted  in  a  number 
of  the  American  commonwealths. 

Commercial  Education  in  Germany.  —  But  the  mod- 

ern development  of  vocational  training  throughout  the 

leading  countries  has  not  been  confined  to  industrial  lines. 

With  the  extension  of  the  sphere  of  commerce  and  the 

development  of  its  organization  that  have  taken  place 

The  need  of  in  the  nineteenth  century,  it  has  come  to  be  recognized 

pare°for  a  bust-  that  a  thorough  preparation  is  also  essential  to  a  business 

ness  career       career.    Only  recently,  however,  has  this  training  been 

has  also  come    ...  .......... 

to  be  gen-  felt  to  be  a  proper  function  of  the  schools,  since  for  many 
nized  reC°g"  vears  ^  was  opposed  by  educators  as  sordid  and  com- 
mercializing, and  by  business  men  as  unpractical  and  in- 
effective. Both  classes  have  now  been  brought  to  realize 
the  essential  unity  of  their  interests  and  the  need  of 
mutual  support,  and  the  rapid  growth  of  commercial 
education  indicates  an  appreciation  of  its  usefulness  and 
the  attempt  to  respond  to  a  real  need.  Germany  is 
generally  admitted  to  lead  in  commercial  as  in  industrial 
education.  The  growth  of  this  training  has  taken  place 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        365 

since  1887,  but  there  is  now  offered  under  state  control  a 

unified  and  thorough  preparation  for  any  line  of  business,  in  Germany 

T-,      •  i  .  .  •          .  •  i        i       •          i  •    i  f°r    this    pur- 

isesides  private  continuation  schools,  in  which  a  course  pose  have 
of  three  years  in  modern  languages  and  elementary  com-  be.en  evolved 

private     con- 

mercial  studies  can  be  obtained,  there  have  grown  up  tinuatfon 


both  public  secondary  schools  and  university  courses 

in  which  a  thorough  general  education  and  theoretical  schools,    and 

,  .  i      •      i    university 

work  in  commerce,  as  well  as  a  practical  and  technical  courses. 
training,  are  provided.  In  the  higher  work  of  the  uni- 
versities, which  is  largely  a  product  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, extensive  courses,  including  eight  modern  languages 
and  a  wide  range  of  economics,  politics,  and  law,  are 
offered,  and  a  large  amount  of  specialization  is  encour- 
aged. 

Commercial  Schools  in  England  and  France.  —  Thus 
Germany  has  reached  a  considerable  degree  of  efficiency 
in  commercial  education,  and  has  thereby  greatly  de- 
veloped her  commerce.  No  other  country  has  advanced 
so  far  in  this  direction.  On  the  other  hand,  for  a  nation 
of  commercial  supremacy,  England  has,  until  lately,  been  England  has, 

,•-..„  ,  .  ,,  .  until  recently, 

rather  indifferent  to  this  type  of  education,  although  the  been  rather 
leaders  in  thought  and  action  have  awakened  and  become  indlfTeren.t  to 

commercial 

uneasy  about  the  situation.  Examinations  upon  com-  education; 
mercial  subjects  are  now  offered  by  various  associations,  h"vc  n*" 
but  there  is  little  cooperation,  and  the  schools  still  cram  been  cstal)- 

lished  for  this 

their  pupils  to  meet  these  tests,  rather  than  educate  them,  purpose  a 
There  are  several  varieties  of  schools,  although  but  ™™ 


relatively  few  of  each  kind.  Continuation  schools  have  schools,  pri- 
bcen  established  and  recognized  by  the  Board  of  Educa-  pubnc  even. 
tion,1  a  number  of  private  schools  and  public  evening  mR  courses- 

r  secondary 

courses  have  sprung  up,  a  few  large  cities  have  started  commercial 

1  See  p.  306. 


366  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

schools,    and  secondary  commercial  schools,  and  most  of  the  munic- 

courses  in  the    .  .  .   .       . 

municipal        ipal  universities  J  have  developed  courses  of  wide  range 

universities.     an(^  }iDeraj  character.    But  there  is  as  yet  a  general  lack 

of  organization  in  the  various  types  of  institutions.    In 

in  France      France  there  are  a  few  old  commercial  schools,  but  the 

there  are  a  . 

few  old  com-  number  of  pupils  is  small  and  the  system  is  not  extensive. 
schools  and  There  are  continuation  schools  under  government  super- 
some  second-  vision,  private  commercial  schools,  schools  established  by 
higher  instruc-  chambers  of  commerce,  and  free  evening  classes.  Like- 
tion  but  the  wjse  there  have  been  established  a  number  of  commer- 

work   is   not        . 

extensive.  cial  schools  of  secondary  and  even  higher  grade,  like 
the  School  of  Higher  Commercial  Studies  at  Paris.  The 
government  control  has,  however,  retarded,  rather  than 
aided,  the  development  of  these  institutions. 

American  Commercial  Education.  —  In  the  United 
States  we  find  that  commercial  education  at  first  de- 
veloped through  the  typically  American  method  of  the 
recognition  of  public  need  by  private  enterprise.  Early 

This  type  of  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  possibly  before  that, 

education  be-         .  .        .  •      i        i     i  • 

gan  in  the  private  schools  and  classes  in  book-keeping  were  estab- 
u.mted  s.tates  lished  in  all  the  chief  cities.  These  ventures  foreshad- 

with     private  . 

classes  and      owed  the  so-called  'business  colleges/  which  are  under 


h  private  management  and  now  number  about  two  thou- 
stiii  contain     sand.     They  still  contain  more  than  one-half  the  total 

more   than  .    .  . 

half  the  total  number  of  students  receiving  commercial  education  of 

students  °        anv  sort'    Penmanship  and  book-keeping  served  as  their 

foundation,  and  are  still  the  main  subjects  taught.    Often 

commercial  arithmetic  and  commercial  law  were  added, 

and  later  stenography  and  typewriting,  but  these  schools 

have  always  been  technical  and  narrow,  and  their  in- 

structors are  not  infrequently  mechanical,  deficient  in 

1  See  p.  310. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        367 

education,  and  swayed  by  purely  pecuniary  aims.  While 
usually  given  the  name  of  'college/  or  even  'university/ 
the  institutions  are  in  reality  a  species  of  trade  school, 
and  no  longer  lead  in  commercial  education.  In  the  late 
eighties  many  public  high  schools,  normal  schools,  and  Late  in  thc 

....  .  nineteenth 

universities  began  to  offer  commercial  instruction,  and  century  the 
there  began  a  new  era,  leading  to  much  development  and 


improvement.  higher  insti- 

Until  about  1900,  however,  progress  was  slow.    The  to  offer  this* 

high  schools  at  first  had  the  work  forced  upon  them  wo!",k'  *nd,. 

•  while  the  first 

by  the  taxpayers,  who  objected  when  their  children  had  courses  mere- 
to  go  to  a  private  school  to  obtain  a  business  training. 


The  first  courses,  which  lasted  only  two  years,  were  leges.  since 

,  .,  -  the  twentieth 

undertaken  as  a  necessary  evil,  and  were  fashioned  m  century  be- 
imitation  of  those  in  the  private  business  colleges,  but  f  an>  5  num~ 

her  of  separate 

were  often  inferior  to  them.    Within  the  last  dozen  years,  high  schools 

i  ff,  ..•        i  i  of  commerce 

however,  some  fifteen  or  twenty  cities  have  opened  sep-  and  coneges 

arate  high  schools  of  commerce,  and  have  placed  com-  of  commerce, 

...          .  .  with  thorough 

mercial  education  upon  a  stable  basis.    Here  the  course  courses,  have 

is  like  that  of  any  regular  high  school,  except  that  the  arlsen" 
studies  are  commercial,  and  it  covers  four  or  five  years  of 
serious  study.  University  schools  and  colleges  of  com- 
merce have  also  sprung  up  about  the  same  time.  The 
state  universities,  because  of  their  popular  support,  have 
been  especially  hospitable  to  this  training,  but  many  of 
the  large  privately  endowed  institutions  have  given  con- 
siderable attention  to  it.  In  fact,  a  score  of  years  before 
the  real  development  began,  the  Wharton  School  of 
Finance  and  Commerce  was  started  at  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania  (1881).  Some  of  these  colleges  of  com- 
merce base  their  technical  work  upon  a  liberal  founda- 
tion, as  in  the  case  of  Dartmouth  and  Harvard;  others, 


368  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

like  Wharton  and  the  schools  in  the  state  universities, 
coordinate  their  cultural  and  practical  work ;  while  a  few, 
such  as  New  York  University,  emphasize  the  practical 
element  and  reduce  the  liberal  to  a  minimum. 

Recent    Emphasis    upon    Agricultural    Education. — 
The  latest  phase  of  vocational  education  to  be  popular- 
European        izeci  js  the  agricultural.    The  European  countries  have 

countrieshave  TIT-  r     i  •  ••  11- 

long  since  long  realized  the  importance  of  this  training,  and  during 
cationaitrain  the  Pas^  generatioii  have  everywhere  organized  agri- 
ing  in  agri-  cultural  instruction  of  both  secondary  and  elementary 
during' the"  grade.  Courses  in  higher  institutions  had  already  been 
past  genera-  generally  established.  As  early  as  1875  France  started 

tion    have  J  ... 

organized  ag-  the  icole  pratique,  a  species  of  higher  primary  school  with 
struction' of n"  a  course  °f  two  years,  for  training  the  sons  of  small 
secondary  farmers.  These  institutions  now  number  about  fifty  and 
tary  grade.  are  most  effective.  Further,  every  normal  school  was 
in  1879  required  to  furnish  agricultural  instruction,  and 
three  years  later  similar  legislation  was  made  for  the  rural 
elementary  schools.  For  some  time  the  provision  was 
general  and  indefinite,  but  in  1896  it  was  revised  and 
made  more  specific,  and  progress  has  since  been  very 
rapid.  In  Germany  secondary  work  in  agriculture  is 
afforded  in  special  institutions  at  the  close  of  the  Real- 
schule  or  after  the  completion  of  the  sixth  year  of  the 
Gymnasium  or  Realgymnasium.1  This  course  offers  the 
natural  sciences  and  agriculture  in  place  of  languages 
and  mathematics.  Elementary  instruction  in  agriculture 
has  also  been  furnished  in  separate  schools  rather  than 
through  the  existing  elementary  schools.  England  has 
done  but  little  toward  agricultural  training  in  the  schools, 
but  several  of  the  British  colonies — Canada,  Australia, 

1  See  pp.  28gf. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        369 

the    West    Indies  —  have    introduced    it    into    certain 
grades. 

The  United  States  has  of  late  been  especially  emphasiz-  The  United 

States  started 

mg  this  type  of  vocational  education.    The  agricultural,  agricultural 

or  land  grant,  colleges,  started  in  I862,1  increased  the  JjJSj88^ 

knowledge  of  this  subject,  stimulated  an  interest  in  it,  and  through  their 

prepared  the  way  for  the  extension  of  agriculture  down-  that  of  the 

ward  into  the  high  school  and  the  grades.    This  tendency  nature  studv 

0  •'  movement, 

was  also  promoted  by  the  scientific  and  nature  study  the  subject 
movements.2     Moreover,  it  was  felt  that  the  United 


States  must  become  a  great  agricultural  nation,  and  that  il  is  no.w 

i       i        />  •      i  1*1  taught    in 

existing  methods  of  agriculture  were  exceedingly  waste-  several  thou- 
ful.  The  first  agricultural  high  school  was  opened  at  the  ^^  j"8h 
University  of  Minnesota  in  1888,  and  was  successful  tary  schools. 
from  the  start.  Ten  others  were  organized  within  a 
decade,  and  before  long  the  subject  began  to  be  taught 
at  the  elementary  schools.  Since  then  the  movement  has 
been  rapid  in  the  secondary  and  elementary  schools. 
The  work  is  now  also  presented  in  county  and  district 
agricultural  high  schools,  state  and  county  normal 
schools,  and  a  variety  of  private  or  semi-private  institu- 
tions. There  are  now  nearly  one  hundred  agricultural 
high  schools  in  the  United  States,  and  the  subject  is 
taught  as  part  of  the  course  in  several  thousand  high  and 
elementary  school  systems.  As  the  movement  has  de- 
veloped, both  educational  and  economic  results  have 
become  far-reaching,  and  the  conceptions  of  the  purpose, 
needs,  methods,  and  content  of  education  in  the  Amer- 
ican schools  have  been  greatly  modified. 

Moral  Training  in  the  Schools  of  Europe.  —  But  present  Moral.  in- 

struction  upon 

day  tendencies  in  education  have  to  do  with  more  than  a  secular  basis 
1See  p.  349.  2See  p.  351. 


37° 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


has   been 
greatly  devel- 
oped in  the 
schools  of 
France. 


In   English 
education  it 
has  always 
been  given  in 
connection 
with   religion, 
and  since  the 
contest  over 


the  material  side  of  civilization.  There  is  a  rapidly 
growing  sentiment  in  favor  of  specific  instruction  in  mor- 
als. There  are  many  reasons  why  this  need  should  be 
especially  felt  to-day.  One  cause  has  sprung  from  the 
impersonal  relations  that  have  developed  with  the  grow- 
ing complexity  of  business  and  political  life.  When 
men  work  for  impersonal  corporations,  sell  products 
to  people  they  never  see,  or  intrust  their  welfare  to 
officials  whose  names  are  scarcely  known,  one  strong 
factor  making  for  honesty  and  virtue,  that  of  personal 
relations,  is  lost,  and  the  temptation  to  wrongdoing  be- 
comes greater.  Moreover,  it  is  generally  recognized  that 
moral  traditions  are  failing,  as  a  result  of  the  weakening 
of  old  religious  sanctions,  the  new  conditions  in  large 
cities,  and  other  causes. 

Such  social  factors  as  these  are  responsible  for  the 
attention  that  has  of  late  been  directed  to  moral  training 
in  the  schools.  Since  1882  specific  instruction  in  morality 
has  been  given  in  the  schools  of  France.  This  training 
has  been  purely  secular  in  its  nature,  and  has  excluded 
religious  elements  and  all  appeal  to  the  supernatural. 
The  course  has  consisted  entirely  in  direct  teaching  of 
ethical  and  civic  duties.  It  has,  in  consequence,  been 
violently  opposed  by  the  clergy,  and,  since  the  closing  of 
the  Catholic  schools  in  1904,*  its  efficacy  has  been 
seriously  doubted,  and  the  whole  question  is  being  re- 
opened and  considered  anew.  In  English  education,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  teaching  of  morality  has  always 
been  associated  with  religion.  In  the  'board '  schools  this 
religious  instruction  has  from  the  first  been  of  a  non- 
sectarian  character,  but  in  the  'voluntary'  schools  the 
1  See  p.  296. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        371 

training  has  occupied  more  time  and  has  stressed  the  religious 
creed    and   denominational    teaching   of   some   church,  brought  to  a 
usually  the  Church  of  England.1    After  the  Act  of  1002,  focus  in  1902, 

7    the  whole  sub- 

the  contest  over  religious  teaching  was  brought  to  a  ject  has  been 
focus,  and  a  self-constituted  commission,  with  Michael  vestigatecTby 
E.  Sadler  as  its  chairman,  undertook  to  investigate  the  a  commission. 
whole  subject  of  moral  instruction.    A  large  and  illumina- 
ting report  on  the  situation,  including  the  opinions  of 
leading  thinkers  from  many  countries,  was  published  in 
1908-1909.    In  Germany  and  Switzerland  the  moral  and  Germany  and 

....  .,     .  -IT-  •  Switzerland 

religious  instruction  in  all  elementary  schools  is  sectarian,  give  moral 
and  Catholic  and  Protestant  schools  are  alike  supported,  ?ncj  rellpous 

'    instruction 

wherever  needed,  at  public  expense.  in  all  eie- 

Moral  Education  in  the  United  States.  —  During  the  ^hoois* 
past  decade  there  has  been  considerable  discussion  in 
the  United   States  concerning  moral  education.     The  There  has 

recently   been 

National  Education  Association  at  its  annual  meeting  much  con- 
in  1007  passed  the  resolution:  adoration  of 

moral    educa- 
tion in  the 
"It  is  the  duty  of  the  teachers  to  enter  at  once  upon  a  systematic   United  States; 

course  of  instruction,  which  shall  embrace   not  only  a  broader   several   m- 

,    •    ,  •  i_  1]  f  i    «  ,  •          vestigators 

patriotism,   but   a  more  extended  course  of  moral   instruction,   arc  exner;_ 

especially  in  regard  to  the  rights  and  duties  of  citizenship,  the   menting  with 
right  of  property,  and  the  security  and  sacredness  of  human  life."   different 

methods;  and 
in    1911    the 

As  a  result,  the  committee  made  a  report  in  1908-  Religious 

i  t  i    ,       •    •  j  Education  As- 

1909  upon  various  phases  of  moral  training,  and  recom- 


mended  special  instruction  in  ethics,  not  in  the  form  of  sued  a  broad 

....  summary  of 

precepts,  but  through  consideration  of  existing  moral  progress  in 
questions,  to  develop  the  conscience  through  reflection.  ™°^; 
A   number   of   other   methods   are   being   investigated. 
Professor  Sharp  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin  is  work- 

1  See  pp. 


372  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ing  upon  experiments  with  the  high  school  pupils  of  the 
state;  Professor  Tufts  of  the  University  of  Chicago  has 
written  and  lectured  upon  the  possibility  of  developing 
public  morality  by  means  of  a  study  in  the  high  schools  of 
American  industry,  business,  government,  and  society; 
the  National  Institution  for  Moral  Instruction,  through 
its  secretary,  Milton  Fairchild,  has  been  trying  the  value 
of  moral  lessons  illustrated  with  the  lantern;  and  Felix 
Adler  has  organized  courses  of  moral  instruction  in  the 
Ethical  Culture  School  of  New  York  City,  and  has  striven 
to  introduce  direct  moral  teaching  into  all  schools  of  the 
United  States.  Another  medium  of  great  influence  is 
the  Religious  Education  Association,  whose  convention 
in  1911  was  devoted  to  moral  training,  and  whose 
Journal  gives  a  broad  summary  of  the  progress  of  moral 
education  in  the  United  States.  The  report  reveals  a 
wide  difference  of  opinion  and  practice,  but  an  evi- 
dent tendency  to  trust  other  agencies  than  direct  moral 
instruction.  State  laws,  while  often  emphasizing  the 
need,  do  not  yet  provide  for  moral  instruction  in  such 
a  way  as  to  have  the  schools  assign  a  certain  amount 
of  time  and  cover  a  definite  field.  Sometimes  in  a  county, 
city,  or  school  under  a  single  supervising  officer  a  fairly 
unified  system  has  been  put  into  effect.  As  a  rule, 
however,  legislation  has  confined  itself  to  instruction 
in  citizenship,  the  effects  of  alcohol  and  narcotics, 
the  humane  treatment  of  animals,  and  other  specific 

A  characteris-    -J.-fT^e 
tic  tendency 

of  to-day  is         The  Development  of  Training  for  Mental  Defectives.  — 
^     There  is  another  educational  movement  most  character- 


attention 


given  to  the     jst.jc  o{  the  present  day  and  more  significant  of   the 

education  of  .  . 

defectives.       growth  of  the  humane  spirit  than  even  the  recent  in- 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        373 

terest  in  higher  moral  ideals  and  conduct.  It  is  found  in 
the  modern  tendency  toward  adapting  education  to 
all,  whatever  their  peculiarities,  defects,  or  delinquen- 
cies. The  most  striking  instance  of  this  is  the  universal 
attention  now  given  to  the  education  of  mental  defec- 
tives. The  history  of  the  movement  is  comparatively 
modern.  While  institutions  for  the  care  of  imbeciles 
were  established  in  Germany,  France,  England,  Scot- 
land, and  the  United  States  before  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  it  was  not  until  Edouard  Seguin  (1812-  T^5  Prac- 

tically    began 

1880)  came  to  America  in  1850  that  any  serious  efforts  with  the 
were  made  to  educate  them.  Seguin  began  his  syste-  p£y  ^f^g 
made  rational  training  of  idiots  at  Paris  in  1837,  but,  for  of  Seguin  in 
political  reasons,  migrated  to  the  United  States  and  de-  states, 
veloped  his  methods  here.  His  general  plan  was  to  appeal 
to  the  brain  through  the  sense  organs  by  means  of  a  train- 
ing of  the  hand,  taste  and  smell,  and  eye  and  ear.  He 
used  pictures,  photographs,  cards,  patterns,  figures,  wax, 
clay,  scissors,  compasses,  and  pencils  as  his  chief  instru- 
ments of  education.  His  achievements  were  but  little 
short  of  miraculous,  and  the  stimulus  he  gave  to  the  train- 
ing of  defectives  has  been  epoch-making,  but  the  exagger- 
ated belief,  which  sprang  up  in  consequence,  that  idiocy 
could  be  cured,  has,  of  course,  not  been  justified.  Feeble- 
mindedness is  largely  inherited,  and  defectives  cannot, 
even  in  the  milder  cases,  compete  successfully  in  the  battle 
of  life,  except  under  most  favorable  conditions.  While 
there  is  no  point  of  demarcation  at  which  they  can  be  set 
off  as  a  class  from  average  or  normal  persons,  and  much 
less  can  they  be  discriminated  sharply  into  such  grades 
as  'morons/  feeble-minded,  imbeciles,  and  idiots,  they 
have  certain  well-known  deficiencies  in  conceptual 


374  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

thinking,  concentration,  and  will,  and  beyond  a  certain 
point  they  seem  incapable  of  development. 
which  have         jn  general,  the  'physiological'  training  of  Seguin  has 

remained    the  .&  . 

most  effective,  remained  the  most  effective  means.    Since  his  day  there 

tempbfhhave  ^as  ^een  a  tendency  to  introduce  intellectual  elements 

been  made  to  into  the  training  of  the  feeble-minded,  especially  in  the 

teiiectuai  eie-  case  of  high-grade  defectives,  whose  education  was  not 

undertaken  by  him,   but  without  much  real  success. 

Some  institutions  have  even  closely  approximated  the 

work  of  the  public  schools  as  far  as  the  third  or  fourth 

grade,  and  have  made  the  manual  training  quite  a  subor- 

dinate feature.    But  there  is  no  strong  evidence  for  be- 

lieving that  intellectual  studies  have  at  all  developed  the 

minds  of  defectives.    The  apparent  achievements  in  these 

lines  are  mostly  the  result  of  parrot  repetition,  without 

real  assimilation,  and  do  not  compensate  for  the  loss 

of  a  more  useful  education  or  of  more  kindly  disposition 

in  the  pupils.    The  most  approved  training  devotes  more 

than  half  the  time  to  woodwork,   basketry,   cooking, 

knitting,  sewing,  and  other  manual  and  domestic  occu- 

pations, although  the  proportions  are  somewhat  governed 

by  the  amount  of  mental  deficiency  in  each  case. 

in  Germany        Educational  Institutions  for  Mental  Defectives.  —  All 

schools  for  de-  the  great  nations  have  now  provided  schools  for  the  train- 

fectives  stress  jng  o£  defectives.    Germany  has  over  one  hundred  insti- 

manual  edu- 

cation, but      tutions,  with  some  twenty  thousand  pupils  in  them,  al- 
though  nine-tenths  of  them  are  not  supported  by  the 


speech  train-    state,  but  are  under  church  or  private  auspices.    These 

unfortunately  schools  generally  stress  manual  education,  but  give  some 

JisWtoh(jeave  attention  to  intellectual  lines,  especially  to  speech  train- 

at  sixteen,      ing.    The  most  unfortunate  feature  is  that  the  pupils  are 

allowed  to  leave  the  institutions  for  their  homes  at  sixteen, 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        375 

and  in  many  cases  marry  and  perpetuate  mental  den-  There  are 

ciency.      There  are  but  few  schools  for  defectives  in  schools  for 

France,  outside  the  two  near  Paris  and  the  juvenile  de-  Defectives   in 

J  France,  but 

partment  of  the  insane  hospital  at  Bicetre,  but  these  in-  they  largely 

stitutions  largely  follow  the  physical  work  of  Seguin.    In  seguhi 

London  there  is  one  excellent  institution  with  two  thou-  training. 

The  large 

sand  pupils,  where  manual  training  constitutes  almost  London  in- 
the  entire  course.    But  there  are  five  other  schools  so  lo- 


cated  as  to  serve  the  various  parts  of  England,  in  which  uai    training, 

..         .  ,         11*1  -i  i        •     *     '  -11       but    the    five 

the  training  is  rather  bookish  and  emphasis  is  especially  other  schools 
laid  upon  number  work.  inEngiandat- 

tempt  a  book- 

Thanks  to  the  start  given  by  Seguin,  America  has  ish  course. 
taken  up  the  education  of  defectives  more  fully  than  any  in    America, 
other  country.    Schools  for  the  feeble-minded  now  exist  education  of 
in  all  except  a  few  of  the  states,  and  there  are  some  thirty-  (iefectives  is 

...  ,  -111  •        taken  up  more 

five  or  forty  private  institutions  of  considerable  merit,  fully  than  in 
Not  far  from  twenty  thousand  defectives  are  being  country^the 
trained,  although  this  is  probably  only  about  one-tenth  type  of  edu- 
of  the  total  number  of  such  cases  in  the  country.  Several 


various  in- 


of  the  commonwealths  have  laws  providing  that  feeble-  stations  va- 
nes from  al- 

minded  persons  once  in  an  institution  must  remain  there  most  purely 

for  life,  but  in  other  states  it  is  still  possible  for  them  to  ™ATl\Trge 

leave  at  sixteen,  as  in  Germany.    The  type  of  education  proportion  of 

,        .         .         .  .          .  intellectual 

differs  greatly  according  to  the  institution,  ranging  from  elements. 
almost  purely  manual  training  to  a  large  proportion  of  the 
intellectual  rudiments,  but  in  all  the  work  is  adapted  to 
the  various  grades  in  such  a  way  as  to  raise  them  a  little 
in  the  scale  of  efficiency  and  to  keep  them  as  far  as  pos- 
sible from  being  a  burden  to  themselves  and  to  society. 

Training  of  Moral  Defectives. — Efforts  are  also  being  pr0gressivc 

made  by  progressive  nations  to  afford  an  education  for  nations  are 

.  also  training 

moral  defectives,  whose  lack  appears  chiefly  in  stability  moral    defec- 


376  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

tives,  to  some  and  will  power.  They  closely  approach  the  cases  of  men- 
same  fashion  tal  deficiency  and  are  often  associated  with  them,  and  in 
as  mental  de-  a  iarge  measure  they  are  best  trained  in  a  similar  fashion. 

fectives,  and  °  •* 

by  furnishing  As  far,  however,  as  these  abnormal  persons  are  the  prod- 
piays'^mm-11  uct  of  unsanitary  and  immoral  surroundings  or  poor 
tary  drill  and  nourishment,  much  is  done  by  establishing  more  healthful 

athletic  con-  .   . 

tests.  conditions  and  furnishing  exercises  and  plays  that  will 

develop  heart,  lung,  and  nerve  power,  and  stimulate  the 
brain  to  greater  activity.  Military  drill  and  athletic  con- 
tests are  often  used  to  develop  alertness  and  prompt  obe- 
dience to  commands,  and  to  supplant  selfish  spirit  with  a 
more  wholesome  merging  in  the  group  interests. 

Defectives  in       Education  of  the  Deaf  and  Blind.  —  Likewise,  persons 

a  sense  organ 

have  also  for  up  to  the  standard  mentally,  but  defective  in  some  sense 

been6  riven  a  organ>  nave  f°r  some  time  been  given  an  education  that 

training.  will  minimize  the  difficulty.    There  have  been  two  chief 

The  deaf  were  methods  for  teaching  the  deaf.    The  manual  or  'silent' 

taught  at  first  iir  ••  •  ITIAII- 

by  the  manual  method  of  communication  was  invented  by  the  Abbe 


Charles  Michel  de  1  'Epee  (171  2-1  789)  in  Paris  during  the 
the  German     latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  his  school  was 
adopted  by  the  nation  in  1791.    The  other  method,  the 


used  in  most  'oral,'    by   which    the   pupil   learned    to    communicate 

countries.  ,,,.,,  f     ,       ,.  i 

through  reading  the  movements  of  the  lips,  was  started 
in  Germany  early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  but  was  not 
employed  to  any  great  extent  until  the  time  of  Friedrich 
Moritz  Hill  (1805-1874).  Most  of  the  countries  now  use 
the  oral  method  exclusively,  or  in  connection  with  the 
older  manual  system.  England  abandoned  the  silent 
method  shortly  after  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, although  it  is  still  used  in  Ireland,  and  both  appear 
in  the  deaf  schools  of  Scotland  and  Canada.  France  fol- 
lowed the  sign  system  exclusively  until  1879,  when  the 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION       377 

German  method  was  introduced.  Instruction  of  the  deaf 
by  the  manual  method  was  begun  in  the  United  States  at 
Hartford,  Connecticut,  in  1817  through  Thomas  Hopkins 
Gallaudet  (1787-1851),  who  had  studied  in  France.  This 
system  soon  spread  throughout  the  union,  but,  after  his 
visit  to  Europe  in  1843,  x  Horace  Mann  attempted  to  have 
the  oral  method  adopted.  While  his  efforts  were  not  suc- 
cessful, the  Clarke  School  at  Northampton,  Massachu- 
setts, was  established  upon  that  basis,  and,  after  a  long 
controversy,  the  new  system  has  generally  supplanted 
the  manual  or  has  been  used  in  connection  with  it.  Prac-  At  \Vashing- 
tically  every  state  in  the  union  now  has  one  or  more  ton  a  hi?her 

.  i  •    i  •         i  education  has 

schools  for  the  deaf,     bmce  1804  higher  education  has  also  been  fur- 
also  been  furnished  by  the  National  Deaf  Mute  College  "8ghe^nctehe 
(now  Gallaudet  College)  at  Washington,  which  is  the  only  Gallaudet 
institution  of  its  grade  in  the  world. 

The  first  instruction  of  the  blind  through  raised  letters  instruction  of 

•  i         AiixTTi         •      TT  /  \          -r»      •        tne  blind  was 

was  given  by  Abbe  Valentin  Hauy  (1746-1822)  at  Pans.  begunatPans 
While  his  schools,  owing  to  a  lack  of  judgment,  were  fail-  ^rly  in^e 
ures,  the  idea  spread  rapidly.     Early  in  the  nineteenth  century  by 
century  there  were  one  or  more  schools  in  each  of  the  lead-  sde 


ing  countries  of  Europe,  and  a  generation  later  insti-  rapidly 

,      .  .  ,°.         ,        „    .       .    _  through 

tutions  of  this  sort  were  started  in  the  United  States  Europe  and 

through  Samuel  Gridley  Howe  (1801-1876)  and  others.  ^"^ 

Since  then  the  number  of  schools  has  evervwhere  multi-  industrial 

.     ,  .  .    .         ,          .  .  training,  to 

plied  rapidly.    Industrial  training  has  in  most  instances  secure  eco- 

been  added  to  the  intellectual,  in  order  to  lit  every  in-  ™™jec^"dehas 

dividual  to  be  an  independent  wrorkman  in  some  line,  generally  been 

Even  pupils,  both  deaf  and  blind,  like  Laura  Bridge-  intellectual. 
man  and  Helen  Keller,  have  had  their  minds  reached 
through  the  sense  of  touch. 

1  See  p.  173. 


378 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


A   suitable 
training    is 
likewise  being 
furnished, 
both   by   pri- 
vate and  pub- 
lic   institu- 
tions, for  ex- 
treme indi- 
vidual  and 
racial  varia- 
tions of  all 
sorts. 


Attempts     at 
improved 
methods  have 
been  promi- 
nent among 
modern  tend- 
encies in  edu- 
cation. 


Training  for  Extreme  Individual  Variations. — Simi- 
larly, by  careful  study  and  wise  provision,  every  possible 
variation  in  individuality  is  now  being  furnished  with  the 
best  training  possible.  Backward,  retarded,  and  nervous 
pupils  are  being  afforded  special  instruction  even  in  the 
public  schools.  Open  air  class-rooms  and  better  nourish- 
ment are  being  furnished  for  anemic  and  tuberculous 
children.  Cripples  and  truants  are  alike  given  the  train- 
ing best  adapted  to  their  peculiar  needs.  Even  the  excep- 
tionally brilliant  pupil  is  now  in  a  few  school  systems 
allowed  the  opportunity  of  improving  his  genius  to  the 
utmost.  Negroes  and  Indians  are  also  provided  with  the 
industrial  and  intellectual  education  that  will  in  each  case 
be  most  likely  to  lead  to  effective  citizenship.  Thus  the 
wide  differences  in  economic  conditions,  future  career, 
and  moral,  mental,  and  physical  constitution  are  being 
carefully  considered,  and  the  democratic  ideal  and  the 
humane  spirit  are  at  the  present  time  coming  to  be  most 
fully  realized  in  education.  There  is  a  definite  move- 
ment toward  furnishing  opportunities  to  all  according  to 
their  ability  to  utilize  them,  and  toward  bringing  it  to 
pass  that  all  the  schools  shall  exist  for  all  the  people. 

Recent  Development  of  Educational  Method. — Nor 
has  the  past  century  witnessed  any  cessation  of  the  at- 
tempts at  improved  methods  of  teaching.  Various 
suggestions  and  systems  have  been  put  forward  and 
many  have  had  an  important  effect  upon  school  proce- 
dure. It  is  impossible,  however,  to  discuss  any  except 
two  or  three  of  the  more  influential  and  prominent,  and 
these  can  be  considered  but  briefly.  The  occupational 
work  of  Professor  Dewey  and  Colonel  Parker's  scheme 
of  concentration  have  especially  had  a  pronounced  effect 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION       379 

upon  methods  in  the  schools  of  to-day.  They  have 
greatly  improved  upon  the  motor  expression  and  social 
participation  of  even  the  reconstructed  Froebelianism, 
and  have  marked  the  growth  of  a  body  of  educational 
theory  and  practice  that  places  the  methods  of  to-day 
far  in  advance  of  anything  previously  known.  The  com- 
bination and  modification  of  Ritter,  Herbart,  and  Froebel 
worked  out  by  Colonel  Parker  have  perhaps  received 
sufficient  attention  in  previous  chapters,  but  we  may  at 
this  point  outline  a  little  more  fully  the  contribution 
to  method  made  by  Professor  Dewey. 

The  Experimental  School  of  Dewey. — The  methods  in  the  his- 
of  John  Dewey  (1859-        )  were  developed  in  an  ex-  (^"industries! 
perimental  elementary  school  connected  with  the  Univer-  Dewey  found 

the  solution  of 

sity  of  Chicago  from  1896  to  1903.  The  school  did  not  certain  fun- 
start  with  ready-made  principles,  but  sought  to  solve 
three  fundamental  educational  problems.  It  undertook 
to  find  out  how  (i)  to  bring  the  school  into  closer  rela- 
tion with  the  home  and  neighborhood  life;  (2)  to  in- 
troduce subject-matter  in  history,  science,  and  art 
that  has  a  positive  value  and  real  significance  in  the 
child's  own  life;  and  (3)  to  carry  on  instruction  in  read- 
ing, writing,  and  figuring  with  everyday  experience  and 
occupation  as  their  background  "in  such  a  way  that  the 
child  shall  feel  their  necessity  through  their  connection 
with  subjects  which  appeal  to  him  on  their  own  account." 
The  plan  for  meeting  these  needs  was  found  largely 
in  the  study  of  industries,  on  the  ground  that  "the 
school  cannot  be  a  preparation  for  social  life  except 
as  it  reproduces  the  typical  conditions  of  social  life." 
The  means  used  in  furnishing  this  industrial  activity 
were  evolved  mainly  along  the  lines  of  shop  work,  cook- 


380  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

ing,  sewing,  and  weaving,  although  many  subsidiary 
industries  were  also  used.  These  occupations  were, 
of  course,  intended  for  a  liberalizing,  rather  than  a 
technical  purpose,  and  considerable  time  was  given  to 
an  historical  study  of  them.  Dewey  declares: 1 

"The  industrial  history  of  man  is  not  a  materialistic  or  merely 
utilitarian  affair.  It  is  a  matter  of  intelligence.  Its  record  is  the 
record  of  how  man  learned  to  think,  to  think  to  some  effect,  to 
transform  the  conditions  of  life  so  that  life  itself  became  a  different 
thing.  It  is  an  ethical  record  as  well;  the  account  of  the  conditions 
which  men  have  patiently  wrought  out  to  serve  their  ends." 

and  ap-  it  can  be  seen  how  fully  this  plan  is  in  accord  with 

proached    the  . 

social  co-  the  real  principles  of  social  cooperation  and  expression 
operation  and  f  mc}ividual  activities  underlying  the  work  of  Froebel; 

motor  expres-  •' 

sion  of  Froe-  and  "so  far  as  these  statements  correctly  represented 
not  aUow'  Froebel's  educational  philosophy,"  Dewey  admits  that 
them  to  be-  « tne  school  should  be  regarded  as  its  exponent."  But 

come  as  stere-  .  .  . 

otyped  and  these  industrial  activities  of  the  Chicago  experimental 
school  never  became  as  stereotyped  and  external  as  the 
gifts  and  even  the  occupations  of  the  kindergarten  have 
often  been.  The  child  was  "given,  wherever  possible, 
intellectual  responsibility  for  selecting  the  materials  and 
instruments  that  are  most  fit,  and  given  an  opportunity 
to  think  out  his  own  model  and  plan  of  work,  led  to  per- 
ceive his  own  errors,  and  find  how  to  correct  them." 
Thus  the  work  was  never  "  reduced  to  a  mere  routine 
or  custom  and  its  educational  value  lost."  As  a  result, 
too,  it  was  the  consensus  of  opinion  that  "while  the 
children  like,  or  love,  to  come  to  school,  yet  work,  and 
not  amusement,  has  been  the  spirit  and  teaching  of  the 
school;  and  that  this  freedom  has  been  granted  under 

1  Elementary  School  Record,  p.  20x3. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        381 

such  conditions  of  intelligent  and  sympathetic  over- 
sight as  to  be  a  means  of  upbuilding  and  strengthening 
character."  Hence,  while  the  Chicago  school  is  now  at 
an  end,  the  experiment  in  education  developed  there 
is  still  yielding  abundant  fruitage.  It  has  stimulated 
similar  undertakings  elsewhere,  and  has  greatly  influ- 
enced both  the  theory  and  practice  of  the  present  day. 
The  Method  of  Montessori.—  The  latest  development 

of  Montessori 

in  educational  procedure  and  perhaps  the  most  spectacu-  are  similar 
lar  is  that  originating  with  Montessori  at  Rome.     Be-  b°  t 


cause  of  its  novelty  and  the  extravagant  claims  made  be  based  upon 

...  science, 

for  it,  it  may  well  be  given  some  detailed  consideration,  rather  than 
The  new  methods  are  not  dissimilar  to  those  of  Froebei;  metaPhysics- 
but  they  more  readily  win  our  confidence  from  the  fact1 
that  they  appear  to  be  based  upon  modern  science,/ 
rather  than  metaphysics.  Maria  Montessori  was  tlje^ 
first  woman  to  receive  the  doctorate  in  medicine  at  the 
University  of  Rome,  and  she  has  since  had  considerable 
training  in  psychiatry,  psychology,  and  scientific  peda- 
gogy. She  was  for  a  time  director  of  the  State  Ortho- 
phrenic  School,  and  her  success  in  training  the  feeble- 
minded was  most  astonishing.  She,  therefore,  naturally 
desired  to  try  her  methods  with  normal  children,  and  in 
1907  accepted  the  position  of  educational  director  of  the 
'Houses  of  Childhood'  connected  with  a  set  of  model 
tenements.  The  scientific  foundation  of  her  practice 
here  is  further  shown  in  the  conduct  of  her  school.  Care- 
ful records  are  kept  concerning  the  heredity,  parental 
occupation,  feeding,  and  infantile  sicknesses,  and  anthro- 
pometric  measurements  are  taken  at  regular  intervals. 
Moreover,  an  expert  inspection  is  periodically  made  of 
the  sanitation  and  economic  conditions  in  the  home  of 


382  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

each  child.  It  is  stated  by  biologists  that  many  of  the 
scientific  statements  in  Dr.  Montessori's  Method  of 
Scientific  Pedagogy1  are  inadequate  and  incorrect,  but 
if  the  author  is  not  as  strong  as  she  might  be  in  her 
knowledge  of  the  content  of  modern  science,  her  system 
is  at  least  scientific  in  spirit. 

"  That  spirit  seems  further  borne  out  by  the  Montessori 

attitude  of  allowing  the  pupil  as  complete  freedom  as 

possible   and   holding   that   the   chief  function   of   the 

.-    teacher  should  be  to  study  the  activities  of  the  child. 

'  jrThe  transformation  of  the  school,"  says  she,  "must  be 

contemporaneous  with  the  preparation  of  the  teacher. 

For  if  we  make  of  the  teacher  an  observer,  familiar  with 

the  experimental  methods,  then  we  must  make  it  possible 

^     for  her  to  observe  and  experiment  in  the  school.     The 

Montessori      fundamental  attitude  of  scientific  pedagogy  must  be, 

advocates  the    .1117.7  ,-,  MDT  ••»»- 

freedom  of-    jndeed,  the  liberty  of  the  pupil.      In  practice,  Montessori 
the  pupil  and  carries  out  this  fundamental  belief  more  fully  than  most 

autoeduca-  .  t  ,  _-. 

tion,'  Froebelians,  who  also  profess  it.2     Instead  of  holding  j 

the  children  to  a  fixed  and  complete  order  of  exercises 
imposed  by  the  teacher,  she  maintains  that  all  education 
worth  having  is  'autoeducation.'     The  children  should 
select  their  own  occupations  and  solve  their  own  difficul- 
ties, and  should  be  allowed  to  develop  themselves  both 
mentally  and  morally.    Only  when  their  activities  inter- 
fere with  the  general  interest  or  are  useless  or  dangerous, 
out  twiTiindi-    must  they  be  suppressed.    While  in  this  latitude  toward 
vidual  expres-  individual  expression  Montessori  carries  out  the  '  f  ollow- 

sion  more 

logically          ing,  not  prescriptive '  education  of  Froebel  more  logically 

1 II  Mclodo  della  Pedagogic,  Scicntifica  applicato  air  cducazionc  nolle 
Case  dci  Bambini. 
2  See  pp.  23if. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        383 
than  that  reformer  himself,  she  does  not  develop  partici-  than  Froebel; 

,.         .  ,.    ...  ,,  ,T        .      but   she   does 

pation  in  group  activities  to  the  same  extent.     Nor  is  not  develop 
the  material  used  as  rich  and  varied.     There  is  little  sod.al  Partici- 

pation  as 

opportunity  afforded   for   the  Froebelian   construction  fully,  and 
and  invention,  and  the  development  of  imagination  is  as^dTamT 
ruthlessly  nipped  in  the  bud.     The  interesting  plays,  vai;ied  ma- 
songs,  and  stories  of  the  kindergarten  find  no  parallel 
in  the  'house  of  childhood.'    The  conception  of  'auto- 
education'  is  admirable,  but  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
genuine  activities  are  to  be  carried  out,  except  within 
a  very  narrow  scope,  with  material  so  limited  as  the 
'didactic  apparatus.' 
The    Montessori    Curriculum    and   Apparatus. — The^  The  Montes- 

-  sor'      appara- 

exercises  peculiar  to  the  Montessori  schools  fall  into  tus  and  exer- 

three   main   groups.     These   are   connected   with    (i)  JjJJ5edwith°" 

activities  of  practical  life,   (2)  sense  training,  and  (3) 

formal  studies  of  the  elementary  curriculum.    When  the, 

child  first  enters  the  school,  while  he  is  beginning  to  W   activities 

r-  ir    i  •  ...          ,.  .of  practical 

find  himself,  he  may  take  part  in  the  activities  of  practi-  life; 
cal  life.  Besides  practice  in  ordinary  courtesy,  setting 
the  table,  serving  a  meal,  and  washing  the  dishes,  the 
children  learn  how  to  button,  lace,  hook,  and  clasp 
various  articles  of  dress  by  means  of  a  unique  apparatus. 
To  the  opposite  sides  of  light  wooden  frames  are  attached 
strips  of  dress  material,  linen,  and  leather,  which  are  to 
be  fastened  together  at  the  center.  Through  constant 
practice  with  these  materials  the  child  learns  to  dress 
himself  and  trains  a  variety  of  useful  muscular  coordi- 
nations. Such  exercises  might  well  be  adopted  by  the 
progressive  kindergarten  or  other  modern  school. 

The  utility  of  the  sense  training  is  more  doubtful.    It  (2)  sense 
seems  to  be  clearly  based  upon  the  theory  of  formal  disci- 


384  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

pline  and  to  be  intended  to  train  general  powers  and 
discriminations.  Dr.  Montessori  maintains  that  "the 
aim  is  not  that  the  child  shall  know  colors,  forms,  and  the 
different  qualities  of  objects,  but  that  he  refine  his  senses 
through  an  exercise  of  attention,  of  comparison,  of  judg- 
ment; the  exercises  are  true  intellectual  exercises." 
And  this  underlying  theory  is  clearly  revealed  by  the 
tactile,  nature  of  the  apparatus  itself.  The  primal  sense  of  touch 

is  first  exercised  by  passing  the  finger-tips  of  the  child 
over  various  materials  and  pronouncing  their  nature  as 
thermic,          'rough'  or  'smooth';  and  then  by  having  him  select 
them  by  this  description.    Similarly,  other  general  senses 
baric,  are  developed, —  the  'thermic,'  the  'baric,'  the  'stereog- 

visuai,        '   nostic,'   the   'visual,'   and   the   'chromatic.'     Exercises 
t£d   chroma"  of  this  sort  are  of  great  value,  as  Montessori  found, 
in  training  defective  children,1  but  the  assumption  of 
their  usefulness  in   the  education  of  normal  children 
seems  to  be  largely  based  upon  a  false  psychology, 
and  (3)  for-       The  feature  of  the  Montessori  system,  however,  that 

mal  studies. —   -,  ,  ,. 

has  attracted  most  attention  is  its  apparent  success 
with  the  formal  studies,  especially  in  the  facility  and 
writing,  enthusiasm  with  which  the  children  learn  to  write  and 
in  the  beauty  of  their  writing.  The  inventor  of  thej 
method,  however,  declares  that  this  spectacular  per- 
formance is  of  little  account,  save  as  a  single  link  in  the 
chain  of  sense  development.  All  the  tactile,  dimensional, 
form,  and  visual  training,  she  holds,  leads  naturally 
to  the  writing  coordinations.  But  Montessori  has  further 
invented  three  exercises  by  which  the  approach  to  the 
'spontaneous  development  of  the  graphic  language' 
is  more  directly  accomplished.  First,  the  "muscular 
1  Montessori  frankly  acknowledges  her  indebtedness  to  Seguin. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        385 

mechanism  to  hold  and  use  the  instrument  in  writing" 
is  developed  by  the  child's  filling  in  the  outlines  of  a 
geometrical  form  that  he  has  traced  upon  paper.  During 
this  period  the  child  is  also  engaged  in  "exercises  tend- 
ing to  establish  the  visual-muscular  image  of  the  alpha- 
betical signs"  by  means  of  sandpaper  letters  mounted 
on  cardboard.  The  teacher  shows  the  child  how  to  follow 
the  contour  of  a  letter  with  his  finger  as  if  writing  it  and 
at  the  same  time  pronounce  the  sound  (not  the  name) 
of  the  letter  distinctly,  and  then  further  exercises  his 
memory  by  saying  'give  me  0 '  and  'give  me  /,'  and  by 
asking  'what  is  this?'  and  'what  is  that?'  Lastly,  he 
is  exercised  in  the  composition  of  words  by  selecting 
unmounted  cardboard  letters  from  compartments  in 
a  set  of  boxes  resembling  a  compositor's  type-cases. 
"Now  the  child,  it  is  true,  has  never  written,  but  he  has 
mastered  all  the  acts  necessary  to  writing."  This  is 
the  secret  of  the  much  discussed  '  explosion  into  writing. ' 
The  art  is  learned  so  unconsciously  that  the  children 
begin  it  almost  spontaneously  and  are  writing  before 
they  realize  it.  It  seems  to  be  the  one  great  achieve- 
ment of  Montessorianism,  and  if  it  can  be  applied  to 
other  languages  not  as  phonetic  as  the  Italian,  it  may  be 
regarded  as  a  permanent  contribution  to  special  method. 

The  Montessori  methods  in  the  other  formal  subjects  reading, 
— reading  and  arithmetic — are  not  as  striking.  Reading 
is  generally  acquired  after  writing  through  the  names  of 
familiar  objects  written  on  the  blackboard  or  upon 
cards.  The  word  is  shown  the  child,  and  if  he  interprets 
the  sounds  correctly,  the  teacher  has  him  repeat  them 
more  and  more  rapidly  until  the  word  as  an  entity,  and 
not  as  a  succession  of  sounds,  dawns  on  his  intelligence. 


386 


A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 


and    arith- 
metic. 


While    the 
biological 
statements 
of  the  Mon- 
tessori  system 
need  modifi- 
cation, it  is 
scientific  in 
spirit. 

It  emphasizes 
individual 
liberty,  but 
the  material 
is  limited  and 
social  cooper- 
ation  is   neg- 
lected.    Its 
practical 
activities  and 
devices  for  ac- 


After  single  words  can  be  read  with  some  facility,  progress 
is  made  to  short  phrases  and  sentences.  But  there  is 
nothing  very  novel  about  this  method  of  securing  in- 
terest in  reading,  and,  when  undertaken  with  English, 
where  the  sounds  are  so  capriciously  spelt,  it  can  hardly 
be  effective.  Nor  do  the  Montessori  methods  in  arith- 
metic reveal  anything  very  different  in  principle  from 
the  'table  of  units'  and  other  devices  of  Pestalozzi. 
The  chief  feature  consists  in  acquiring  the  fundamental 
operations  by  means  of  rods  of  different  lengths  marked 
off  into  sections  by  coloring  them  red  and  blue.  After 
the  child  has  learned  to  count  the  sections,  the  teacher 
selects  a  rod  at  random  and  asks  for  the  next  longer 
or  shorter,  or  has  the  child  build  up  all  the  rods  until 
each  result  equals  the  longest.  Other  exercises  are 
similarly  performed  until  the  child  has  some  command 
of  elementary  arithmetic. 

Summary  of  the  Montessori  System. — The  value  of 
the  Montessori  system  to  modern  educational  theory  and 
methods  of  teaching  is  now  fairly  obvious.  It  is  nomi- 
nally based  upon  scientific  experiment,  and,  while  its 
biological  statements  cannot  always  be  accepted  without 
modification,  it  is  permeated  with  the  scientific  spirit 
that  is  at  present  animating  modern  education.  Its 
emphasis  upon  individual  liberty  is  most  admirable, 
but  the  material  for  exercising  this  freedom  is  decidedly 
limited  and  social  cooperation  is  somewhat  neglected. 
The  exercises  in  practical  activities  form  a  valuable 
feature  and  the  devices  for  acquiring  writing  are  possibly 
a  contribution.  But  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  a  new  method 
may  yet  arise  for  the  lowest  classes  in  our  schools, 
which  will  combine  the  best  characteristics  of  both  the 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        387 
Froebelian  and  the  Montessorian  pedagogy.     The  ex-  quiring  writ- 

.  .  .  ing,    however, 

istence  of  either  as  a  mystery,  cult,  or  propaganda  must  are  a  contri- 
end,  and  both  should  be  based  upon  and  merged  with  butlon- 
the  wider  and  more  dynamic  principles  of  modern  edu- 
cational practice. 

The  Statistical  Method  and  Mental  Measurements  in 
Education. — One  of  the  most  significant  of  present  day 
movements  is  the  mathematical  attitude  taken  toward 
the  study  of  education,  especially  in  the  United  States. 
In  the  spirit  of  the  scientific  age  in  which  we  live,  educa- 
tors are  coming  to  measure  variations  and  changes  in  There  is  a 

,    very  recent 

intellect,  character,  and  conduct  with  the  same  general  tendency  in 
technique,  clearness,  and  precision  that  are  demanded  ^daU^ta  the 
by  the  physical  and  biological  sciences.     There  is  a  United  states, 
growing  tendency  in  all  phases  of  education  to  sub-  scientific  * 
stitute  objective,  impersonal,  and  unbiased  methods  of  standards  of 

'  ,      .  .  .  measurement, 

investigation  for  the  a  priori  judgments  of  prejudiced  and  and  to  sub 
untrained  persons  or  for  the  unchecked  speculations  of  ^^  °ncj 
nebulous  theorists.    Analytic  scrutiny,  exact  measuring,  impersonal 
careful  recording,  and  judging  on  the  basis  of  observed  investigation 
facts  are  coming  to  replace  guess  work  and  metaphysics  for  uncl\ei 
in  education.    Educational  leaders  are  beginning  to  seek  diced  judg- 
quantitative  knowledge,  to  describe  facts  as  numerically 
defined  amounts,  and  to  state  relations  or  laws  in  terms 
of  rigid,   unambiguous  equations.     They   are  likewise 
ceasing  to  exalt  the  machinery  of  education  and  are  be- 
ginning to  examine  its  product,  and,  in  consequence,  they 
are  finding  that  methods  and  processes  long  sanctioned 
by  usage  can  yet  be  greatly  improved. 

In  the  methods  of  educational  administration  espe-  In  cduca- 
cially,  great  reforms  are  taking  place  along  these  lines,  tionai  admin- 
Individual  cards  for  recording  the  school  history  of  each  individual 


388  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

records  and     pupil  are  being  arranged  with  ever  increasing  accuracy, 

definite  statis-    *  .     .     '  .,      J  ' 

tics  are  mak-  and  statistics  are  being  taken  after  so  definite  and  uniform 


icm 


mg  it  possible  a  p}an  ^  ^  ^   school  facts  within  a  given  locality  are  not 

to  compare  J 

localities,  to  only  made  significant  and  valuable,  but  may  be  com- 
ciency1  math-  pared  with  those  of  any  other  section.  The  degree  of 
ematicaiiy,  efficiency  in  any  svstem  of  schools  and  the  relation  of  any 

and  solve  im- 

portant prob-  one  factor  to  a  resulting  condition  may  be  ascertained 
mathematically  and  expressed  in  the  terms  of  a  'coeffi- 
cient of  correlation.'  By  recording  not  only  those  who 
graduate  from  a  school  system  each  year,  but  also  the 
number  that  enter  and  that  are  promoted  in  each  grade, 
the  statistics  of  retardation  and  its  causes  and  the  propor- 
tion of  those  who  finish  the  school  can  now  be  calculated 
with  practically  absolute  certainty.  In  a  similarly 
accurate  way  can  be  determined  what  is  the  best  age  at 
which  to  send  a  child  to  school,  and  whether  children  who 
have  attended  the  kindergarten  complete  the  grades  in 
less  time.  A  scientific  study  is  likewise  made  of  retarda- 
tion and  elimination,  backward  pupils,  physical  defects, 
fatigue,  supernormal  children,  and  other  perplexing 
conditions.  Statistical  methods  are  being  used  not  only 
to  throw  light  upon  such  isolated  and  local  problems  as 
have  been  mentioned,  but  'educational  surveys'  are  now 
being  instituted  in  many  cities  and  states,  to  discover  the 
general  educational  conditions  and  the  efficiency  of  the 
schools.  Such  investigations  have  been  conducted  with 
great  success  in  Boston,  New  York,  Baltimore,  Boise, 
Montclair,  and  Orange,  and  in  Wisconsin  and  Ohio. 
They  are  likewise  planned  for  other  localities,  and  are 
likely  to  extend  to  every  commonwealth  and  municipality 
in  the  union.  If  power  and  means  were  given  it,  the 
United  States  Bureau  of  Education  would  probably 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        389 

be  glad  to  obtain  a  similarly  scientific  record  of  educa- 
tional facts  for  the  nation. 

Probably  the  earliest  and  most  prominent  exponent  of  Similar 
the  new  method  of  intellectual  measurements  is  Professor  bdn^m 
Edward  L.  Thorndike  of  Columbia  University.  In  his  individuai 

differences 

Educational  Psychology  he  amply  illustrates  how  a  quan-  and  the  part 
titative  description  of  individual  differences  and  of  the  f  ac-  played  by 

sex,  age,  raca 

tors  that  condition  them  is  necessary  to  throw  real  light  family,  and 
upon  educational  theory  and  practice,  and  how  it  may 
completely  change  school  procedure  of  long  standing.  He 
holds  that  all  qualitative  differences  may  be  reduced  to 
quantitative,  and  that  the  scale  for  measuring  should  be 
not  arbitrary  and  subjective,  but  objective  and  imper- 
sonal. Such  scales  for  measuring  variations  in  ability 
and  changes  that  take  place  through  instruction,  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  construct,  because  of  the  great  complexity  of  the 
factors.  At  present  they  do  not  exist  to  any  extent,  but 
Thorndike  has  shown  that  they  can  be  formed  and  has  Scales  to  mea- 
elsewhere  specified  what  their  requirements  are.  An  in^ariousf8 

ideal  and  valid  scale  of  measurement  of  humanity,  as  of  sch°o1  sut>- 

•  Jects  are  a'so 

external  nature,  should  have  its  points  clearly  marked,  being  con- 

the  distances  between  its  points  defined,  and  its  zero  structe 
point  absolutely  established.  Scales  that  are  up  to  these 
specifications  have  already  been  constructed  for  hand- 
writing by  Thorndike,  Ayres,  Freeman,  and  Wilson;  for 
arithmetical  abilities  by  Stone,  Courtis,  Thorndike, 
Ayres,  and  Freeman;  for  English  composition  by  Hillegas 
and  Thorndike;  for  spelling  by  Wallin,  Pearson,  Whipple, 
andSuzzallo;  and  for  drawing  byMeumann  and  byLeuba 
and  Hyde.1  These  fields  are,  of  course,  more  simple  than 

1  A  complete  bibliography  of  the  Standards  and  Tests  for  Measur- 
ing the  Efficiency  of  Schools  is  given  in  the  report  of  the  committee 


3QO  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

the  teaching  of  science,  history,  and  literature.    There 
the  aims  are  so  intangible  that  at  present  it  seems  impos- 
sible to  make  standards  of  measure,  but  this,  too,  though 
difficult,  must  soon  be  accomplished. 
School  prac-        Thus  advanced  educators  are  coming  to  make  sure  that 

tices  are  thus        ...  .  .  .  . 

coming  to  be  administrative  procedure,  the  studies  in  the  curriculum, 
reai  "rather  anc*  ^e  methods  by  which  they  are  taught  are  based  upon 
than  tradi-  valid  reasons  and  are  not  the  product  of  usage  and  tradi- 
tion. Scientific  methods  and  accurate  scales  of  measure- 
ment seem  to  have  come  to  stay  and  to  be  destined  to 
make  rapid  progress  in  the  immediate  future.  Their  ad- 
vantages are  evident,  but  all  results  coming  from  these 
sources,  while  welcomed,  must  be  frankly  challenged  and 
criticized,  lest  superficial  use  of  these  methods  or  too 
great  an  expectation  of  their  achievements  throw  them 
into  serious  disrepute  before  they  are  generally  estab- 
lished. 

The  influence  Education  and  the  Theory  of  Evolution.  —  But  the  most 
ian  theory  of  characteristic  and  far-reaching  influence  in  education 
evolution  has  to_day  js  that  contributed  by  the  Darwinian  theory  of 

been     greatly  J 

felt  in  modi-  evolution.    This  fruitful  hypothesis  came  to  be  generally 
to  the  Accepted  during  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century 


study  of  edu-  as  the  guiding  principle  of  education,  and  has  constantly 

cational  prob-    .  ..,.„.         .        . 

lems,  increased  in  the  illumination  it  has  shed  upon  the  educa- 

tive process.  It  has  given  an  entirely  new  meaning  to  ed- 
ucation, and  because  of  this  broadened  and  deepened  con- 
ception, it  has  greatly  modified  the  course  of  study  and 
revolutionized  the  method  of  approaching  educational 
problems.  It  has  wrought  very  much  the  same  changes 
in  the  treatment  of  intelligence  that  it  did  in  the  biolog- 

of  which  G.  D.  Strayer  was  chairman.     See  Supplementary  Reading, 
p.  396. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        391 

ical  sciences.  Consciousness  is  no  longer  regarded  as  a 
fixed  set  of  entities,  but  as  a  developmental  process.  In- 
stead of  classifying  and  cataloguing  mental  processes  in 
fixed  groups,  efforts  are  made  to  study  their  growth  from 
the  standpoint  both  of  the  race  and  of  the  individual.  It 
is  held  that  only  through  a  knowledge  of  its  origin  and  de- 
velopment can  any  phase  of  mentality  be  properly  under- 
stood, and  that  it  must  be  carefully  traced  from  its  incip- 
ient to  its  most  advanced  stages.  Studies  of  mental 
development  in  the  race,  begun  by  Darwin's  Descent  of 
Man,  which  recognized  'sexual'  and  'social  selection,' 
as  well  as  'natural  selection,'  have  been  continued  by 
Romanes  and  Lubbock,  and  more  recently  by  Lloyd  Mor- 
gan, G.  Stanley  Hall,  and  Thorndike.  Equally  extensive 
studies  have  also  been  latterly  made  in  the  form  of  writ- 
ings on  genetic  psychology,  child  study,  mental  develop- 
ment, and  adolesence  by  Preyer,  Perez,  and  Stern,  and  by 
Hall,  Baldwin,  Major,  and  Shinn.  In  this  way  not  only 
observation,  but  experimentation  has  been  introduced 
into  the  study  of  mental  processes,  and  a  large  mass  of  en- 
lightening facts  has  been  accumulated.  Likewise,  from 
investigations  of  this  sort  have  arisen  interpretations  of 
certain  human  psychoses  as  'reverberations'  or  actual 
'  reversions '  to  an  infra-human  ancestry.  And  there  have 
even  been  formulated  such  definite  theories  as  '  recapitu- 
lation,' according  to  which  the  individual  passes  through 
the  various  stages  through  which  the  race  has  gone  in 
reaching  the  stage  represented  by  the  individual,  and  as 
the  'prolongation  of  infancy'  in  the  human  race  for  the 
sake  of  introducing  the  child  to  his  intellectual  and 
spiritual  inheritance. 

More    revolutionary    than    this    actual    increase    in 


392  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

as  well  as  in  knowledge,  however,  is  the  change  that  has  taken  place 
tionary  con-  in  the  conception,  imagery,  and  terminology  of  education. 
ception  of  Educational  discussions  are  now  filled  with  such  terms 

education    it- 

self. as  'variation/  'selection,'  and  'adaptation,'  and  such 

conceptions  dominate  all  educational  thinking.  Text- 
books upon  educational  psychology,  principles  of  educa- 
tion, and  methods  of  teaching  constantly  employ  the 
language  of  evolution.  "Education,"  says  Bolton,  "is 
a  process  of  development  and  of  modification  or  adjust- 
ment to  environment  and  to  the  ideals  of  perfection 
conceived  by  society  and  the  individual."  *  Similar 
ideas  have  been  expressed  by  Spencer,  Fiske,  Butler, 
Home,  O'Shea,  Bagley,  Henderson,  Ruediger,  Mac- 
Vannel,  and  a  host  of  others,  who  have  familiarized 
all  progressive  teachers  with  the  vocabulary  of  evolu- 
tion. Thus  education  is  generally  viewed  by  present 
day  leaders  as  an  evolutionary  process,  modifying  the 
individual  and  society,  and  constantly  producing  new 
adjustments.  It  is  regarded  as  an  unfolding  of  poten- 
tialities, and  not  as  a  process  of  addition  and  accumula- 
tion, and  the  function  of  the  school  is  held  to  be  the  pro- 
viding of  proper  stimuli  to  produce  such  unfoldment. 
Probably,  therefore,  the  writers  upon  education  of  half 
a  century  ago  would  find  themselves  listening  to  a  foreign 
language,  if  they  were  to  be  present  at  a  gathering  of 
recent  educational  thinkers,  for  through  the  reception 
of  Darwinian  evolution  education  has  been  born  again. 

Thus  accep-  Enlarging  Conceptions  of  the  Function  of  Education.— 
being  con-  Such  are  a  few  of  the  chief  tendencies  and  advances 


stantly  re-      ^at  arc  bempr  made  in  education  to-day.    There  is  also 

constructed.  J 

a  great  variety  of  other  educational  movements,  almost 

1  Principles  of  Education,  p.  n. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        393 

too  numerous  to  be  mentioned.  In  the  organization 
and  administration  of  the  public  schools  there  is  a  de- 
cided tendency  toward  centralization  in  educational 
activities,  corresponding  to  the  centralization  in  indus- 
trial and  political  affairs.  There  are  also  such  matters 
as  the  new  procedure  in  school  hygiene,  arising  from  the 
modern  attitude  toward  the  prevention  of  disease;  new 
health  regulations,  as  a  result  of  having  so  many  chil- 
dren housed  in  the  same  buildings;  medical  inspection 
and  open-air  schools;  new  tendencies  in  school  archi- 
tecture; more  extensive  training  of  teachers;  a  rapid 
recognition  of  education  as  a  profession;  and  the  organi- 
zation of  various  types  of  teachers'  associations.  In 
connection  with  higher  education  there  are  such  new  ten- 
dencies as  university  extension,  correspondence  courses, 
the  correlation  of  the  first  two  years  of  college  with  the 
secondary  school,  an  increasing  number  of  fields  of  pro- 
fessional work,  university  interest  in  the  practical  prob- 
lems of  the  people,  and  change  in  entrance  requirements 
due  to  the  new  conceptions  of  education.  Similar  ten- 
dencies to  secure  economy,  guard  health,  and  cause 
education  to  serve  democratic  ideals  are  continually 
arising.  Educational  theory  and  practice  are  in  a  con- 
stant flux,  and  progress  in  education  is  unceasing.  Every 
year  accepted  practice  is  being  worked  over  and  recon- 
structed. New  activities  and  functions  of  education 
are  being  sought  and  developed,  and  nothing  is  held  so 
sacred  in  administration,  method,  or  content  as  not  to 
be  open  for  reexarm'nation  and  forced  to  justify  itself 
anew.  Education  has  entered  upon  a  most  distinctive 
epoch  of  experimentation,  change,  and  improvement. 
While  such  a  situation  is  not  without  its  perils,  and  each 


394  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

new  proposal  should  be  carefully  scrutinized  before 
acceptance,  the  present  tendencies  are  in  the  main  a 
sign  of  progress  and  life. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  READING 
I.  INDUSTRIAL,    COMMERCIAL,   AND   AGRICULTURAL   EDUCATION 

BAILEY,  L.  H.    On  the  Training  of  Persons  to  Teach  Agriculture  in 

the  Public  Schools  (United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin, 

No.  i,  1908). 
BARBER,  E.  M.     A  Contribution  to  the  History  of  Commercial 

Education. 

CARLTON,  F.  T.    Education  and  Industrial  Evolution. 
COOLEY,  E.  G.    Vocational  Education  in  Europe. 
DAVENPORT,  E.    The  History  of  Collegiate  Education  in  Agriculture 

(Address  before  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Agricultural 

Science,  1907). 

ELLIS,  A.  C.    The  Teaching  of  Agriculture  in  the  Public  Schools. 
FOGHT,  H.  W.    The  American  Rural  School. 
HANUS,  P.  H.    Beginnings  in  Industrial  Education. 
HASKINS,  C.  W.    Business  Education  and  Accounting. 
HAYS,  W.  M.    Education  for  Country  Life  (United  States  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture,  Office  of  Experiment  Stations,  Circular  84). 
KERSCHENSTEINER,  G.     Organization  und  Lehrplanc  dcr  obliga- 

torischen  Fach  -  und  Fortbildungsschulcn. 
KERSCHENSTEINER,   G.     Education  for  Citizenship   (Translated 

by  Pressland). 

PERSON,  H.  S.    Industrial  Education. 

SADLER,  M.  E.     Continuation  Schools  in  England  and  Elsewhere. 
TRUE,  A.  C.     Secondary  Education  in  Agriculture  in  the  United 

States   (United  States  Department   of  Agriculture,   Office   oj 

Experiment  Stations,  Circular  91). 

WARE,  F.    Educational  Foundations  of  Trade  and  Industry. 
WRIGHT,  C.  D.    The  Apprenticeship  System  in  Relation  to  Indus' 

trial  Education. 


PRESENT  DAY  TENDENCIES  IN  EDUCATION        395 


II.  MORAL,  Civic,  AND  RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION 

AJDLER,  F.    Moral  Instruction  of  Children. 

DEWEY,  J.    Moral  Principles  in  Education. 

HADLEY,  A.  T.    Standards  of  Public  Morality. 

HENDERSON,  E.  N.    Moral  Education  (Monroe's  Cyclopedia  of 

Education}. 

JENKS,  J.  W.    Citizenship  and  the  Schools. 
MCANDREW,  W.,  and  OTHERS.    Social  Education  in  High  Schools 

(Religious  Education,  February,  1913,  pp.  597-704). 
McCuNN,  J.    The  Making  of  Character. 
PALMER,  G.  H.    Ethical  and  Moral  Instruction  in  Schools. 
RELIGIOUS  EDUCATION  ASSOCIATION.     Education  and  National 

Character. 

ROEDER,  A.     Practical  Citizenship. 

SADLER,  M.  E.    Moral  Instruction  and  Training  in  Schools. 
SISSON,  E.  O.    An  Educational  Emergency  (The  Atlantic  Monthly, 

July,  1910,  pp.  54-63)- 
SPILLER,  G.    (Editor).     Papers  on  Moral  Education. 

III.  EDUCATION  OF  DEFECTIVES 

ARMITAGE,  T.    Education  and  Employment  of  the  Blind. 

BELL,  A.  G.  Deaf  Mute  Instruction  in  Relation  to  the  Work  of 
the  Public  Schools. 

FARRAR,  A.    Arnold  on  the  Education  of  the  Deaf. 

FERNALD,  W.  E.  The  History  of  the  Treatment  of  the  Feeble-Minded 
(Proceedings  of  the  National  Conference  of  Charities  and  Cor- 
rections, 1898). 

GALLAUDET,  E.  M.    Life  of  Thomas  Hopkins  Gallaudct. 

GARBER,  J.  P.    Current  Educational  Activities.    Chap.  II. 

GODDARD,  H.  H.  Education  of  Defectives  (Monroe's  Cyclopedia 
of  Education}. 

ILLINGWORTH,  W.  H.    History  of  the  Education  of  the  Blind. 

L'EPEE,  ABBE  DE.  La  Veritable  Maniere  d'instruirc  Ics  Sourds 
et  Mucts. 

LINCOLN,  D.  F.    The  Education  of  the  Feeble-minded  in  the  United 


396  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

States  (Report  of  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education, 

1902,  Vol.  II,  pp.  2157-2197). 

SEGUIN,  E.    Idiocy  and  Its  Treatment  by  the  Physiological  Method. 
TREDGOLD,  A.  F.   Mental  Deficiency. 

IV.  MODERN  EDUCATIONAL  METHOD 

DEWEY,  J.,  and  RUNYON,  LAURA  L.  (Editors).     The  Elementary 

School  Record. 

DEWEY,  J.    The  School  and  Society. 
FISHER,  DOROTHY  C.    A  Montessori  Mother. 
KILPATRICK,  W.  H.    The  Montessori  Method  Examined. 
MONTESSORI,  MARIA.     The  Montessori  Method  (A  translation  of 

//  Metodo  della  Pedagogia  Scientifica  by  Anne  E.  George). 
PARKER,  F.  W.    Talks  on  Teaching. 
SMITH,  THEODATE  L.     The  Montessori  System  in   Theory  and 

Practice. 
YOUNG,  ELLA  F.    Some  Types  of  Modern  Educational  Theory. 

V.  SCIENTIFIC  MEASUREMENTS  IN  EDUCATION 

AYRES,  L.  P.  Measuring  Educational  Processes  through  Educational 
Results  (The  School  Review,  May,  1912,  pp.  300-310). 

AYRES,  L.  P.     The  Binet-Simon  Measuring  Scale  for  Intelligence. 

BOBBITT,  J.  F.  The  Supervision  of  City  Schools  (The  Twelfth  Year 
Book  of  the  National  Society  for  the  Study  of  Education) . 

CAREER,  J.  P.    Current  Educational  Activities.    Pp.  146-152. 

STRAYER,  G.  D.    Measuring  Results  in  Education. 

STRAYER,  G.  D.  (Chairman).  Standards  and  Tests  for  Measuring 
the  Efficiency  of  Schools  or  Systems  of  Schools  (Report  of  the 
Committee  of  the  National  Council  of  Education  in  United 
States  Bureau  of  Education,  Bulletin,  1913,  No.  13). 

THORNDIKE,  E.  L.    Educational  Psychology.    Chaps.  I  and  II. 

THORNDIKE,  E.  L.  The  Measurement  of  Educational  Products 
(The  School  Review,  May,  1912,  pp.  289-300). 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE   EDUCATIONAL   OUTLOOK 

Progress  since  the  Eighteenth  Century.— The  dis-  The  destruc- 
cussion  of  present  day  tendencies  that  has  just  been  Of  the  eight- 
made,  while  very  brief,  serves  to  show  how  far  we  have  centh  cen~ 

,.,.,.,,  .  .  ,         tury  prepared 

progressed  in  educational  ideals  and  practices  since  the  the  way  for 
eighteenth  century.  And  even  the  mere  survey  of  modern  ^ychobgkai 
movements  given  in  the  preceding  chapters  of  this  and  scientific 
book  is  sufficient  to  show  how  radical  and  rapid  has  been  mo(iem  times, 
our  progress  since  Rousseau  undertook  so  ruthlessly 
to  shatter  all  educational  traditions.  His  recommen- 
dation of  isolated  education,  so  palpable  in  its  fallacies, 
opened  the  way  for  the  numerous  social  tendencies  in 
modern  education  and  for  great  improvement  in  the 
aim,  organization,  and  content  of  education.  The  devel- 
opment of  philanthropic  education,  which  has  grown 
everywhere  into  universal  and  national  systems  of  schools, 
the  combination  of  industrial  with  intellectual  training 
started  by  Pestalozzi  and  Fellenberg,  the  Herbartian 
use  of  history  and  literature  for  giving  us  insight  into 
our  duties  toward  our  fellows,  Froebel's  encourage- 
ment of  the  social  instincts  by  means  of  stories,  songs, 
play,  and  constructive  work,  and  many  of  the  modern 
tendencies  looking  to  social  welfare  in  all  directions 
find  some  of  their  roots  in  the  erratic  reformer  of  the 
eighteenth  century  who  cried  aloud  for  a  radical  change 
of  front  in  society.  Likewise,  by  his  absolute  rejection 

397 


398  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

of  books  and  the  standardized  knowledge  of  the  past, 
and  his  substitution  of  nature  study  and  observational 
work,  Rousseau  opened  the  way  to  an  increased  use  of 
sciences  in  the  modern  curriculum  and  to  a  more  definite 
crystallization  of  the  scientific  movement  in  education. 
In  partial  sequence,  we  have  seen  the  development  of 
geography,  nature  study,  and  elementary  science  through 
Basedow,  Salzmann,  Pestalozzi,  Ritter,  Guyot,  and 
Parker,  the  encouragement  of  scientific  and  technical 
institutions  and  courses  in  modern  education,  and  the 
development  of  the  positions  of  Spencer,  Huxley,  You- 
mans,  and  Eliot.  Through  Rousseau,  too,  was  indirectly 
started  the  study  of  the  child's  development  and  the 
formulation  of  his  characteristics  at  different  periods,  and 
thus  was  begun  the  development  of  the  psychological 
movement  in  modern  instruction  and  the  remarkable 
improvements  in  method.  Rousseau,  and  to  a  large 
extent  Pestalozzi,  made  their  advances  purely  through 
a  sympathetic  insight  into  the  activities  of  the  child, 
but  with  Herbart  and  Froebel  the  educational  process 
began  to  find  its  justification  in  an  underlying  basis  of 
psychology.  Then,  through  the  new  impulse  of  evolu- 
tionary doctrine,  extraordinary  developments  in  genetic 
psychology,  the  biological  sciences,  and  sociology  yielded 
a  body  of  educational  doctrine  and  practice  that  has 
made  possible  methods  of  the  most  accurate  and  scientific 
type. 

and  aithou  h  ^e  Eighteenth  Century  as  the  Beginning  of  Modern 
many  of  the  Times.  —  Of  course  modern  education  has  advanced 
infinitely  beyond  anything  even  implied  in  Rousseau 


beyond  the     or  anv  of  ^e  reformers  of  the  past  century.    The  educa- 

vision   of   the 

reformers,        tional  movements  now  going  on  were  far  in  advance  of 


THE  EDUCATIONAL  OUTLOOK  399 

their  ken.     They  may  upon  occasion  have  intuitively  modem   edu- 
felt  the  need  of  improved  conditions  in  society  and  more  be  interpreted 

natural  practices  in  education,  but  such  movements  as  as.   banning 
1  0  <  with  the  in- 

vocational  and  moral  training,  the  education  of  defect-  dividuaiistic 

ives,  and  the  use  of  scientific  measurements  in  educa-  [ 
tion  were  much  beyond  the  range  of  their  vision.  At  sea 
times  they  seem  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  idea  of  '  natural 
development/  but  they  could  have  had  no  inkling  of  the 
real  meaning  of  evolution  and  of  education  as  adjust- 
ment, "vhich  has  become  fundamental  in  the  view-point 
and  practice  of  to-day.  Yet  it  is  scarcely  a  strained  in- 
terpretation to  hold  that  modern  education  began  in 
the  eighteenth  century  with  the  effort  at  eradicating 
the  past  and  beginning  progress  anew  upon  a  more  nat- 
ural basis.  As  indicated  in  this  and  previous  volumes,1 
educational  history  may  be  viewed  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  development  of  individualism,  and  it  has  been 
held  that  by  permitting  variations  in  the  social  world, 
just  as  it  has  long  been  recognized  in  biology,  there  are 
evolved  and  fixed  new  types  that  will  answer  to  changed 
conditions,  and  growth  and  progress  will  ensue  without 
the  intervention  of  conflict  and  cataclysm. 

From  this  point  of  view,  the  eighteenth  century  and 
Rousseau  mark  the  parting  of  the  ways.  To  follow  this 
interpretation  back  to  the  beginning,  it  may  be  stated 
that  during  the  day  of  primitive  man  no  distinction  at  all 
was  made  between  society  and  the  individual,  and 
practically  all  advancement  was  impossible,  for  no  one 
looked  beyond  the  present.  With  the  appearance  of  the 
transitional  period  in  the  Oriental  countries,  the  indi- 

1  See  History  of  Education  before  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  295f.,  and  His- 
tory of  Education  during  the  Transition,  pp.  3152. 


400  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

vidual  had  begun  to  emerge,  but  was  kept  in  constant 
subjection  to  the  social  whole,  for  man  was  quite  enslaved 
to  the  past.  As  the  Jewish,  Athenian,  and  Roman 
civilizations  developed,  the  beginnings  of  individualism 
were  for  the  first  time  revealed,  and  some  regard  was  had 
for  the  future.  Then,  in  the  teachings  of  Christ,  there 
came  a  larger  recognition  of  the  principle  of  individualism 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man.  Owing  to  a  necessity  for 
spreading  these  enlarged  ideals  among  a  barbarous  horde 
of  peoples,  individualism  was  repressed,  and  throughout 
the  Middle  Ages  the  keynote  was  adherence  to  authority 
and  preparation  for  the  life  to  come.  The  cultural  prod- 
ucts of  Greece  and  Rome  largely  disappeared,  and  all 
civilization  was  restricted,  fixed,  and  formal.  But  the  hu- 
man spirit  could  not  be  forever  held  in  bondage,  and,  after 
almost  a  millennium  of  repression  and  uniformity,  various 
factors  that  had  accumulated  within  the  Middle  Ages 
produced  an  intellectual  awakening  that  we  know  as 
the  'Renaissance.'  Its  vitality  lasted  during  the  fif- 
teenth century  in  Italy  and  to  the  close  of  the  sixteenth 
in  the  Northern  countries,  but  by  the  dawn  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  it  had  everywhere  degenerated  into  a 
dry  and  dead  study  of  the  classics.  This  constituted  a 
formalism  almost  as  dense  as  that  it  had  superseded, 
except  that  linguistic  and  literary  studies  had  replaced 
dialectic  and  theology.  A  little  later  than  the  spread  of 
the  Renaissance,  though  overlapping  it  somewhat, 
came  the  allied  movement  of  the  'Reformation.'  This 
grew  in  part  out  of  the  disposition  of  the  Northern 
Renaissance  to  turn  to  social  and  moral  account  the 
revived  intelligence  and  learning.  Yet  here  also  the 
revival  lost  its  mission,  and  the  tendency  to  rely  upon 


THE  EDUCATIONAL  OUTLOOK  401 

reason  rather  than  dogma  hardened  into  formalism  and 
a  distrust  of  individualism.  Again,  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  apparently  as  an  outgrowth  of  the  same  forces, 
intellectual  activity  took  the  form  of  a  search  for  'real 
things.'  The  movement  that  culminated  in  'sense  real- 
ism' appeared,  but  This  small  and  crude  beginning  of  the 
modern  scientific  tendency  was  for  some  decades  yet 
held  within  limits.  Associated  with  this  realistic  tend- 
ency, on  the  religious  and  political  sides  also  appeared 
a  quickening  in  such  forms  as  Puritanism  and  Pietism, 
which  likewise  degenerated  eventually  into  fanaticism 
and  hypocrisy.  Thus  was  the  way  finally  opened  for 
the  complete  break  with  tradition  and  authority  that 
occurred  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  Harmonization  of  the  Individual  and  Society.  —  The    present 
This   destructive   tendency,  while   in    France   at  least  education5 
most  disastrous  and  costly,  was  the  inevitable  result  make  the  rela- 

tion of  the  m- 

of  the  unwillingness  to  reshape  society  and  education  in  dividual  to  the 
accordance  with  changing  ideals  and  conditions.     Yet  ^e'tesTof  the 


out  of  the  attempts  at  destruction,  as  we  have  seen,  has  valuc  of  his 

,  ,  „  .  .,...,.  activities,  and 

grown  a  nobler  structure.     For  a  time  individualism  attempt  to 
triumphed  and  ground  authority  under  its  heel,   but  ^eT^div'd 
when  this  extremity  had  been  passed,  the  problem  be-  interests  with 
came  how  to  harmonize  the  individual  with  society,  and  Ct1y-sc 
to  develop  personality  progressively  in  keeping  with  its 
environment.    Thus  the  nineteenth  and  twentieth  cen- 
turies have  put  forth  conscious  efforts  to  justify  the  eight- 
eenth and  to  bring  out  and  develop  the  positions  barely 
hinted  at  in  its  negations.    It  is  not  alone  the  individ- 
ual as  such  that  has  been  of  interest  in  the  modern  period, 
but  more  and  more  the  individual  in  relation  to  the  social 
whole  to  which  he  belongs,  as  only  in  this  way  can  the 


402  A  HISTORY  OF  EDUCATION 

value  of  his  activities  be  estimated.  This  is  revealed 
in  the  works  of  those  who  followed  Rousseau,  and, 
especially  in  the  attempts  of  leading  educational  philos- 
ophers of  the  present  day  to  frame  a  definition  of  educa- 
tion that  shall  recognize  the  importance  of  affording 
latitude  to  the  individual  without  losing  sight  of  the 
welfare  of  the  social  environment  in  connection  with 
which  his  efforts  are  to  function.  Thus  Butler,  though 
recognizing  the  individual  factor,  especially  stressed 
the  social  by  declaring  education  to  be  "the  gradual  ad- 
justment of  the  individual  to  the  spiritual  possessions  of 
the  race."  1  Then  he  further  declares:  "When  we  hear 
it  sometimes  said,  'All  education  must  start  from  the 
child,'  we  must  add,  'Yes,  and  lead  into  human  civiliza- 
tion;' and  when  it  is  said  on  the  other  hand  that  'all 
education  must  start  from  a  traditional  past,'  we  must 
add,  'Yes,  and  be  adapted  to  the  child."  And  the 
balance  between  the  two  factors  of  the  individual  and 
society  is  even  more  explicitly  preserved  in  Dewey's 
statement  "  that  the  psychological  and  social  sides  are 
organically  related,  and  that  education  cannot  be  re- 
garded as  a  compromise  between  the  two,  or  a  super- 
imposition  of  one  upon  the  other."2  In  the  same  way 
Bagley  has  made  'social  efficiency'  3  the  main  aim  in 
educating  the  individual  to-day,  and  both  elements  are 
carefully  considered  by  all  modern  writers  in  discussing 
educational  values. 

Thus  the  central  problem  in  education  of  the  twentieth 
and  succeeding  centuries  is  to  be  a  constant  reconstruc- 

1  The  Meaning  of  Education,  p.  15. 

2  My  Pedagogic  Creed,  pp.  6f . 

8  The  Educative  Process,  pp.  58ff. 


THE  EDUCATIONAL  OUTLOOK  403 

tion  of  the  curriculum  and  methods  of  teaching  so  as  to 
harmonize  a  due  regard  for  the  progressive  variations  of 
the  individual  with  the  welfare  of  the  conservative 
institutions  of  society,  and  a  continual  effort  to  hand  on 
the  intellectual  possessions  of  the  race,  but  also  to  stimu- 
late all  individuals  to  add  some  modification  or  new 
element  to  the  product.  In  this  way  the  succeeding 
centuries  may  prove  an  evolution  from  the  revolutionary 
eighteenth  and  may  reveal  unending  possibilities  for  the 
development  of  the  individual  and  society  through  an 
education  that  recognizes  both. 


INDEX 


ABC  of  Observation,  128,  130. 

Academician,  168. 

Addison,  40. 

Adler,  372. 

Agassiz,  322,  348. 

Agregation,  299. 

Agricultural  education,  368  f. 

Alcott,  152. 

American  Annals  of  Education,  168. 

American    Journal    of    Education, 

1 68. 
American   Sunday    School   Union, 

52- 
Annual  Reports,  of  Horace  Mann, 

i?i,  i?3,  175- 
Apperception,  200. 
Auchmuty,  362. 
Avogadro,  323. 
Ayres,  389. 

Bache,  168. 
Bacon,  302. 
Bagley,  392,  402. 
Baldwin,  391. 
Barnard,  151,  180  ff.,  258. 
Barnard's  American  Journal  of  Ed- 
ucation, 185. 

Basedow,  25  fT.,  35,  282,  398. 
Bell,  55. 
Bcntham,  303. 
Bichat,  323. 
Bigclow,  337. 
Blackstone,  303. 
Blochmann,  147. 


Blow,  Susan,  248,  249. 

Board  schools,  305  ff. 

Bolton,  392. 

Brahe,  321. 

Bray,  38,  43. 

British  and  Foreign  Society,  55,  58, 

302. 

Brooks,  151. 
Brougham,  303. 
Buchanan,  65. 
Budams,  292. 
Burgdorf,  127  ff. 
Burrowes,  261. 
Buss,  129,  133. 
Butler,  392,  402. 

Cahiers,  25. 

Calvinism,  81,  94,  104,  105. 

Campe,  28,  31. 

Carlyle,  i. 

Carter,  168  fT. 

Charity  schools,  37  ff.,  38,  40,  41  f. 

42,43  fT.,  47  f.,  50. 
Chavannes,  148,  150. 
Circulating  schools,  42,  50. 
Clinton,  61. 
Colburn,  151. 

College  of  William  and  Mary,  85. 
Columbia  University,  95. 
Combe,  332,  335,  344. 
Comenius,  30,  56,  224. 
Commercial  education,  364  ff. 
Concentration,  206,  218,  230. 
Condorcet,  293,  340. 


405 


406 


INDEX 


Connecticut  Common  School  Journal, 

182. 
Continuation  schools,  160,  281,  288, 

296,  358,  365- 
Copernicus,  321. 
Corderius,  292. 

Correlation,  206,  212,  218,  230. 
Courtis,  389. 
Cousin,  148,  341. 

Culture  epochs,  207,  212,  214,  229. 
Cuvier,  322. 
Cygnaeus,  244. 

Dalton,  323. 
Dana,  348. 

Dancing-master  education,  9  f.  n. 
Darwin,  322,  349,  390  f. 
Daunou,  294. 
De  Biran,  148. 
Defectives,  373  ff. 
De  Garmo,  217. 
"Delayed  maturing,"  22,  229. 
De  1'Epee,  376. 
Delinquents,  375  f. 
Denzel,  147. 

Dewey,  245,  378  ff.,  402. 
District  schools,  108. 
Divided  schools,  108. 
Dock,  100. 
r,  336- 


Eaton,  348. 

Ecoles  maternellcs,  63,  297. 

Edmondson  school,  160. 

Edwards,  264. 

Elemcntarwerk,  27,  29. 

Elementary  instruction,  45,  49,  58, 
63,  73,  81,  82  f.,  91,  95  f., 
99  f.,  105,  no,  205,  215,  216, 
218  f.,  275,  277  f.,  280,  286, 
288  ff.,  293,  295  ff.,  302,  304  ff., 


31 2  f.,  340,  341,  343,345,  346, 

351,  368.  369. 
Eliot,  333,  336,  398. 
Entile,  8  ff. 
Encyclopedists,  4. 

Fairchild,  372. 
Falloux,  295. 

Fellenberg,  20,  154  ff.,  250. 
Fichte,  146,  194,  227  f.  n. 
Field  school,  85. 
Forster,  305. 
Franklin,  100. 
Freeman,  389. 
Free  School  Society,  97. 
Frick,  215. 

Friends'  Public  School,  99. 
Froebel,  20,  24,  32, 146, 192,  220  ff., 
250  f.,  382,  398. 

Galileo,  321. 

Gallaudet,  167,  377. 

Galloway,  R.,  337. 

Galloway,  Samuel,  264. 

Gallon,  323. 

Gifts,  237  ff. 

Girls,  45,  157,  158,  298,  359,  360. 

Goethe,  221. 

Gouge,  38. 

Gravel  Lane  School,  42. 

Gray,  349. 

Greaves,  68. 

Griscom,  59,  151,  168. 

Grube,  151. 

Griiner,  146,  221. 

Guizot,  148,  295. 

Guyot,  151,  398. 

Hall,  G.  Stanley,  391. 
Hall,  Rev.  Samuel,  167. 
Halle,  338. 


INDEX 


407 


Hampden-Sydney  College,  100. 

Harris,  249. 

Hartlib,  302. 

Plarvey,  321. 

Haiiy,  377. 

Hawley,  97. 

Hecker,  282,  289,  338. 

Henfrey,  337. 

Herbart,  20,  24,  32,  193  ff.,  250  f., 

398. 

Hill,  V.  M.,  376. 
Hill,  S.  H.,  248. 
Hillegas,  389. 
Home  and  Colonial  School  Society, 

68. 

Howe,  377. 
Huddleston,  44. 
Hutton,  322. 

Huxley,  330  f.,  334,  336,  398. 
Hyde,  389. 

Industrial    training,    83,    85,    105, 
122,   155  ff.,  159,   i6off.,  297, 

357  ff- 
Infant  schools,  62  f.,  64  f.,  65  ff., 

67  f.,  69  f.,  71  f.,  72. 
Infant  School  Society^  71.         *--• 

Jackman,  218. 
Jefferson,  86  f.,  112,  271. 
Jones,  42. 
Joule,  324. 
Jullien,  148. 

Kant,  31. 
Kelvin,  324. 
Kepler,  321. 
Kerschensteiner,  359. 
Kindergarten,  223,    225  f.,    234  ff., 

245  ff. 
King's  College,  95. 


Kingsley,  167. 

Kraus-Bolte,  Mrs.  Maria,  248. 
Krause,  228  f.  n. 
Kriisi,  129,  133,  144. 

Lagrange,  322. 

Lamarck,  322. 

Lancaster,  54  ff. 

Lange,  215. 

Langethal,  222,  223,  227. 

Laplace,  322. 

Leuba,  389. 

Lewis,  264. 

License,  299. 

Liebig,  323,  338. 

Lister,  323. 

Locke,  4,  12,  30,  302. 

Lowe,  305. 

Lubbock,  391. 

Lyell,  322. 

McClure,  65,  70,  150. 

McMurry,  C.  A.,  217. 

McMurry,  F.  M.,  217. 

Major,  391. 

Malpighi,  321. 

Mandeville,  40. 

Maun,  152,  167,  170  ff.,  377. 

Marwedel,  Enrtna,-248. 

Mason,  152. 

Massachusetts      Common       School 

Journal,  171. 
Matthison,  28. 
Mayer,  324. 
Mayo,  68,  149. 
Mendel,  323. 
Mcthodcnbuch,  27. 
Meumann,  389. 

Middendorf,  222,  223,  227,  245. 
Mills,  264. 
Milton,  302. 


408 


INDEX 


Monitorial  system,  53  ff.,  59  ff.,  71, 

72,  101. 

Montaigne,  30. 
Montessori,  381  ff. 
Moral  training,  369  ff. 
Moravian  institutions,  100. 
Morf,  130. 
Morgan,  391. 
Morrill  Act,  349. 
Motor  expression,  21. 
Moving  school,  108. 
Miiller,  147. 
Mulcaster,  302. 

Naef,  132. 

Nageli,  135,  152. 

Napoleon,  341. 

National  Herbart  Society,  217. 

National  Society,  55,  58,  302. 

Neef,  65,  150. 

Neighborhood  schools,  100. 

Neolamarckians,  322. 

Neshaminy,  100. 

Neuhof,  121,  123,  136. 

New  Lanark,  64  f. 

Newlands,  324. 

Newton,  321,  342. 

Niederer,  129. 

Normal  schools,  167,  169,  172,  178, 
258,  260,  262,  263,  266,  280, 
286,  293,  295,  296,  312,  341. 

Novalis,  221. 

Oberlin,  62. 

Object-teaching,  21,  30. 
Observational  method,  127,  132  ff., 

136  ff.,  140,  157. 
Occupations,  237  ff. 
Olmstead,  167. 
Orbis  Piclus,  27. 
Ordinance  of  1787,  114. 


Oswego  movement,  251. 
Owen,  64  f.,  150,  303. 

Page,  152. 

Paget,  337. 

Parker,  151,  218,  245,  378  f.,  398. 

Part-time  trade  school,  363. 

Pasteur,  323. 

Peabody,  Elizabeth,  247  f. 

Peabody,  270. 

Pearson,  336. 

Penn  Charter  School,  99. 

Perez,  391. 

Permissive  laws,  86,  89,  102,  103, 

112,  116,  258,  262. 
Pestalozzi,  20,  24,  32,  121  ff.,  191  f., 

209,  242,  250  f.,  386,  398. 
Philanthropinum,  15  f.  n.,  25,  28. 
Pickett,  168. 
Pietism,  3,  401. 
Plamann,  145,  222. 
Preyer,  391. 

Primary  School  Committee,  70. 
Princeton,  100. 

Prussian-Pestalozzian  System,  145. 
Psychological    movement,    21,    24, 

143,  250,  352. 

Public  School  Society,  71,  98,  261. 
Puritanism,  3,  401. 

Quarterly  Register,  168. 

Raikes,  49. 

Ramus,  292. 

Ratich,  30. 

Realism,  2. 

Reformation,  2,  400. 

Rein,  208,  214  f.,  219. 

Religious    Education    Association 

372. 
Renaissance,  2,  400. 


INDEX 


409 


Rensselaer,  347  f.  n.,  349. 

Rhode  Island  School  Journal,  183. 

Kilter,  135,  151,  398. 

Robinson  Crusoe,  15,  214. 

Rochow,  von,  32,  282. 

Rogers,  349. 

Rolland,  293. 

Romanes,  391. 

Rosmini-Serbati,  193  f.  n. 

Rousseau,  4,  5  ff.,  8,  9,  19  ff.,  32, 

35,  120,  138,  242,  250,  397  ff. 
Royal  Lancasterian  Institution,  54. 
Russell,  150,  167,  168. 
Ryerson,  311. 

S.  P.  C.  K.,38ff.,  39,  302. 

S.  P.  G.,  43  ff.,  45  f.,  96,  100. 

Salle  d'hospitalit£,  63. 

Salomon,  244. 

Salzmann,  28,  31,  35,  398. 

Schelling,  194,  227  f.  n. 

Schiller,  221. 

Schlegels,  221. 

Srhmid,  133,  136. 

Schwann,  323. 

Scientific  movement,  21,  250,320  ff. 

Secondary  instruction,  45,  83  ff., 
89,  90,  91,  95,  99  f.,  105,  109, 
no,  205,  215,  216,  272,  275, 
277,  281,  286,  288  ff.,  293, 
297,  3°2,  3°8ff.,  312  f-,  339, 
340,  343,  344,  345,  349  f-,  3<>8, 
369- 

Seguin,  373  f. 

Self-activity,  231  f. 

Scmlcr,  338. 

Sheldon,  152. 

Sharp,  371. 

Shaw,  Mrs.  Q.  A.,  248. 

Shinn,  391. 

Smith,  Adam,  303. 


Social  movement,  20,  74,  143,  250, 

272,  352  f. 
Sophie,  16  ff. 

Spencer,  24,  326  ff.,  335  f.,  398. 
Stanz,  1 24  ff. 
Stern,  391. 
Stone,  389. 
Stow,  68. 
Stowe,  168. 
Stoy,  214. 
Sunday  schools,  49    f.,  51   ff.,  69, 

302. 
Superintendent  of  schools,   257  f., 

259,  260,   262,   263,  264,   265, 

269,312,314. 
Suzzallo,  389. 

Swiss  Family  Robinson,  28. 
Syllabaries,  125,  127. 

Table  of  units,   127;  of  fractions, 

133- 

Talleyrand,  294,  340. 

Teacher's  Guide  and  Parent's  Assist- 
ant, 168. 

Thorndikc,  389,  391. 

Tieck,  221. 

Tobler,  129. 

Trinity  Church  School,  44. 

Tiirck,  146. 

Tufts,  372. 

Tyndall,  323,  337. 

Union  College,  100. 

Virchow,  323. 

Voltaire,  4. 

Voluntary  schools,  305  ff. 

Von  Biilow,  Baroness,  226,  245  f. 

Von  Humboldt,  286. 

Von  Schuckman,  286. 


410  INDEX 

Wallace,  322.  Woodbridge,  151,  168. 

Wallin,  389.  Wyss,  28. 

Washington  and  Jefferson  College, 

VV  h*!*0'  Youmans,  332,  336,  398. 


wa  ' 

Weiss,  222.  Yverdon,  131  ff. 

Weissmann,  322. 

Whipple,  389. 

Whitbread,  303.  Zedlitz,  282  f.,  286. 

Wilderspin,  66  ff.  Zeller,  145,  146. 

Wilson,  389.  Ziller,  207,  208,  212,  213  f.,  216, 

Wolke,  28.  218. 


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